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Lenin’s Late-Career Socialist Civilization View and Its Major Value

田辉 孙来斌:列宁晚年社会主义文明观及其重大价值

· · Marxism Abroad · Tian Hui, School of Marxism, Wuhan University; Sun Laibin, School of Marxism, Peking University · Studies in Ideological Education, 2023, no. 1 · 25 min read

In the latter half of the 19th century, under the intense impact of capitalist modern civilization, the question of the path of Russia’s modern civilization became a theme of reflection for several generations of intellectuals. Owing to the particularities of its geography and culture, a long-standing debate between an Eastern-style path and a Western-style path existed in Russian history. From placing hopes in the developmental path of Western European capitalist civilization to shifting toward the village-commune socialist proposition that emphasized Russia’s particularity, Russian intellectuals underwent a tortuous spiritual journey. A group of intellectuals including Lenin “endured many hardships before finding Marxism, the only correct revolutionary theory” [1]1 Lenin, “Left-Wing” Communism, an Infantile Disorder, *Collected Works of Lenin*, vol. 39, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1986.6. In the course of criticizing erroneous trends of thought such as populism, Lenin pointed out for Russia the developmental direction of socialist modern civilization. To change the backward state of Russian civilization, Lenin, through the practice of socialist revolution and construction, initially found a feasible path for relatively economically and culturally backward countries to reach modern civilization via the socialist road. In his later years (roughly from the spring of 1921 onward), Lenin engaged in profound reflection on the question of socialist civilization. Although in his late-career writings he did not use the current terms “material civilization,” “political civilization,” or “cultural-ethical progress,” he repeatedly used the two concepts of “civilization” and “culture.” These two concepts are rich and complex in meaning, with various interpretations existing in academic circles; accurately grasping their meaning requires analysis based on specific contexts. Lenin’s concept of “civilization” roughly has the following meanings: first, from the perspective of historical comparison, “civilization” is understood as a more progressive, advanced, and developed stage of social development; second, from the perspective of production development, “civilization” is understood as all the positive achievements humanity has obtained in the practical process of understanding and transforming nature and society; third, in a general sense, “civilization” is understood as advanced and enlightened, as opposed to backward and barbaric, thereby indicating the degree of civilization. [2]2 See Sun Laishun, *Research on Lenin’s Late-Career Civilization Thought and Its Contemporary Value*, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2022.4-6 In the context of Lenin’s late-career writings, “culture” in a broad sense is synonymous with “civilization,” and in a narrow sense refers to all human spiritual activities and their products relative to the economy and politics. Lenin’s late-career reflections on the question of socialist civilization possess rich ideological content and major value.

19世纪后半叶,在资本主义现代文明的强烈冲击下,俄国现代文明的出路问题成为几代知识分子思考的主题。由于地域和文化的特殊性,俄国历史上长期存在着东方式道路与西方式道路的论争。从寄望于西欧资本主义文明发展道路转到强调俄国特殊性的村社社会主义主张,俄国知识分子经历了艰难跋涉的心路历程。列宁等一批知识分子“饱经苦难才找到了马克思主义这个唯一正确的革命理论”[1]6。列宁在对民粹派等错误思潮的批判过程中,为俄国指明了社会主义现代文明的发展方向。为改变俄国文明滞后的现状,列宁通过社会主义革命和建设的实践,初步找到了一条经济文化相对落后国家通过社会主义道路走向现代文明的可行道路。列宁在晚年(大致从1921年春算起)对社会主义文明问题进行了深邃的思考。他在晚年著作中虽然没有使用现在的“物质文明”“政治文明”“精神文明”等说法,但多次使用了“文明”和“文化”这两个概念。这两个概念含义丰富、复杂,学术界存在着各种不同的解释,准确把握其含义则需要根据具体的语境来分析。列宁的“文明”概念大致有如下几种含义:一是从历史比较的角度,把“文明”理解为更加进步的、先进的、发达的社会发展阶段;二是从生产发展的角度,把“文明”理解为人类在认识和改造自然、社会的实践过程中所取得的一切积极成果;三是从一般意义上,把“文明”理解为先进、开化而与落后野蛮相对立,从而表明文明的程度。[2]4-6在列宁晚年著作的语境中,“文化”在广义上与“文明”同义,在狭义上是指相对于经济、政治而言的人类全部精神活动及其产品。列宁晚年关于社会主义文明问题的思考,具有丰富的思想内容和重大的价值。

1. Creating the Precondition for Civilizational Development through “Seizing Power First, Then Building”

一、以“先夺权后建设”创造文明发展前提

After the October Revolution, Russia faced a contradiction between an advanced social system and a backward civilizational foundation. Could a relatively economically and culturally backward country embark on the socialist road before Western countries? In response to the censure from Sukhanov and others that Russia lacked the productive forces prerequisite for building socialism, Lenin, in his article “On Our Revolution,” combined the universality and particularity of the development of human civilization to profoundly elucidate the historical inevitability of Russia’s path of socialist civilizational development.

十月革命后,俄国面临着先进的社会制度与落后的文明基础之间的矛盾。经济文化相对落后国家究竟能不能先于西方国家走上社会主义道路?针对苏汉诺夫等人提出的所谓俄国不具备建设社会主义的生产力前提的责难,列宁在《论我国革命》一文中,结合人类文明发展的普遍性和特殊性,深刻阐明了俄国社会主义文明发展道路的历史必然性。

(1) “Seizing Power First, Then Building” Does Not Violate the Universality of Civilizational Development

(一)“先夺权后建设”并不违背文明发展的普遍性

According to the basic principles of Marxism, when productive forces develop to a certain degree, they demand the breaking of the fetters of the old relations of production, thereby fundamentally transforming the old superstructure. First, the occurrence of the October Revolution had historical inevitability. After the 1861 reform in Russia, capitalism developed rapidly, while the remnants of the tsarist autocracy and serfdom severely hindered the development of capitalist productive forces, urgently demanding a change in relations of production. The tsarist government’s constitutional monarchy reform ended in failure, and the bourgeois Provisional Government was weak and incompetent, unable to meet the demands of productive forces development. The special circumstances of the First World War provided a historical opportunity for the October Revolution. Lenin led the Russian workers and peasants to timely transform the democratic revolution into a socialist revolution, achieving victory in the October Revolution. Second, the occurrence of the October Revolution does not violate the universality of the development of human civilization. Viewed from the entire historical process of the development of human civilization, the succession of civilizational forms is not always uniform. Viewed from a certain stage of the development of human civilization, it often manifests phenomena of unevenness and interweaving. “Historically, there have been precedents where the replacement of slave society by feudal society, and of feudal society by capitalist society, began in underdeveloped places” [3]3 Wang Zhongchang, “On the Historical Inevitability of the October Revolution,” *Journal of Peking University (Philosophy and Social Sciences)*, 1987, no. 6.88. For example, China entered feudal society much earlier than Western Europe, but the historical development of capitalist civilization in China lagged behind Western Europe.

根据马克思主义基本原理,当生产力发展到一定程度时,就要求打破旧的生产关系的束缚,进而从根本上变革旧的上层建筑。一则,十月革命的发生具有历史必然性。俄国自1861年改革后资本主义快速发展,而沙皇专制制度和农奴制的残余严重阻碍了资本主义生产力的发展,迫切要求改变生产关系,沙皇政府的君主立宪改革以失败告终,资产阶级临时政府软弱无能,无法满足生产力发展的要求。第一次世界大战的特殊环境为十月革命的发生提供了历史的机遇,列宁带领俄国工农群众适时变民主革命为社会主义革命,取得了十月革命的胜利。二则,十月革命的发生并不违背人类文明发展的普遍性。从整个人类文明发展的历史进程来看,文明形态的更替并不总是整齐划一的。从人类文明发展的某个阶段来看,它往往会呈现参差不齐、相互交错的现象。“从历史上看,封建社会取代奴隶社会、资本主义社会取代封建主义社会,已有从不发达的地方开始的先例”[3]88。例如,中国进入封建社会比西欧早得多,但是资本主义文明在中国的历史发展却迟于西欧。

(2) Unique National Conditions Determine the Particularity of Civilizational Development

(二)独特的国情决定文明发展的特殊性

Russia, situated between Western civilized countries and the entire Eastern countries drawn into civilization, was a special semi-civilized country. Its unique national conditions caused Russia’s civilizational development to exhibit certain particularities. In the early 20th century, with the development of Russian monopoly capitalism, Russian industrial workers were more concentrated in some large cities and large factories. Most of them came from rural backgrounds, so they maintained close ties with the peasants. Having long suffered multiple forms of cruel oppression, they not only possessed a fine revolutionary tradition but also had very strong revolutionary demands. Most importantly, they had the correct leadership of a strong and capable Bolshevik Party. As Lenin said, “The general laws of world historical development do not in the least exclude the particularity of individual stages of development in their form or order; on the contrary, they presuppose it” [4]4 Lenin, “On Our Revolution,” *Selected Works of Lenin*, vol. 4, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012.374. Furthermore, when the subjective and objective conditions for revolution were relatively mature, Lenin’s view was that Russia could first obtain the political prerequisites needed for socialism, and then create the material and cultural conditions needed for socialism. This put forward the civilizational development idea of “seizing power first, then building.” By judging the cause of the Russian revolution solely from the factor of productive forces, Sukhanov and others committed the error of mechanical materialism. Although Marx and Engels emphasized the determining role of productive forces on relations of production, they also stated that the superstructure has a counteractive effect on the economic base, and that through revolution in the superstructure, relations of production could be transformed, thereby promoting the development of productive forces. Lenin also discussed the particularity of the social development path of other backward Eastern countries and emphasized: “In the countries of the East, which are incomparably more populous and have incomparably more complex social conditions, the coming revolution will undoubtedly exhibit even more particularity than the Russian revolution” [4]4 Lenin, “On Our Revolution,” *Selected Works of Lenin*, vol. 4, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012.376.

俄国介于西方文明国家和被卷入文明之列的整个东方各国之间,是一个特殊的半文明国家。独特的国情使得俄国的文明发展表现出某些特殊性。20世纪初,随着俄国垄断资本主义的发展,俄国产业工人更加集中在部分大城市和大工厂中,他们大多出身农村,所以与农民一直保持着紧密的联系。由于长期遭受多重的残酷压迫,他们不仅有着良好的革命传统,而且有着非常强烈的革命要求,最重要的是他们有一个坚强有力的布尔什维克党的正确领导。正如列宁所说,“世界历史发展的一般规律,不仅丝毫不排斥个别发展阶段在发展的形式或顺序上表现出特殊性,反而是以此为前提的”[4]374。此外,在革命的主客观条件相对成熟时,列宁的看法是俄国可以先获取社会主义所需要的政治前提,再创造社会主义所需要的物质文化条件。这就提出了“先夺权后建设”的文明发展思路。仅仅从生产力的因素来判定俄国革命发生的原因,苏汉诺夫等人犯了机械唯物论的错误。马克思恩格斯虽然强调生产力对生产关系的决定作用,但也说过上层建筑对经济基础具有反作用,可以通过上层建筑的革命变革生产关系,从而促进生产力的发展。列宁还论及了其他东方落后国家社会发展道路的特殊性,并强调:“在东方那些人口无比众多、社会情况无比复杂的国家里,今后的革命无疑会比俄国革命带有更多的特殊性”[4]376。

(3) The Urgency of Solving the Problem of Civilizational Development after the Revolution

(三)革命后解决文明发展问题的紧迫性

“A thorough social revolution is linked to definite historical conditions of economic development” [5]5 Engels, “On the Housing Question,” *Selected Works of Marx and Engels*, vol. 3, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012.338. First, socialist revolution and complete socialism are two different questions. The victory of the October Revolution at most created the political prerequisite for Russia’s civilizational development; it did not mean the completion of a “thorough social revolution.” Without a highly developed material and cultural prerequisite, socialism in Russia was merely utopian. Lenin confirmed that “to build socialism, civilization is needed” [4]4 Lenin, “On Our Revolution,” *Selected Works of Lenin*, vol. 4, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012.376. Second, socialism has different civilizational prerequisites at different stages of development. “The standard for the former prerequisite cannot be set too high, otherwise one would commit the ‘right’ error like Sukhanov, Kautsky, and others… while the standard for the latter prerequisite cannot be set too low, otherwise one would commit the ‘left’ error, mistakenly believing that socialism has been built when the economy is underdeveloped and civilization is insufficiently developed” [6]6 Sun Laishun, *Research on Lenin’s Late-Career Civilization Thought and Its Contemporary Value*, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2022.163. Finally, after the victory of the October Revolution, Lenin repeatedly emphasized shifting the focus of work to the economy and increasing labor productivity. The setback of War Communism made Lenin soberly realize that “either we forfeit all the political achievements gained by Soviet power, or we lay the economic foundation for these achievements” [7]7 Lenin, “Speech at the Plenary Session of the Moscow Soviet of Workers’ and Peasants’ Deputies,” *Collected Works of Lenin*, vol. 43, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1987.205. To solve this problem, besides appropriately adjusting relations of production, the most fundamental method was to accelerate the development of productive forces.

“彻底的社会革命是同经济发展的一定历史条件联系着的”[5]338。首先,社会主义革命和完全的社会主义是两个不同的问题。十月革命胜利至多是为俄国创造了文明发展的政治前提,并不意味着“彻底的社会革命”的完成。没有高度发达的物质文化前提,社会主义在俄国只是空想。列宁确认“为了建立社会主义就需要文明”[4]376。其次,社会主义在不同发展阶段有不同的文明前提。“对于前一种前提的标准不能提得过高,否则就会像苏汉诺夫、考茨基之流犯‘右’的错误,……而对于后一种前提的标准不能要求过低,否则会犯‘左’的错误,妄图在经济不发达、文明发展不充分的情况下,就认为已建成社会主义了”[6]163。最后,十月革命胜利后,列宁多次强调要将工作重心转向经济,提高劳动生产率。战时共产主义的受挫,使列宁清醒地认识到,“或者是断送苏维埃政权所取得的一切政治成果,或者是为这些成果奠定经济基础”[7]205。为了解决这个难题,除了适当调整生产关系外,最根本的办法就是加快发展生产力。

2. Approaching Socialist Civilization through a Circuitous Path

二、以迂回的路径走向社会主义文明

After the failure of the War Communism policy, Lenin in his later years gained a deeper understanding of the problem of civilizational backwardness and frankly admitted: “We have not even completed building the foundation of the socialist economy” [7]7 Lenin, “Speech at the Plenary Session of the Moscow Soviet of Workers’ and Peasants’ Deputies,” *Collected Works of Lenin*, vol. 43, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1987.461. Lenin paid more attention to the basic national condition of a backward small-peasant country and tirelessly explored a new path for the development of Russian socialist civilization.

历经战时共产主义政策失利以后,列宁晚年对文明滞后的问题有了更为深刻的认识,并坦率地承认:“我们连社会主义经济的基础也没有建设完成”[7]461。列宁更加关注落后的小农国家这一基本国情,不懈探索俄国社会主义文明发展的新路。

(1) The Arduous Course of Exploring the Transition Path

(一)过渡道路探索的艰难历程

Lenin compared the entire work of the Communist Party to “a promotion examination from the third grade to the fourth grade”[8]8 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, Vol. 43. This and subsequent citations refer to the Chinese edition of Lenin’s works. The “promotion examination” metaphor refers to the Bolsheviks’ struggle to master the practical tasks of economic construction after seizing power.290, and believed that Russia would surely graduate smoothly from this school. He made a dialectical assessment of the policy of War Communism. On the one hand, War Communism was an emergency measure that rendered “limited” service in consolidating Soviet power; on the other hand, this policy did not suit Russia’s national conditions, causing serious peasant discontent and even leading to the Kronstadt mutiny. Lenin frankly admitted: “Reality has shown us that we were wrong.”[7]7 Lenin, “Speech at the Plenary Session of the Moscow Soviet of Workers’ and Peasants’ Deputies,” *Collected Works of Lenin*, vol. 43, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1987.187 Consequently, Lenin promptly implemented the New Economic Policy, and the exploration of a roundabout path underwent two retreats: from March to October 1921, Russia’s economic policy made its first retreat, retreating to state capitalism and commodity exchange; from October 1921 to March 1922, Russia’s economic policy carried out a second retreat, “from state capitalism to state regulation of buying and selling and monetary circulation.”[7]7 Lenin, “Speech at the Plenary Session of the Moscow Soviet of Workers’ and Peasants’ Deputies,” *Collected Works of Lenin*, vol. 43, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1987.239 The implementation of the New Economic Policy initially alleviated the crisis in Russia’s economy and social development, proving to be a path verified as correct by practice; from the end of 1922 to March 1923, in his “political testament,” Lenin considered how to implement political reform and cultural revolution while carrying out the New Economic Policy, and to grasp a development strategy that coordinated all three as a whole. In his final conception, Lenin broke through the traditional theoretical framework and systematically elaborated a plan for a roundabout and gradual path.

列宁将共产党的全部工作比作“从三年级到四年级的升级考试”[8]290,认为俄国一定能从这个学校顺利毕业。他对战时共产主义政策作出了辩证的评价。一方面,战时共产主义政策是一种应激措施,为苏维埃政权的巩固立下了“有限”的功劳;另一方面,这种政策不符合俄国的国情,农民对此严重不满,甚至造成喀琅施塔得水兵的叛乱。列宁坦率地承认:“现实生活说明我们错了”[7]187。于是,列宁及时实施新经济政策,迂回路径的探索经历了两次退却:1921年3月至10月,俄国经济政策选择第一次退却,退到国家资本主义和商品交换;1921年10月至1922年3月,俄国经济政策实行第二次退却,“从国家资本主义转到由国家调节买卖和货币流通”[7]239。新经济政策的实施初步缓解了俄国经济和社会发展的危机,是一条经实践检验正确的道路;1922年末至1923年3月,在“晚年遗嘱”中,列宁思考在实行新经济政策的同时,如何实行政治改革和文化革命,并把握三者整体协调的发展战略。列宁在最后的构想中突破了传统理论框架,比较系统地阐发了迂回渐进的道路设想。

(II) The Great Innovation of the Roundabout Path

(二)迂回道路的伟大创举

Through the practice of real socialism, Lenin broke through Marx and Engels’ theory of the transition to socialism. Adapting to the situation and blazing a new trail, he put forward the unique insight of transitioning to socialism via a roundabout path. First, this path was one shifting from direct transition to indirect transition. At that time, Russia lacked both the material base for developing large-scale socialist industry and the support of the proletariat from the developed Western countries. Faced with harsh reality, Lenin had to admit that “a direct transition to purely socialist forms and purely socialist distribution is beyond our capabilities.”[4]4 Lenin, “On Our Revolution,” *Selected Works of Lenin*, vol. 4, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012.282 Therefore, for Russia to build socialism, it had to compromise with the peasants, first develop agriculture and the small-commodity economy, lay the material foundation for developing machine-based large-scale industry, and use intermediate links to transition indirectly to socialism. Second, this path was one shifting from revolution to reform. The policy of War Communism essentially adopted revolutionary methods, attempting to directly destroy the old production structure through orders from the proletarian state and replace it with a new one. The New Economic Policy, by contrast, was an adjustment to the already implemented socialist policies, a reform that gradually transitioned toward socialism. Lenin profoundly recognized: “For a genuine revolutionary, the greatest danger, perhaps even the only danger, is to exaggerate the role of revolution.”[7]7 Lenin, “Speech at the Plenary Session of the Moscow Soviet of Workers’ and Peasants’ Deputies,” *Collected Works of Lenin*, vol. 43, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1987.257 Hence Lenin applied the emergency brake and turned onto the path of reform. Finally, this path was one shifting from advance to retreat. The New Economic Policy was a policy of shifting from offense to retreat, but this was a strategic retreat—a measured, principled retreat that would in due course turn into a strategic counteroffensive.

通过现实社会主义的实践,列宁突破了马克思恩格斯的社会主义过渡理论。他顺应形势,另辟蹊径,提出了通过迂回的道路向社会主义过渡的独到见解。首先,这条道路是从直接过渡转向间接过渡的道路。当时的俄国既不具备发展社会主义大工业的物质基础条件,又得不到西方发达国家无产阶级的支援。面对残酷的现实,列宁不得不承认,“向纯社会主义形式和纯社会主义分配直接过渡,是我们力所不及的”[4]282。因此,俄国要想建设社会主义,必须与农民妥协,先发展农业和小商品经济,为发展机器大工业奠定物质基础,利用中间环节间接地过渡到社会主义。其次,这条道路是从革命转向改革的道路。战时共产主义政策实际上是采用革命的办法,企图用无产阶级国家下命令的方式直接破坏旧的生产结构,而代之以新的生产结构。新经济政策则是对已经实施的社会主义政策的调整,是渐进地向社会主义过渡的改革。列宁深刻认识到:“对于一个真正的革命者来说,最大的危险,甚至也许是唯一的危险,就是夸大革命作用”[7]257。于是列宁紧急刹车,转到改革的道路上来。最后,这条道路是从前进转向退却的道路。新经济政策是从进攻转向退却的政策,但这是战略性的退却,是适度的、有原则的、适时将转入战略反攻的退却。

(III) The Long-Term Nature of Socialist Civilizational Development

(三)社会主义文明发展的长期性

Lenin pointed out that “there is no force in the world capable of saving capitalism from collapse, of preventing the working class from defeating the bourgeoisie.”[7]7 Lenin, “Speech at the Plenary Session of the Moscow Soviet of Workers’ and Peasants’ Deputies,” *Collected Works of Lenin*, vol. 43, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1987.83 Lenin recognized even more deeply that turning “a semi-Asian country into a truly civilized, socialist country”[4]4 Lenin, “On Our Revolution,” *Selected Works of Lenin*, vol. 4, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012.155 would be a long road full of difficulties and dangers. First, the restoration of Russia’s industrial production faced numerous obstacles, making the road of socialist construction a long-term process. An advanced level of industrial development was a necessary condition for achieving “complete” socialism, but after the devastation of internal and external wars, Russia’s productive forces had severely regressed; there was a lack of grain and fuel for developing large-scale industry, and a shortage of funds for building heavy industry. “Thus there remains only an exceptionally difficult and long road.”[4]4 Lenin, “On Our Revolution,” *Selected Works of Lenin*, vol. 4, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012.215 Second, Russia’s overall level of civilization was backward, so its road of transition to socialism would be a long-term process. Building socialism required civilization, but at that time Russia’s cultural and material foundations were both very weak; whether learning to participate in cooperatives in a civilized manner or learning to do business in the Western European style would take a very long time. After the victory of the revolution, although Russia had broken the military encirclement, it still faced an economic blockade by the capitalist powers. Lenin pointed out that “the capitalist powers of Western Europe, half consciously and half spontaneously, do everything possible to throw us back to our former level.”[4]4 Lenin, “On Our Revolution,” *Selected Works of Lenin*, vol. 4, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012.392 Finally, socialism was a new thing without precedent, and the exploration of the laws of socialist development would be a long-term process. Lenin pointed out that socialism was still in the stage of blazing a trail, “where there are neither vehicles nor roads, nothing at all, nothing that has been tested and proven!”[7]7 Lenin, “Speech at the Plenary Session of the Moscow Soviet of Workers’ and Peasants’ Deputies,” *Collected Works of Lenin*, vol. 43, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1987.459 Lenin believed it was normal for the Soviet regime to “do foolish things,”[4]4 Lenin, “On Our Revolution,” *Selected Works of Lenin*, vol. 4, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012.289 because we were backward. For this reason, Russia had to pay the price for its backwardness and weakness; the learning phase required “paying tuition.”

列宁指出,“世界上没有一种力量能够挽救资本主义免于崩溃,能够阻挡工人阶级战胜资产阶级”[7]83。列宁更深刻地认识到,要“把半亚洲式的国家真正变成文明的、社会主义的国家”[4]155,将是一条漫长而充满艰难险阻的道路。首先,俄国工业生产的恢复困难重重,社会主义建设之路将是长期的过程。先进的工业发展水平是实现“完全的”社会主义的必要条件,可是俄国经过内外战争的摧残,生产力发展严重倒退,发展大工业的粮食和燃料缺乏,建设重工业的资金缺乏,“于是就剩下一条异常困难而漫长的道路”[4]215。其次,俄国整体文明状况落后,其社会主义过渡之路将是长期的过程。建立社会主义就需要文明,而当时的俄国无论文化基础还是物质基础都是非常薄弱的;无论是学会文明地参加合作社还是学会西欧式地经商,都需要很长的时间。革命胜利后,俄国虽然解除了军事包围,但仍处在资本主义列强的经济封锁中,列宁指出,“西欧资本主义列强半自觉半自发地尽一切可能把我们抛回到过去的水平”[4]392。最后,社会主义是前无古人的新事物,对社会主义发展规律的探索将是长期的过程。列宁指出,社会主义尚处在开辟道路的阶段,“在这里既没有车辆,也没有道路,什么也没有,根本没有什么早经试验合格的东西!”[7]459列宁认为苏维埃政权“干蠢事”[4]289很正常,因为我们落后。为此,俄国必须为落后和贫弱付出代价,学习阶段就要“交学费”。

III. Surpassing Capitalist Civilization by Means of Utilizing It

三、以利用的办法超越资本主义文明

Socialism cannot exist apart from the main road of the development of human civilization. Lenin pointed out: “We cannot conceive of any socialism other than one based on all the lessons learned from the enormous capitalist culture.”[9]9 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, Vol. 34.252

社会主义是不能脱离人类文明发展的大道而存在的。列宁指出:“我们不能设想,除了建立在庞大的资本主义文化所获得的一切经验教训的基础上的社会主义,还有别的什么社会主义”[9]252。

(I) The Necessity of Utilizing Capitalism

(一)利用资本主义的必要性

First, this is determined by the objective laws of the development of human civilization. Marx said: “Men make their own history, but they do not make it just as they please; they do not make it under circumstances chosen by themselves, but under circumstances directly encountered, given and transmitted from the past.”[10]10 Karl Marx, *The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte*.669 The development of human civilization is a process of continuity. Socialism is born out of capitalist society and is established and developed on the basis of sublating capitalism; therefore, the two cannot be absolutely opposed. Second, this is determined by the objective requirements of developing socialism. Socialism is the replacement and transcendence of capitalism; it can only be built on the material foundation of modernized, socialized large-scale production. It is necessary to make full use of the highly developed material achievements created by capitalism to build socialism. Lenin believed that the proletariat should abandon the “psychology of a Central African inhabitant.”[9]9 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, Vol. 34.252 Although Russia would pay a certain price in the process of utilizing capitalism, it would also achieve corresponding development. Finally, this is determined by the actual state of capitalist development in Russia. In Russia at that time, prohibiting and blocking the development of capitalism would be tantamount to “suicide.”[11]11 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, Vol. 41.210 At that time, peasants accounted for about 80% of the country’s total population; the relationship with the peasants determined the stability of the Soviet worker-peasant regime, and only by establishing an economic alliance with the peasants could the final victory of socialism be achieved. Under these real conditions, capitalism had a progressive character relative to the small-peasant economy. In addition, it was necessary to open up to the outside world, implement the concession system, attract foreign capital, and develop foreign trade.

首先,这是由人类文明发展的客观规律决定的。马克思说:“人们自己创造自己的历史,但是他们并不是随心所欲地创造,并不是在他们自己选定的条件下创造,而是在直接碰到的、既定的、从过去承继下来的条件下创造”[10]669。人类文明的发展是前后相继的过程。社会主义脱胎于资本主义社会,是在扬弃资本主义的基础上建立和发展起来的,因此不能将二者绝对地对立起来。其次,这是由发展社会主义的客观要求决定的。社会主义是对资本主义的替代和超越,它只能建立在现代化的社会化大生产的物质基础上。必须充分利用资本主义创造的高度发达的物质成果来建设社会主义。列宁认为无产阶级要放弃“中非洲居民的心理”[9]252,虽然俄国在利用资本主义的过程中要付出一定的代价,但也会得到相应的发展。最后,这是由俄国资本主义发展的现实状况决定的。在当时的俄国,禁止和堵塞资本主义发展无异于“自杀”[11]210。当时农民占了全国总人口的80%左右,与农民的关系决定着苏维埃工农政权的稳固性,只有与农民建立经济联盟才能取得社会主义的最终胜利。在这种现实条件下,资本主义相对于小农经济具有进步性。此外,还要对外开放,实施租让制,吸引外资,发展对外贸易。

(II) The Main Channels for Utilizing Capitalism

(二)利用资本主义的主要途径

Faced with doubts and misgivings within the proletarian party about the New Economic Policy, Lenin stressed that there was no need to fear capitalism; the key lay in “learning to make use of” capitalism. First, Lenin advocated using state capitalism as an intermediate ladder to develop the socialist economy. On the basis of Marxist theory and through an analysis of Russia’s economic structure, he profoundly expounded the importance and necessity of utilizing state capitalism during the transition to socialism. In *On the Tax in Kind*, he systematically set out the main forms of state capitalism: the concession system, the cooperative system, the commission-agent system, the leasing system, and so on. Lenin argued that the unavoidable development of capitalism should be channeled into state capitalism, so that internally it could consolidate the worker-peasant economic alliance and supervise and overcome petty-bourgeois forces, while externally it could introduce capital and technology through the concession system. Second, he stressed the need to make use of advanced capitalist management experience, science and technology, and organizational forms. Lenin opposed subjective fabrication and advocated learning from large-scale capitalist production organizations such as syndicates in order to build the socialist economic base. He particularly affirmed modern capitalist management experience, repeatedly emphasizing that “the study and teaching of the Taylor system, and its systematic trial and adoption, should be organized in Russia.”[9]9 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, Vol. 34.171 Lenin also encouraged learning science and technology from the bourgeoisie, for only advanced science and technology could propel the rapid development of the socialist economy. Finally, Lenin stressed the need to make use of bourgeois experts and managerial personnel. Bourgeois experts possessed modern science and technology and production management experience, which had driven the development of capitalist productive forces. Since Russia had not yet trained its own cadres, it was necessary to absorb and utilize bourgeois experts to serve socialism. Lenin adopted the principle of flexible transformation and education toward bourgeois experts and personnel, granting them corresponding class status politically, paying them generously economically, and entrusting them with responsibility in their work.

面对无产阶级政党内部对新经济政策的质疑和担忧,列宁强调不要害怕资本主义,关键在于“学会利用”资本主义。首先,列宁主张利用国家资本主义作为中间阶梯来发展社会主义经济。列宁在马克思主义理论的基础上,通过对俄国经济结构的分析,深刻阐述了向社会主义过渡时期利用国家资本主义的重要性和必要性。他在《论粮食税》中系统阐述了国家资本主义的几种主要形式:租让制、合作制、代销制、租赁制等,列宁主张把不可避免的资本主义发展引导到国家资本主义,这样对内可以巩固工农经济联盟,监督和战胜小资产阶级势力;对外可以通过租让制引进资金和技术。其次,他强调要利用资本主义先进的管理经验、科学技术和组织形式等。列宁反对搞主观臆造,主张借鉴资本主义辛迪加等大生产组织形式来建立社会主义经济基础。列宁特别肯定资本主义现代管理经验,反复强调“应该在俄国组织对泰罗制的研究和传授,有系统地试行这种制度并使之适用”[9]171。列宁还鼓励从资产阶级那里学习科学和技术,只有先进的科学技术才能推进社会主义经济快速发展。最后,列宁还强调要利用资产阶级专家和管理人才。资产阶级专家掌握着现代科学技术和生产管理经验,推动了资本主义生产力的发展。而俄国当时还没有培养起自己的人才,因此只有吸收利用资产阶级的专家人才为社会主义服务。列宁对资产阶级的专家和人才采用了柔性改造和教育的原则,在政治上给予他们相应的阶层地位,在经济上给他们丰厚报酬,同时在工作上给予信任。

(III) The Principal Means of Controlling Capitalism

(三)控制资本主义的主要手段

Lenin not only attached great importance to the necessity of utilizing capitalism, but also remained constantly vigilant about the dangers that capitalist development posed to society, focusing on controlling and supervising it so that it developed in a direction favorable to socialism. First, he used two levers to control capitalism: the political lever and economic levers such as taxation and prices. The regulatory role of the legal system was brought into play, and all lawbreakers and criminals were severely combated. Those guilty of tax evasion, price gouging, and other illegal acts were subjected to multiplied penalties. Second, strict state statistics and supervision were implemented. Capitalist development under the dictatorship of the proletariat had to be kept within appropriate limits and placed “under the state’s supervision and control.”[8]8 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, Vol. 43. This and subsequent citations refer to the Chinese edition of Lenin’s works. The “promotion examination” metaphor refers to the Bolsheviks’ struggle to master the practical tasks of economic construction after seizing power.150-151 Without statistics and supervision, control was an empty phrase. In addition, the scope and extent of capitalist activity had to be strictly controlled, so that it became “law-abiding”[7]7 Lenin, “Speech at the Plenary Session of the Moscow Soviet of Workers’ and Peasants’ Deputies,” *Collected Works of Lenin*, vol. 43, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1987.439 capitalism. Third, utilizing capitalism was the means, while surpassing capitalism was the goal. The New Economic Policy was a competition with capitalism, and its ultimate purpose was to serve the development of socialist civilization; this was a strategy and a tactic. Only by surpassing capitalist countries in economic strength and enabling the people to truly recognize in their economic life that socialist life was better than capitalist life could final victory be achieved.

列宁不仅高度重视利用资本主义的必要性,而且始终高度警惕资本主义的发展给社会所带来的危险,注重对它的控制和监督,使它朝着有利于社会主义的方向发展。一是利用两大杠杆对资本主义加以控制。两大杠杆即政治杠杆和税收、价格等经济杠杆。发挥法制的规范作用,严厉打击一切违法犯罪分子。对逃税漏税、哄抬物价等违法犯罪分子进行加倍制裁。二是实行严格的国家统计和监督。无产阶级专政下的资本主义发展要适度,必须将它置于“国家的监督和控制之下”[8]150-151。离开了统计和监督,控制就是一句空话。除此之外,还要严格控制资本主义活动的范围和程度,让他们成为“循规蹈矩”[7]439的资本主义。三是利用资本主义是手段,超越资本主义才是目的。新经济政策是一场与资本主义的竞赛,其最终目的是为社会主义的文明发展服务的,这是一种战略和策略;只有在经济实力上超越资本主义国家,使人民在经济生活中真正认识到社会主义生活比资本主义生活好,才能获得最终胜利。

IV. Outlining the Prospects for the Development of Russian Socialist Civilization with a New Conception

四、以崭新的构想勾勒俄国社会主义文明发展前景

In the five works of his “political testament,” Lenin summed up the experience of more than five years of developing socialist civilization in Russia and put forward a comprehensive and innovative conception of civilizational development — “developing the commodity economy, building a new type of democracy, and implementing a cultural revolution” — outlining the prospects for the development of Russian socialist civilization.

列宁在“政治遗嘱”的5篇著作中,对5年多来俄国社会主义文明的发展经验进行总结,提出了“发展商品经济、建设新型民主、实施文化革命”的综合创新的文明发展构想,勾勒了俄国社会主义文明发展前景。

(I) Utilizing Commodity-Money Relations to Build the Economic Base

(一)利用商品货币关系建设经济基础

In his later years, Lenin pioneered an entirely new path of economic development, namely, the planned utilization of commodity-money relations. Specific measures included the following. First, the implementation of a nationwide electrification plan. Large-scale machine industry was the sole economic base of socialism, and to modernize industry, it was necessary to make the transition to electrification. Lenin convened experts to draw up a nationwide electrification plan, proposing the construction of small power stations in the countryside and the introduction of electrification and socialized production in agriculture. To this end, Lenin declared: “From the peasant, muzhik, impoverished horse, from the horse of a peasant country that relies on economizing, we must mount the horse that the proletariat seeks and cannot but seek — the horse of large-scale machine industry, electrification, the Volkhov hydroelectric station, and so on.”[4]4 Lenin, “On Our Revolution,” *Selected Works of Lenin*, vol. 4, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012.396 Second, the utilization of commodity-money relations to develop the socialist economy. Lenin understood that until large-scale production had achieved complete victory and been restored, small-scale peasant farming, small-scale production, and petty commodity production would still predominate in the economy. “We must strive to satisfy the demands of the peasants,”[8]8 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, Vol. 43. This and subsequent citations refer to the Chinese edition of Lenin’s works. The “promotion examination” metaphor refers to the Bolsheviks’ struggle to master the practical tasks of economic construction after seizing power.53 and permit free trade. Commerce was precisely “the link that must be grasped with all our might.”[7]7 Lenin, “Speech at the Plenary Session of the Moscow Soviet of Workers’ and Peasants’ Deputies,” *Collected Works of Lenin*, vol. 43, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1987.259 Commodity production should be actively developed, and commodity-money relations should be utilized in a planned way. To this end, Lenin called on Communists to learn to manage the economy and to learn “civilized commerce.” Third, the establishment of civilized cooperatives. In his later years, Lenin put forward an entirely new proposition: “The system of civilized cooperators is the system of socialism.”[4]4 Lenin, “On Our Revolution,” *Selected Works of Lenin*, vol. 4, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012.369 Through cooperatives, a method more acceptable to the peasants, the proletariat could form an alliance with millions of small peasants and achieve the transition to the new system.

列宁晚年开创了一条全新的经济发展道路,就是有计划地利用商品货币关系。具体包括以下措施:一是实施全国电气化计划。大机器工业是社会主义唯一的经济基础,而要使工业现代化,就要向电气化过渡。列宁召集专家制定了全国电气化计划,提出在农村建小型电站,在农业中推行电气化、社会化生产。为此,列宁提出:“从农民的、庄稼汉的、穷苦的马上,从指靠破产的农民国家实行节约的马上,跨到无产阶级所寻求的而且不能不寻求的马上,跨到大机器工业、电气化、沃尔霍夫水电站工程等等的马上”[4]396。二是利用商品货币关系发展社会主义经济。列宁明白,在大生产彻底胜利和恢复以前,小农、小生产、小商品将仍然在经济中占优势,“我们应当努力满足农民的要求”[8]53,允许自由贸易。商业正是“必须全力抓住的环节”[7]259,应积极发展商品生产,有计划地利用商品货币关系。为此,列宁号召共产党人要学会管理经济,学会“文明经商”。三是建立文明的合作社。列宁晚年提出了一个全新的命题:“文明的合作社工作者的制度就是社会主义的制度”[4]369。通过合作社这个农民比较容易接受的方法,无产阶级可以与千百万小农结成联盟,实现向新制度的过渡。

(II) Innovating the State System to Build a New Type of Democratic Politics

(二)创新国家制度以建设新型民主政治

According to the unique path of development that Lenin had explored, after establishing Soviet power, Russia was bound to give full play to the leverage of the advanced political system in order to promote the development of the economic base. Lenin attached great importance to reforming the political system and explored a unique path for the development of a new type of democracy in a small-peasant country. Specific measures included the following. First, reforming the state apparatus and overcoming bureaucracy. Lenin regarded the reform of the state apparatus as one of the epoch-making tasks, holding that thoroughly reforming the entire state apparatus was the fundamental guarantee for overcoming bureaucracy. Bureaucracy in Russia was long-standing and deeply rooted, making it difficult to eradicate. Under the prevailing economic and cultural conditions, it was impossible to eliminate it completely by simple and quick methods; only a chronic therapy could reduce it. This required a whole set of effective measures: streamlining institutions, increasing efficiency, practicing strict economy and eliminating waste, valuing personnel and selecting them at every level, and conducting strict assessments with clear rewards and punishments. Second, strengthening the democratization of inner-Party life and perfecting democratic centralism. Realizing the Party’s own reform was the driving force and source for advancing the process of new-type democratization. To prevent the concentration of power in one person and a split in the Party, Lenin began by reforming the Central Committee, bringing dozens of ordinary workers and peasants into its membership; preventing and avoiding the cult of personality by placing leading cadres under the supervision of the entire Party; and granting the State Planning Commission legislative functions, implementing the Party’s principle of respecting knowledge and talent. Third, strengthening the people’s right of supervision and developing a new type of socialist democracy. Lenin believed that “the Soviet system is the highest type of democracy, enjoyed by the workers and peasants,”[7]7 Lenin, “Speech at the Plenary Session of the Moscow Soviet of Workers’ and Peasants’ Deputies,” *Collected Works of Lenin*, vol. 43, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1987.183 theoretically a higher type of democracy than bourgeois democracy. In practice, however, the Soviet institutions suffered from formalism and other problems. Lenin never avoided problems, pointing out that “in theory, the Soviet institutions are open to all working people, but in practice, far from everyone can participate.”[11]11 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, Vol. 41.150 Faced with the predicament that the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspectorate existed in name only and the masses were helpless, Lenin set about fundamentally reforming the work of people’s supervision, proposing measures such as bringing large numbers of ordinary workers and peasants into the Central Control Commission and raising the powers of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspectorate.

按照列宁探索出的独特发展道路,俄国在建立苏维埃政权后必然要充分发挥先进政治制度的杠杆作用,促进经济基础的发展。列宁高度重视政治制度改革,探索新型民主在小农国家发展的独特道路。具体措施如下:一是改造国家机关,克服官僚主义。列宁将改造国家机关作为划时代的任务之一,认为彻底改造整个国家机关是克服官僚主义的根本保证。俄国官僚主义的存在具有长期性和劣根性,难以根治。在当时的经济文化条件下,想用简单快捷的方法彻底消灭它是不可能的,只能用慢性疗法减少它,为此需要一整套富有成效的方案:精简机构、提高效率,厉行节约、杜绝浪费,珍视人才、层层选拔,严格考核、奖惩严明等。二是加强党内生活民主化,健全民主集中制。实现党自身的改革是推进新型民主化进程的动力和源泉。为防止个人专权和党的分裂,列宁从改造中央委员会着手,吸收几十名普通工农群众加入中央委员会;防止和避免个人崇拜,将领导干部置于全党监督之下;赋予国家计划委员会以立法职能,贯彻党尊重知识和人才的原则。三是强化人民监督权,发展社会主义新型民主。列宁认为:“苏维埃制度是供工人和农民享受的最高限度的民主制”[7]183,从理论上讲是比资产阶级民主更高类型的民主,而实际上苏维埃机构存在着形式主义等问题。列宁从不回避问题,指出:“说起来苏维埃机构是全体劳动者都可以参加的,做起来却远不是人人都能参加”[11]150。面对工农检察院形同虚设、人民群众束手无策的困境,列宁着手从根本上改造人民监督工作,提出吸收大量普通工农群众加入中央监察委员会、提高工农检察院权限等措施。

(III) Implementing a Cultural Revolution to Strengthen Cultural Development

(三)实施文化革命以加强文化建设

After the implementation of the New Economic Policy, the economic situation improved. To create a new type of socialist civilization, a cultural revolution was necessary. “Now, as long as we achieve this cultural revolution, our country can become a completely socialist country.”[4]4 Lenin, “On Our Revolution,” *Selected Works of Lenin*, vol. 4, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012.372 To this end, the following measures had to be taken: First, eliminate illiteracy to cast off the semi-Asian state of uncivilization. Lenin regarded national literacy as “a general political issue”[4]4 Lenin, “On Our Revolution,” *Selected Works of Lenin*, vol. 4, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012.362 and launched a literacy campaign in Russia; increased investment in national education funding, giving priority to meeting the expenditure needs of national education; elevated the status of national teachers, effectively improving their material living conditions, so that teachers would “transform from a pillar of the bourgeois system into a pillar of the Soviet system”[4]4 Lenin, “On Our Revolution,” *Selected Works of Lenin*, vol. 4, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012.362; and carried out cultural and educational work among the peasants. Second, actively absorb the fruits of civilization of all humanity. Lenin opposed the cultural nihilism of Bogdanov and others, pointing out: “Proletarian culture must be the logical development of the sum total of knowledge accumulated by mankind under the oppression of capitalist society, landlord society, and bureaucratic society.”[1]1 Lenin, “Left-Wing” Communism, an Infantile Disorder, *Collected Works of Lenin*, vol. 39, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1986.334 He simultaneously emphasized that the fruits of human civilization should be innovated upon on the basis of critical inheritance, “to be good at selecting from the old school what is necessary for communism.”[1]1 Lenin, “Left-Wing” Communism, an Infantile Disorder, *Collected Works of Lenin*, vol. 39, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1986.333 Third, raise the cultural level of the proletariat and its vanguard. Lenin demanded that office workers diligently study knowledge, improve their professional competence, and enhance their management capabilities. Therefore, in his article “Better Fewer, but Better,” Lenin proposed: “To renovate our state apparatus, we must set ourselves the following task: first, to study; second, to study; and third, to study still more.”[4]4 Lenin, “On Our Revolution,” *Selected Works of Lenin*, vol. 4, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012.384 Lenin believed the focus was on improving the work efficiency of the state apparatus and on filling it with genuinely outstanding talents.

新经济政策实施后经济形势好转,要想造就社会主义新型文明,必须来一场文化革命。“现在,只要实现了这个文化革命,我们的国家就能成为完全社会主义的国家了”[4]372。为此,必须采取如下措施:一是扫除文盲以摆脱半亚洲的不文明状态。列宁将国民识字视为“一般的政治问题”[4]362,在俄国开展扫盲运动;增加国民教育经费的投入,优先满足国民教育的开支;提升国民教师地位,切实改善他们的物质生活条件,使教师“从资产阶级制度的支柱变成苏维埃制度的支柱”[4]362;对农民开展文化教育工作。二是积极汲取全人类的文明成果。列宁反对波格丹诺夫等人的文化虚无主义,指出:“无产阶级文化应当是人类在资本主义社会、地主社会和官僚社会压迫下创造出来的全部知识合乎规律的发展”[1]334。他同时强调对待人类文明成果要在批判继承的基础上加以创新,“要善于从旧学校中挑选出共产主义所必需的东西”[1]333。三是提升无产阶级及其先锋队的文化素养。列宁要求机关工作者努力学习知识,提升业务素质和管理能力。因此列宁在《宁肯少些,但要好些》一文中提出:“为了革新我们的国家机关,我们一定要给自己提出这样的任务:第一是学习,第二是学习,第三还是学习”[4]384。列宁认为重点在提高国家机关的工作效率,要把那些真正的优秀人才充实到国家机关中来。

V. Manifesting the Great Value of the Socialist View of Civilization through Great Transcendence

五、以伟大的超越彰显社会主义文明观的重大价值

Lenin’s late-career thought on the development of socialist civilization is an important component of Leninism. It embodies the organic unity of scientific socialism, Russian cultural traditions, and the trends of modern human civilization. It represents a new type of view of civilization in the history of socialist development and the history of human thought, possessing great historical significance, theoretical significance, and practical value.

列宁晚年的社会主义文明发展思想是列宁主义的重要组成部分,体现了科学社会主义、俄国文化传统、人类现代文明潮流的有机统一,是社会主义发展史、人类思想史上的新型文明观,具有重大的历史意义、理论意义和现实价值。

(I) A Triple Transcendence of the Concept of Civilizational Development

(一)对文明发展理念的三重超越

“Our enemies have told us more than once that we were taking a reckless step in introducing socialism in a country that was not sufficiently cultured. But they were mistaken; we did not begin from the end prescribed by theory (the theory of all pedants).”[4]4 Lenin, “On Our Revolution,” *Selected Works of Lenin*, vol. 4, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012.372 This passage profoundly reveals the creativity and transcendence of Lenin’s late-career view of socialist civilization.

“我们的敌人曾不止一次地对我们说,我们在一个文化不够发达的国家里推行社会主义是冒失行为。但是他们错了,我们没有从理论(一切书呆子的理论)所规定的那一端开始”[4]372。这一段话深刻彰显了列宁晚年社会主义文明观的创造性和超越性。

First, it transcended the Western European path of civilizational development. Lenin, leading Russia, opened a new path for the development of socialist civilization through a unique historical sequence, breaking the single model of the Western European capitalist development path and providing a new choice for economically and culturally relatively backward countries seeking a path of civilizational development. This is a path of civilizational development entirely different in nature from the Western European one: Western Europe followed an endogenous, gradual capitalist civilizational development path, while Russia followed a late-developing, leapfrogging, non-capitalist civilizational development path. Western Europe followed a path where the logic of capital was supreme; Lenin, in his later years, pioneered a new path that transcended the logic of capital, constructing a modern social tripartite structure dominated by labor: labor (the people) as the leading force, innovation by the state, and guidance of capital.[12]12 The “political testament” refers to a series of articles and letters Lenin dictated in late 1922 and early 1923, including “Letter to the Congress,” “On the Question of Nationalities or ‘Autonomization’,” and others, in which he offered final reflections on the path of socialist construction in Russia.

首先,它超越了西欧的文明发展道路。列宁领导俄国以独特的历史发展顺序开辟了社会主义文明发展的新路,打破了西欧资本主义发展道路的单一模式,为经济文化相对落后国家探寻文明发展道路提供了崭新的选择。这是一条与西欧的文明发展道路完全不同质的文明发展道路:西欧走的是内源渐进式资本主义文明发展道路,而俄国走的是后发跨越式非资本主义文明发展道路。西欧走的是资本逻辑至上的道路,列宁晚年开创了超越资本逻辑的发展新路,建构劳动主导的现代社会三元结构:劳动(人民)主导,创新国家,引导资本[12]。

Second, it transcended the propositions of the Russian Narodniks regarding the path of social development. The Russian Narodniks advocated establishing a socialist system through the ancient village commune (obshchina) to avoid the sufferings of Western European capitalism. The Narodniks completely denied the historical progressiveness and inevitability of capitalism, advocating reliance on the peasantry and small-scale production to develop Russian socialism. Undoubtedly, the Narodniks adhered to utopian socialism. In his early years, Lenin thoroughly criticized the Narodniks’ anti-modern civilization ideas, fully expounding the progressive significance of capitalism based on facts such as the development of Russian industry and agriculture and new changes in peasant life. He advocated utilizing the fruits of capitalist civilization, emphasized using capitalism to develop socialism, and thus achieved a critical transcendence of the Narodniks’ propositions.

其次,它超越了俄国民粹派社会发展道路的主张。俄国民粹派主张通过古老的村社组织建立社会主义制度,从而避免西欧资本主义的苦难。民粹派完全否认资本主义的历史进步性和必然性,主张依靠农民和小生产经济来发展俄国社会主义。毫无疑问,民粹派抱持的是空想社会主义。列宁在早期彻底批判了民粹派的反现代文明的思想,以俄国工农业的发展、农民生活中的新变化等事实充分论述了资本主义的进步意义,主张利用资本主义的文明成果,强调利用资本主义发展社会主义,实现了对民粹派主张的批判性超越。

Finally, it transcended Marx’s late-career conception of a “non-capitalist path.” Lenin inherited and developed Marx’s valuable idea that backward countries could, under certain conditions, appropriate the fruits of capitalist civilization without passing through the capitalist “Caudine Forks.” At the same time, he transformed Marx’s reflection on whether the Russian rural commune could bypass capitalism into a reflection on whether economically and culturally backward countries could bypass the developed stage of capitalism. He led the formulation and implementation of the New Economic Policy, broke through the traditional idea of direct transition, and moved towards socialism through state capitalism, thereby achieving innovation and transcendence in the history of Marxist development.

最后,它超越了马克思晚年的“非资本主义道路”设想。列宁继承和发展马克思关于落后国家在一定条件下可以占有资本主义文明成果而不通过资本主义“卡夫丁峡谷”的宝贵思想,同时将马克思关于俄国农村公社能否跨越资本主义的思考,转变成为经济文化落后的国家能否跨越资本主义发达阶段的思考;领导制定并实施了新经济政策,突破了传统的直接过渡思想,通过国家资本主义走向社会主义等等,实现了马克思主义发展史上的创新与超越。

(II) A Great Innovation in the World Path of Modernization

(二)对世界现代化道路的伟大拓新

Before the October Revolution, world modernization had undergone several centuries of preparation and development, experiencing a relatively typical wave of capitalist modernization. Lenin, however, opened a new historical path for socialist modern civilization, effectively initiating a new wave of world modernization and creating what Li Dazhao called the “third new civilization.” Leninism not only exerted a major direct influence on the Chinese revolution but also served as an intermediary and bridge for the Chinese Communist Party to understand Marxist theory. Li Dazhao, as the pioneer of Marxist theory in China, was the first to realize that the Russian Revolution was “the creation of a new civilization for a century.”[13]13 The Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspectorate (Rabkrin) was a Soviet state supervisory body established in 1920 to oversee the work of government agencies and combat bureaucracy; by the early 1920s it was widely seen as ineffective.329 In his article “The Fundamental Differences between Eastern and Western Civilizations,” Li Dazhao elaborated on the formation process of Russia’s new civilization and proposed the concept of a “third new civilization”—“Eastern civilization has decayed in stillness, while Western civilization is exhausted under the weight of matter. To save the world from crisis, nothing less than the rise of a third new civilization can cross this precipice. Russian civilization is truly capable of mediating between East and West.”[13]13 The Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspectorate (Rabkrin) was a Soviet state supervisory body established in 1920 to oversee the work of government agencies and combat bureaucracy; by the early 1920s it was widely seen as ineffective.311

十月革命之前,世界现代化经历了几个世纪的准备和发展,经历了较为典型的资本主义现代化浪潮。而列宁开创了社会主义现代文明的历史新路,事实上掀起了新的世界现代化浪潮,开创了李大钊所说的“第三新文明”。列宁主义不仅对中国革命起了重大的直接影响,而且也对中国共产党了解马克思的学说起了中介和桥梁作用。李大钊作为中国马克思主义理论先驱,最早意识到俄国革命是“一世纪新文明之创造”[13]329。李大钊在《东西文明根本之异点》一文中阐述了俄国新文明的形成过程,并提出了“第三新文明”观——“东洋文明既衰颓于静止之中,而西洋文明又疲命于物质之下,为救世界之危机,非有第三新文明之崛起,不足以渡此危崖。俄罗斯之文明,诚足以当媒介东西之任”[13]311。

For a long time, Western discourse has dominated the field of modernization theory. “Through the deduction of mainstream Western modernization theory, modernization has become synonymous with capitalization and Westernization… In this regard, we should restore Lenin’s thought to its due historical position in the history of world modernization, honestly acknowledge its unique contributions, and break the long-standing erroneous cognitive stereotypes about modernization.”[14]14 This note refers to the Chinese scholar Li Dazhao (1889–1927), a co-founder of the Chinese Communist Party and an early intellectual who introduced Marxism to China. The “third new civilization” is his term for a socialist civilization distinct from both Eastern and Western capitalist models.

长期以来,西方话语长期把控现代化理论研究领域。“经过西方主流现代化理论的演绎,现代化成了资本主义化、西方化的代名词,……就此而论,我们应该还列宁这一思想在世界现代化史上应有的历史地位,实事求是地承认其独特性贡献,破除长期存在的关于现代化的错误认知定势”[14]。

(III) Important Insights for Creating a New Form of Human Civilization

(三)对创建人类文明新形态的重要启示

“The salvoes of the October Revolution brought us Marxism-Leninism.”[15]15 This is a famous quotation from Mao Zedong, used in Chinese political discourse to emphasize the foundational role of the October Revolution in bringing Marxism-Leninism to China.1471 The Chinese Communists, leading the Chinese people, have forged ahead along the path Lenin opened, “integrating the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with the best of traditional Chinese culture,”[16]16 This refers to the “Two Integrations” (两个结合), a key theoretical formulation in Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, first formally articulated at the 20th National Congress of the CPC in 2022.13 continuously endowing the “third new civilization” with new Chinese connotations. At present, to further advance and expand the new path of Chinese-path modernization and create a new form of human civilization, we can draw valuable intellectual nourishment from Lenin’s late-career view of socialist civilization.

“十月革命一声炮响,给我们送来了马克思列宁主义”[15]1471。中国共产党人带领中国人民沿着列宁所开辟的道路奋勇前进,“坚持把马克思主义基本原理同中国具体实际相结合、同中华优秀传统文化相结合”[16]13,不断地赋予“第三新文明”以新的中国内涵。当前,进一步推进和拓展中国式现代化新道路、创造人类文明新形态,可以从列宁晚年社会主义文明观中汲取宝贵的思想滋养。

First, deeply understand the universality and particularity of the development of socialist civilization. In the course of exploring the path of socialist civilizational development in Russia, Lenin achieved an intellectual leap from “following the book” to “following experience,” and from following the path envisioned by Marx to following a path suitable for Russia’s development, thereby opening a new historical path for economically and culturally relatively backward countries to move towards modern civilization. This enlightens us that we must both adhere to the universal principles of scientific socialism and unswervingly follow our own path.

一是深刻认识社会主义文明发展的普遍性与特殊性。列宁在探索俄国社会主义文明发展道路的历程中,实现了从“根据书本”到“根据经验”的思想飞跃,实现了从走马克思设想的道路到走适合俄国发展的道路的思想飞跃,从而开辟了经济文化相对落后国家走向现代文明的历史新路。它启示我们既要坚持科学社会主义的普遍原理,也要坚定不移走自己的路。

Second, deeply understand the long-term and arduous nature of the development of socialist civilization. The development of socialist civilization in economically and culturally relatively backward countries is a pioneering exploration. These countries generally face the challenge of social leapfrogging coupled with civilizational lag, implying the long-term and arduous nature of completing the task of civilizational development. This enlightens us that we must both recognize the long-term and arduous nature of socialist civilizational development and, throughout the long journey, steadfastly maintain the direction of socialist civilizational development.

二是深刻认识社会主义文明发展的长期性与艰巨性。经济文化相对落后国家发展社会主义文明,是一种开创性探索。经济文化相对落后国家的发展普遍面临着社会跨越与文明滞后的难题,意味着完成文明发展任务的长期性和艰巨性。它启示我们既要明确社会主义文明发展的长期性与艰巨性,又要在漫漫长路中始终坚定社会主义文明的发展走向。

Third, we must deeply understand the inheritance and innovation of the development of socialist civilization. Lenin, taking Marxist theory as an example, demonstrated the inheritance of human civilization and profoundly pointed out: “Communism grows out of capitalism; it can only be built with the legacy left by capitalism.”[17]17 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, Vol. 36, p. 249. (The original Chinese citation format is retained; the English edition reference is provided for clarity.)249 In dealing with the achievements of human civilization, we must innovate on the basis of critical inheritance. This enlightens us to achieve a dialectical unity of utilization and transcendence with respect to the achievements of capitalist civilization.

三是深刻认识社会主义文明发展的继承性与创新性。列宁以马克思主义理论为例论证了人类文明的继承性,深刻指出:“共产主义是从资本主义成长起来的,只有用资本主义遗留下来的东西才能建成共产主义”[17]249。对待人类文明成果要在批判继承的基础上加以创新。它启示我们对资本主义文明成果要做到利用与超越的辩证统一。

Fourth, we must deeply understand the holistic nature and the focus of the development of socialist civilization. Lenin emphasized shifting the center of work in different periods in a timely manner according to changes in the main tasks facing the Bolshevik Party. In his final strategic conception, Lenin systematically considered the relationship among socialist economic development, political development, and cultural development, and organically unified these three into the practice of Russia’s socialist civilization development. Lenin’s exploration enlightens us that we must not only focus on solving the key issues of economic and social development in different periods but also promote coordinated economic and social development. At present, we must especially emphasize the coordinated development of material civilization, political civilization, cultural-ethical progress, social civilization, and ecological civilization. Xi Jinping profoundly pointed out: “We must adopt a holistic view, have a clear understanding of all kinds of contradictions, and at the same time closely focus on the principal contradiction and the central task, prioritize solving the principal contradiction and the principal aspect of the contradiction, thereby driving the resolution of other contradictions, achieve breakthroughs at key points while advancing overall progress, use breakthroughs at key points to drive the overall leap in the level of economic and social development, and continuously advance toward the goal of building a great modern socialist country in all respects.”[18]18 Xi Jinping, speech at the second plenary session of the 19th Central Committee of the CPC, January 19, 2018. (The original Chinese citation format is retained; the English context is provided for clarity.)

四是深刻认识社会主义文明发展的整体性与重点性。列宁注重根据布尔什维克党面临的主要任务的变化,及时转换不同时期的工作重心。列宁在最后的战略构想中,对社会主义经济发展、政治发展和文化发展三者的关系作出了系统的思考,并将三者有机统一到俄国社会主义文明发展的实践之中。列宁的探索启示我们,既要注重解决不同时期经济社会发展的重点问题,也要推动经济社会协调发展,当前尤其要注重物质文明、政治文明、精神文明、社会文明、生态文明协调发展。习近平深刻指出:“我们要有全局观,对各种矛盾做到了然于胸,同时又要紧紧围绕主要矛盾和中心任务,优先解决主要矛盾和矛盾的主要方面,以此带动其他矛盾的解决,在整体推进中实现重点突破,以重点突破带动经济社会发展水平整体跃升,朝着全面建成社会主义现代化强国的奋斗目标不断前进”[18]。

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑:同心

Notes

  1. Lenin, “Left-Wing” Communism, an Infantile Disorder, *Collected Works of Lenin*, vol. 39, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1986. ↩
  2. See Sun Laishun, *Research on Lenin’s Late-Career Civilization Thought and Its Contemporary Value*, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2022. ↩
  3. Wang Zhongchang, “On the Historical Inevitability of the October Revolution,” *Journal of Peking University (Philosophy and Social Sciences)*, 1987, no. 6. ↩
  4. Lenin, “On Our Revolution,” *Selected Works of Lenin*, vol. 4, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012. ↩
  5. Engels, “On the Housing Question,” *Selected Works of Marx and Engels*, vol. 3, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012. ↩
  6. Sun Laishun, *Research on Lenin’s Late-Career Civilization Thought and Its Contemporary Value*, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2022. ↩
  7. Lenin, “Speech at the Plenary Session of the Moscow Soviet of Workers’ and Peasants’ Deputies,” *Collected Works of Lenin*, vol. 43, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1987. ↩
  8. V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, Vol. 43. This and subsequent citations refer to the Chinese edition of Lenin’s works. The “promotion examination” metaphor refers to the Bolsheviks’ struggle to master the practical tasks of economic construction after seizing power. ↩
  9. V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, Vol. 34. ↩
  10. Karl Marx, *The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte*. ↩
  11. V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, Vol. 41. ↩
  12. The “political testament” refers to a series of articles and letters Lenin dictated in late 1922 and early 1923, including “Letter to the Congress,” “On the Question of Nationalities or ‘Autonomization’,” and others, in which he offered final reflections on the path of socialist construction in Russia. ↩
  13. The Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspectorate (Rabkrin) was a Soviet state supervisory body established in 1920 to oversee the work of government agencies and combat bureaucracy; by the early 1920s it was widely seen as ineffective. ↩
  14. This note refers to the Chinese scholar Li Dazhao (1889–1927), a co-founder of the Chinese Communist Party and an early intellectual who introduced Marxism to China. The “third new civilization” is his term for a socialist civilization distinct from both Eastern and Western capitalist models. ↩
  15. This is a famous quotation from Mao Zedong, used in Chinese political discourse to emphasize the foundational role of the October Revolution in bringing Marxism-Leninism to China. ↩
  16. This refers to the “Two Integrations” (两个结合), a key theoretical formulation in Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, first formally articulated at the 20th National Congress of the CPC in 2022. ↩
  17. V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, Vol. 36, p. 249. (The original Chinese citation format is retained; the English edition reference is provided for clarity.) ↩
  18. Xi Jinping, speech at the second plenary session of the 19th Central Committee of the CPC, January 19, 2018. (The original Chinese citation format is retained; the English context is provided for clarity.) ↩