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Rethinking Stalin’s Theory of “Building Socialism in One Country”

汤德森 江丽:斯大林“一国建成社会主义”理论的再思考

· · Marxism Abroad · Studies on Marxism, 2014, no. 4 · 22 min read

The disintegration of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe at the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s were major events in the history of the world socialist movement. Many in the West used this to declare the bankruptcy of the theory of “building socialism in one country” pioneered by Lenin and Stalin, thereby negating the significance and value of building socialism in a single country. Moreover, at the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s, some Western scholars also vigorously denied the significance and value of the debate within the CPSU(B) [1]1 CPSU(B): The All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), the name of the ruling party of the Soviet Union from 1925 to 1952, often referred to in English as the Soviet Communist Party. on the theory of building socialism in one country, claiming that building socialism in one country was not Lenin’s idea but purely Stalin’s personal fabrication. They attributed the mistakes that occurred in the Soviet Union’s socialist construction and the problems that emerged in the international communist movement to Stalin’s theory of “building socialism in one country.” Since the 1990s, many people in China, when summing up and reflecting on the lessons of the Soviet Union’s disintegration and the Eastern European changes, have also directed their criticism at this theory. Reviewing the history of Stalin’s promotion of socialist construction in the Soviet Union, deeply analyzing and studying Stalin’s theory of “building socialism in one country,” making an objective and fair evaluation of its theory and practice, and summing up the experiences and lessons of Soviet socialist construction are of important referential significance for advancing the development of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

20世纪八十年代末九十年代初的苏联解体与东欧剧变,是世界社会主义运动史上的重大事件。西方不少人借此认为它宣告了列宁、斯大林开创的“一国建成社会主义”理论的破产,进而否定社会主义在一国建成的意义与价值。不仅如此,20世纪80年代末90年代初,一些西方学者还极力否认联共(布)党内关于一国建成社会主义理论争论的意义与价值,认为一国建成社会主义不是列宁的思想,纯属斯大林个人捏造。他们把苏联在社会主义建设中出现的失误以及国际共产主义运动出现的问题都指向斯大林“一国建成社会主义”理论。90年代以来,国内也有不少人在总结和反思苏联解体东欧剧变的经验教训时,把矛头指向这一理论。重温斯大林推进苏联社会主义建设的历史,深入分析和研究斯大林“一国建成社会主义”的理论,对其理论与实践进行客观公正的评价,总结苏联社会主义建设的经验教训,对于推进中国特色社会主义事业的发展具有重要的借鉴意义。

I. The Background of the Emergence of Stalin’s Theory of “Building Socialism in One Country”

一、斯大林“一国建成社会主义”理论提出的背景

1. Stalin’s Theory of “Building Socialism in One Country” as an Inheritance and Development of Lenin’s Theory of “Victory in One Country”

1.斯大林“一国建成社会主义”理论对列宁“一国胜利论”的继承和发展

At the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, Lenin, based on the law of uneven economic and political development in the era of imperialism, clearly put forward the theory of “victory in one country.” In August 1915, in “On the Slogan for a United States of Europe,” Lenin pointed out: “Uneven economic and political development is an absolute law of capitalism. Hence, the victory of socialism is possible first in a few or even in a single capitalist country taken separately.” [2]2 V. I. Lenin, “On the Slogan for a United States of Europe,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 21, p. 342. In September 1916, in “The Military Program of the Proletarian Revolution,” Lenin further stated: “The development of capitalism proceeds extremely unevenly in the different countries… Hence the inevitable conclusion: socialism cannot achieve victory simultaneously in all countries. It will achieve victory first in one or several countries, while the others will for some time remain bourgeois or pre-bourgeois.” [3]3 V. I. Lenin, “The Military Program of the Proletarian Revolution,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 23, p. 79. This was a new understanding and judgment Lenin reached based on the international and domestic situation of Soviet Russia at the time, developing the theory of “simultaneous victory” that Marx and Engels had put forward in the early period of their doctrine.

19世纪末20世纪初,列宁根据帝国主义时代经济政治发展不平衡的规律,明确提出“一国胜利”论。1915年8月,列宁在《论欧洲联邦口号》中指出:“经济和政治发展的不平衡是资本主义的绝对规律。由此就应得出结论:社会主义可能首先在少数甚至在单独一个资本主义国家内获得胜利。”1916年9月,列宁在《无产阶级革命的军事纲领》中进一步指出:“资本主义的发展在各个国家是极不平衡的……由此得出一个必然的结论:社会主义不能在所有国家内同时获得胜利。它将首先在一个或者几个国家内获得胜利,而其余的国家在一段时间内将仍然是资产阶级的或资产阶级以前的国家。”这是列宁基于苏俄当时国际国内形势得出的新的认识和判断,发展了马克思恩格斯在其学说创立早期所讲过“同时胜利”论。

After Lenin’s death, a fierce debate erupted within the CPSU(B) over whether the Soviet Union could build socialism in one country. The opposition dogmatically clung to Marx and Engels’ conclusion of “simultaneous victory,” denying the possibility and reality of building socialism in one country in the Soviet Union. In response, Stalin clearly put forward the theory that socialism could be built in one country. In December 1924, in “The October Revolution and the Tactics of the Russian Communists,” Stalin pointed out: “The victory of socialism in one country, while capitalism is preserved in other countries, is entirely possible and can be affirmed.” [4]4 J. V. Stalin, “The October Revolution and the Tactics of the Russian Communists,” *Works*, Vol. 6, p. 375. This theory, after repeated argumentation by Stalin, was continuously enriched and developed into a theory of building a complete socialist society and communist society in one country.

列宁逝世后,联共(布)党内围绕苏联一国能否建成社会主义的问题展开了激烈争论。反对派教条式地死守马克思恩格斯“同时胜利”的结论不放,否定苏联一国建成社会主义的可能性和现实性。对此,斯大林明确提出一国可以建成社会主义的理论。1924年12月,斯大林在《十月革命和俄国共产党人的策略》中指出:“在其他国家还保存着资本主义的情况下,社会主义在一个国家内胜利是完全可能的,是可以肯定的。”这一理论后经斯大林反复论证,不断丰富发展为一国建成完全的社会主义社会和共产主义社会的理论。

2. Consolidating the Only Soviet Regime Surrounded by Capitalism

2.在资本主义的包围中巩固唯一的苏维埃政权

Under the influence of the October Revolution in Russia, proletarian revolutions broke out in many European countries, and national-democratic revolutions broke out in Eastern colonies and semi-colonial countries. However, from 1921 onward, the high tide of the proletarian revolution in Western Europe gradually receded. From 1924 onward, the revolution entered a low tide. This meant that the Soviet Union would not be able to obtain the sympathy and assistance of the proletarian revolution in Western Europe. At that time, the developed capitalist countries had already weathered the first political and economic crisis after the First World War, and capitalism entered a period of relatively stable development. Moreover, the developed capitalist countries of Western Europe promptly adjusted their relations with each other and turned to jointly confront the Soviet Union. Under the severe international situation, many people in the Soviet Union began to doubt the possibility of building socialism, believing that it was impossible to build socialism in a backward country like the Soviet Union. Influenced by this thinking, some people lost confidence in building socialism and developed a pessimistic mood about achieving it. With no external support, the Soviet people could only rely on their own strength to consolidate the world’s only Soviet regime.

在俄国十月革命的影响下,许多欧洲国家爆发了无产阶级革命,东方殖民地、半殖民地国家爆发了民族民主革命。但从1921年起,西欧无产阶级革命高潮渐趋减退。从1924年起,革命转入低潮。这意味着苏联将不可能得到西欧无产阶级革命的同情和帮助。而当时发达资本主义国家,已经渡过第一次世界大战后第一次政治经济危机,资本主义进入相对稳定的发展期。不仅如此,西欧发达资本主义国家及时调整彼此间的关系,转而共同对付苏联。在严峻的国际形势下,苏联国内许多人对建设社会主义产生了怀疑,认为在经济文化落后的苏联不可能建成社会主义。在这种思想的影响下,一些人对建设社会主义失去了信心,对建成社会主义产生了悲观情绪。在没有任何外力的支持下,苏联人民只有靠自己的力量巩固世界上唯一的苏维埃政权。

3. Overcoming the Dangers Arising from the Growth of Capitalist Elements after the Implementation of the New Economic Policy

3.克服新经济政策实施后资本主义因素增长产生的危险

With the implementation of the New Economic Policy (NEP), by the end of 1925, the Soviet national economy had developed considerably, and the living standards of the broad masses of workers and peasants had significantly improved. However, some new problems also emerged during the implementation of the NEP, generating factors in the cities and countryside that were incompatible with socialism. For example, there were problems such as urban and rural unemployment, a shortage of funds for industrialization, and the emergence of a stratum of wealthy peasants. The NEP allowed private enterprises to operate, and enterprises had the right to dismiss surplus workers, resulting in a number of unemployed people. After the implementation of the NEP, because the grain prices set by the state were too low, peasants were unwilling to sell grain to the state. The state lacked sufficient grain for export to exchange for the equipment needed for industrialization, slowing the industrialization process. The relaxed environment of the NEP allowed some peasants to become rich and prosperous, becoming wealthy peasants. Meanwhile, other peasant households, due to a lack of farm tools or production techniques, became increasingly impoverished, leading to a new phenomenon of polarization between rich and poor. In addition, at that time, capitalist elements still accounted for a considerable proportion of the national economy. All these phenomena were abnormal and incompatible with socialism, inevitably arousing people’s concerns about the class foundation of the socialist regime and doubts about the socialist system. Different understandings and interpretations of these issues could potentially lead to diametrically opposed political lines. In response, the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) had to make a clear decision to unify the thinking of the entire Party and the people of the whole country.

随着新经济政策的推行,到1925年底,苏联国民经济有了较大发展,广大工人农民的生活水平有了显著提高。但新经济政策在执行过程中也出现一些新问题,在广大城市和农村产生了与社会主义不相和谐的因素。比如,城乡失业人口、工业化资金短缺和富农阶层的产生等问题。新经济政策允许私人经营企业,企业有权辞退多余的职工,出现了一批失业者;实行新经济政策后,由于国家制定的粮食价格过低,农民难以接受而不愿意把粮食卖给国家。国家没有足够的粮食用于出口以换取工业化所需的设备,工业化进程缓慢;新经济政策的宽松环境让一部分农民发家致富,成为富裕农民。而另一些农户由于缺少农具或生产技术等原因,越来越贫困,出现新的贫富分化现象。此外,当时在国民经济中资本主义成分还占相当比重。凡此种种,都是与社会主义格格不入的不正常现象,不能不引起人们对社会主义政权阶级基础的担忧和对社会主义制度的怀疑。对这些问题的不同理解和认识,将有可能形成截然不同的政治路线。对此,俄共(布)必须作出明确决断来统一全党和全国人民的思想认识。

4. Confronting the Dispute over “Whether Socialism Can Be Built in One Country”

4.直面“一国能否建成社会主义”的意见纷争

Although Lenin had already put forward the important thesis that socialism could be built in one country as early as March 1915, and made preliminary attempts in the early days of the victory of the October Revolution, no consensus was formed inside or outside the Party. After Lenin’s death, the question of whether the Soviet Union could build socialism in one country sparked a dispute. Under the situation of internal and external difficulties, people were forced to think: What is socialism? Could Russia, which was relatively backward economically and culturally, rely on its own strength to build socialism in one country alone? And how to build socialism? From 1924 to 1927, the CPSU(B) [5]5 CPSU(B): The All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), the name of the ruling party of the Soviet Union from 1925 to 1952. led by Stalin engaged in fierce debates with the opposition factions of Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kamenev, and others. Trotsky insisted on the “theory of permanent revolution”; Zinoviev declared that building socialism in one country in the Soviet Union was a manifestation of “national narrowness”; Trotsky even formed an alliance with Zinoviev, vehemently denying the real possibility of building socialism in the Soviet Union. In order to unify thought and promote the smooth progress of Soviet socialist construction, Stalin clearly put forward and insisted on the theory of “socialism in one country” during the debate, i.e., that the Soviet Union could build socialism in one country. In December 1924, in his article “The October Revolution and the Tactics of the Russian Communists,” Stalin for the first time distinguished between the possibility of building socialism in one country and achieving a complete and final victory in one country. In April 1925, in his “Report on the Work of the Fourteenth Conference of the RCP(B),” Stalin clearly pointed out that without the victory of the proletarian revolution in several advanced capitalist countries, armed intervention and the restoration of capitalism could not be avoided, and socialism could not achieve a complete and final victory in one country; that without the support and assistance of a victorious proletarian revolution, the proletariat of the Soviet Union alone could seize power and build socialism. In November 1926, at the Fifteenth Congress of the CPSU(B), Stalin thoroughly refuted the arguments of the opposition, ending the theoretical debate on whether socialism could be built in one country, and Stalin’s theory of “socialism in one country” was finally established as the guiding ideology of the entire Party. Facts proved that this theory effectively promoted the construction and development of Soviet socialism.

虽然列宁早在1915年3月就提出过一国可能建成社会主义的重要论断,并在十月革命胜利之初进行了初步尝试,但并未在党内外形成共识。列宁逝世后,关于苏联能否一国建成社会主义的问题引发了一场纷争。在内外交困的形势下,迫使人们不得不思考:什么是社会主义?经济文化相对落后的俄国能否依靠自身力量单独在一国建成社会主义?以及怎样建成社会主义?1924年-1927年,以斯大林为首的联共(布)同托洛茨基、季诺维也夫、加米涅夫等反对派进行了激烈论争。托洛茨基坚持“不断革命论”,季诺维也夫宣称社会主义在苏联一国建成是“民族狭隘性”的表现,托洛茨基甚至与季诺维也夫结成联盟,极力否认苏联建成社会主义的现实可能性。为了统一思想,推进苏联社会主义建设的顺利进行,斯大林在论战中明确提出并坚持“一国建成社会主义”理论,即苏联一国可以建成社会主义。1924年12月,斯大林在《十月革命和俄国共产党人的策略》一文中首次对一国建成社会主义的可能性和一国取得完全的最终胜利进行了区分。1925年4月,斯大林在《俄共(布)第十四次代表会议的工作总结》中明确指出,没有几个先进资本主义国家无产阶级革命的胜利,就不能免除武装干涉和资本主义复辟,社会主义就不可能在一国获得完全的最终胜利;无需胜利后的无产阶级革命的支持与援助,苏联一国无产者能夺取政权并建成社会主义。1926年11月,在联共(布)十五大上,斯大林彻底驳斥了反对派的论调,结束了关于一国能否建成社会主义的理论争论,斯大林“一国建成社会主义”理论最终确立为全党的指导思想。事实证明,这一理论有力地推进了苏联社会主义的建设和发展。

II. The Main Content of Stalin’s Theory of “Socialism in One Country”

二、斯大林“一国建成社会主义”理论的主要内容

1. Pointing Out the Distinction Between “Building Socialism” in One Country and the “Final Victory” of Socialism

1.指明社会主义“一国建成”与社会主义“最终胜利”的区别

Stalin believed: “The question of building socialism in the Soviet Union is the question of overcoming the ‘national’ bourgeoisie, while the question of the final victory of socialism is the question of overcoming the world bourgeoisie.”

斯大林认为:“在苏联建成社会主义的问题是战胜本‘民族’资产阶级的问题,而社会主义的最终胜利问题是战胜世界资产阶级的问题。”

In Stalin’s view, the victory of socialism in one country included both domestic and international aspects. Domestically, socialism could triumph in one country. He said: “This means the possibility of resolving the contradictions between the proletariat and the peasantry by our own internal forces, that the proletariat, with the sympathy and support of the proletarians of other countries, but without the preliminary victory of the proletarian revolution in other countries, can seize power and use this power to build a complete socialist society in our country.” In Stalin’s view, although the peasantry belonged to the class of private owners, they shared with the working class the desire and demand to take the socialist road and had common interests. They could form a solid worker-peasant alliance, overcome the domestic bourgeoisie, and lay the political and class foundation for building socialism.

在斯大林看来,社会主义在一国胜利包括国内和国际两个方面。在国内方面,社会主义可能在一个国家内胜利。他说:“这就是可能用我国内部力量来解决无产阶级和农民间的矛盾,这就是在其他国家无产者的同情和支援下,但无须其他国家无产阶级革命的预先胜利,无产阶级可能夺得政权并利用这个政权来在我国建成完全的社会主义社会。”在斯大林看来,农民阶级尽管属于私有阶级,但他们与工人阶级都有走社会主义道路的愿望和要求,存在共同利益,他们能够结成巩固的工农联盟,战胜本国资产阶级,为建成社会主义奠定政治基础和阶级基础。

Stalin believed that, internationally, the final victory of socialism would free the country from armed intervention and the restoration of the old system, thereby overcoming the world bourgeoisie. This required the victory and support of the proletarian revolution in other countries. Stalin recognized that the Soviet Union was surrounded by Western capitalist countries and faced the constant danger of armed intervention by Western capitalist countries and the restoration of the old system; the Soviet Union alone was insufficient. “For the complete victory of socialism, for the complete guarantee against the restoration of the old system, the joint efforts of the proletarians of several countries are necessary.” “Only through the joint efforts of the proletarians of several countries, or better still, after the victory of the proletarians in several countries, can there be a complete guarantee against armed intervention… only then can the final victory of socialism be achieved.” (In his article “On the Questions of Leninism,” he further emphasized: “Without the victory of revolution in other countries, socialism cannot achieve a complete and final victory in one country. … Without the victory of revolution in at least several countries, there can be no complete guarantee against armed intervention and therefore no complete guarantee against the restoration of the bourgeois system.”) Here, Stalin linked the final and complete victory of Soviet socialism with the revolutionary victory of other countries, pinning hopes on the support and assistance of revolutionary victories in other countries.

斯大林认为,在国际方面,社会主义的最终胜利使国家免除武装干涉和旧制度的复辟,从而战胜世界资产阶级。这需要有其他国家无产阶级革命的胜利及其支持。斯大林认识到,苏联处于西方资本主义国家的包围之中,随时面临着西方资本主义国家武装干涉和旧制度复辟的危险,苏联仅仅依靠自身力量是不够的。“为了社会主义的完全胜利,为了有免除旧制度恢复的完全保障,必须有几国无产者的共同努力。”“只有通过若干国家的无产者的共同努力,或者更好是在几个国家的无产者取得胜利以后,才能够有免除武装干涉的完全保障……才能够取得社会主义的最终胜利。”(在《论列宁主义的几个问题》一文中,他还进一步强调指出:“没有其他国家革命的胜利,社会主义就不可能在一个国家内获得完全的最终胜利。……没有至少几个国家革命的胜利,就不可能有免除武装干涉因而不可能有免除资产阶级制度复辟的完全保障。”这里,斯大林把苏联社会主义的最终彻底胜利同其他国家的革命胜利联系在一起,寄希望得到其他国家革命胜利的支持与帮助。

Stalin also analyzed the fundamental consistency and indivisibility of accomplishing these two basic tasks, i.e., that seizing power and building socialism in one country depended on the sympathy and support of the proletarians of all countries. In his “Report on the Work of the Fourteenth Conference of the RCP(B),” he pointed out: “The support of the workers of all countries for our revolution, and especially the victory of these workers, even in a few countries, is a necessary condition for the complete guarantee of the first victorious country against armed intervention and restoration, and a necessary condition for ensuring the final victory of socialism.” He said: “What would happen if the proletarians of all countries did not sympathize with and support the Soviet Republic? The Soviet Republic would suffer armed intervention and be destroyed.” “What would happen if the sympathy and support of the proletarians of all countries for the Soviet Republic strengthened and grew? That would fundamentally promote the socialist construction of the Soviet Union. If the victory of Soviet socialist construction continues to expand… that would fundamentally strengthen the revolutionary positions of the proletarians of all countries in their struggle against capital, would destroy the positions of international capital in its struggle against the proletariat, and would give the world proletariat more opportunities to achieve victory.” Therefore, the victory of revolution in one country was not the ultimate goal; the victory of revolution in one country was the beginning and foundation for the development of world revolution, and a driving force for promoting the development and victory of revolutions in other countries.

斯大林还分析了完成这两个基本任务的根本一致性和不可分割性,即一国夺取政权和建成社会主义有赖于各国无产者的同情和支持。在《俄共(布)第十四次代表会议的工作总结》中,他指出:“各国工人对我国革命的支援,尤其是这些工人的胜利,即使在几个国家内的胜利,是完全保障第一个获得胜利的国家免除武装干涉和复辟行动的必要条件,是保证社会主义最终胜利的必要条件。”他说:“假使世界各国无产者不同情和不支持苏维埃共和国,那会怎样呢?苏维埃共和国就会遭到武装干涉,就会被摧毁。”“如果各国无产者对苏维埃共和国的同情和支持加强和增长起来,那将怎样呢?那将从根本上促进苏联的社会主义“如果苏联社会主义建设的胜利不断扩大……那将从根本上加强世界各国无产者和资本作斗争的革命阵地,将摧毁国际资本和无产阶级作斗争的阵地,将使世界无产阶级有更多的机会取得胜利。”因此,一国革命的胜利不是最终目的,一国革命的胜利是世界革命的开端和发展基础,是推进各国革命发展和胜利的推动力。

2. Elucidating the Conditions for “Building Socialism in One Country”

2.阐明“一国建成社会主义”的条件

Stalin believed that building socialism in one country required both domestic and international conditions. The domestic condition for building socialism in one country was to organize a national economic system including industry and agriculture. In Stalin’s view, the Soviet Union had already established the Soviet regime of the dictatorship of the proletariat, which provided the political foundation for building socialism. Handling the relationship between industry and agriculture, i.e., the relationship between the proletariat and the peasantry, was the basic issue in building a socialist economy. This was not only a matter of class foundation but also the economic foundation for building socialism. To this end, it was necessary to adopt fiscal, tax, and price policies that met the interests and demands of the workers and peasants, rapidly develop industrial and agricultural production, achieve national industrialization and agricultural collectivization, and bring small-scale peasant economy into the orbit of socialist development through peasant cooperatives.

斯大林认为,一国建成社会主义需要国内和国际两个条件。一国建成社会主义的国内条件即组织起包括工业和农业在内的国民经济体系。在斯大林看来,苏联已经建立无产阶级专政的苏维埃政权,这就具备了建成社会主义的政治基础。处理好工业和农业的关系,即无产阶级和农民的关系问题,是建成社会主义经济中的基本问题,这不仅是阶级基础问题,也是建成社会主义的经济基础。为此,必须采取符合工农群众利益要求的财政政策、税收政策和价格政策,迅速发展工农业生产,实现国家工业化和农业集体化,通过农民合作社把小农经济纳入社会主义发展轨道。

The external condition for building socialism in one country was whether a country could have a “breathing spell” free from war. Stalin believed that after the First World War, world capitalism tended to stabilize, but contradictions remained complex and intertwined, manifested in contradictions within the imperialist camp, contradictions between imperialism and colonies and dependent countries, and contradictions between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie within imperialist countries. This made it highly possible to form an international environment of peaceful coexistence between the Soviet socialist regime and world capitalism, winning for the Soviet Union a relatively peaceful “breathing spell” to advance socialist construction.

一国建成社会主义的外部条件即一国能否有一个摆脱战争的“喘息”时期。斯大林认为,第一次世界大战以后,世界资本主义趋于稳定,但是矛盾仍然错综复杂,表现在帝国主义阵营内部的矛盾,帝国主义与殖民地、附属国之间的矛盾,帝国主义国家内部无产阶级与资产阶级的矛盾,这极有可能形成一个苏联社会主义政权能够与世界资本主义和平共处的国际环境,给苏联赢得一个能够推进社会主义建设的相对和平的“喘息”时期。

3. Proposing the Criteria for “Building Socialism in One Country”

3.提出“一国建成社会主义”的标准

Stalin held that building socialism in the Soviet Union meant that the Soviet proletariat, relying on its own strength, would defeat the bourgeoisie within its own country. He pointed out that this defeat comprised two levels: first, politically defeating the bourgeoisie, eliminating the exploiting classes and the system of exploitation, and establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat; second, economically defeating the bourgeoisie, abolishing capitalist relations of production, and establishing the socialist economic base. Stalin believed the former had already been achieved, and he particularly emphasized the need to accomplish the latter as quickly as possible. He stated: “We have won the dictatorship of the proletariat and thereby laid the political foundation for the advance toward socialism. Can we, with our own efforts, build the economic foundation of socialism, that is, the new economic base necessary for socialism? … To build the economic foundation of socialism means to integrate agriculture and socialist industry into a single economic whole, to subordinate agriculture to the leadership of socialist industry, to regulate urban-rural relations on the basis of the exchange of agricultural and industrial products, to block and eliminate all channels through which classes, and above all capital, can arise, and finally to create conditions of production and distribution that directly lead to the elimination of classes.” [6]6 J.V. Stalin, *Problems of Leninism*, Chinese edition, People’s Publishing House, 1964, p. 93. That is to say, the economic foundation of socialism is the integration of agriculture and industry. He also pointed out the specific path for establishing the socialist economic base, arguing: “To integrate agriculture with socialist industry, it is first necessary to have a vast network of organs for the distribution of products, a vast network of cooperative organs, that is, a network of consumers’ cooperatives and agricultural producers’ cooperatives.” [7]7 J.V. Stalin, *Problems of Leninism*, Chinese edition, People’s Publishing House, 1964, p. 94. Only in this way could socialism be built in the Soviet Union and the Soviet regime be consolidated.

斯大林认为,社会主义在苏联建成即苏联无产阶级依靠本身的力量战胜本国的资产阶级。他指出,这种战胜包含两个层面:一是从政治上战胜资产阶级,消灭剥削阶级和剥削制度,建立无产阶级专政;二是从经济上战胜资产阶级,消灭资本主义生产关系,建立社会主义经济基础。斯大林认为前者已经实现,他特别强调要尽快实现后者。他指出:“我们争取了无产阶级专政,从而建立了走向社会主义的政治基础。我们能不能用本身的力量建立社会主义的经济基础,即建立社会主义所必需的新的经济基础呢?……建立社会主义的经济基础,就是把农业和社会主义工业结合为一个整体经济,使农业服从社会主义工业的领导,在农产品和工业品交换的基础上调整城乡关系,堵死和消灭阶级借以产生首先是资本借以产生的一切孔道,最后造成直接导致阶级消灭的生产条件和分配条件。”这就是说,社会主义的经济基础即实现农业和工业的结合。他还指出了建立社会主义经济基础的具体途径,他认为:“为了把农业和社会主义化的工业结合起来,首先必须有巨大的产品分配机关网,巨大的合作机关网,即消费合作社和农业生产合作社机关网。”只有这样,才能在苏联建成社会主义,巩固苏维埃政权。

III. The Contributions of Stalin’s Theory of “Building Socialism in One Country”

三、斯大林“一国建成社会主义”理论的贡献

Stalin’s theory of “building socialism in one country” is an inheritance and development of Marx and Engels’ theories on proletarian revolution and socialist construction. It is consistent with the essential spirit of Lenin’s theory of “victory in one country” [8]8 Lenin’s theory of “victory in one country” argued that the socialist revolution could first break through the weakest link in the imperialist chain and triumph in a single country, rather than requiring simultaneous revolution in all advanced capitalist countries as Marx and Engels had earlier suggested. and represents a further creative elaboration and rational application of it. Although this theory has certain shortcomings, its historical role cannot be ignored or erased. It served as the political program that propelled the construction of socialism in the Soviet Union.

斯大林“一国建成社会主义”理论是对马克思恩格斯关于无产阶级革命和社会主义建设理论的继承和发展,与列宁“一国胜利”论的精神实质相一致,并且进一步作了创造性发挥和合理运用。这一理论尽管存在一些不足,但是其历史作用忽视和不容抹杀。它是推进苏联社会主义建设的政治纲领。

1. It provided a theoretical basis for the existence of the Soviet socialist regime

1.为苏联社会主义政权的存在找到了理论依据

To deny the possibility of building socialism in one country was, in essence, to deny the legitimacy of the existence of the socialist regime in the Soviet Union. For the Soviet regime, isolated and surrounded by Western capitalism, the urgent task was to find a theoretical basis to justify its existence. From the mid-1920s onward, the proletarian revolution in Western Europe entered a low tide. The Soviet Union had basically completed the task of restoring the national economy and entered a new period of socialist economic construction. Since the Soviet Union had already embarked on the socialist path, it had to build socialism. This was the only correct choice. Stalin pointed out: “If this were incorrect, if the Party had no grounds to conclude that the Soviet proletariat could build a socialist society … then the Party would have no grounds to continue holding power; it would in any case have to relinquish power and go over to the position of a party out of power.” [9]9 J.V. Stalin, *Problems of Leninism*, Chinese edition, People’s Publishing House, 1964, p. 94. In Stalin’s view, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was the leader of the proletarian revolution and construction. Since the Party had no grounds to conclude that socialism could be achieved, it would have no grounds to continue holding power. Stalin’s theory of “building socialism in one country” was a powerful response to this question. As Stalin himself said: “If you do not know why you are building, you cannot truly build. If you do not know the direction forward, you cannot advance a single step.” [10]10 J.V. Stalin, *Problems of Leninism*, Chinese edition, People’s Publishing House, 1964, p. 95. Stalin’s theory provided the Soviet people with a clear goal and direction, namely, to build a socialism in the Soviet Union that was superior to capitalism.

如果否定一国建成社会主义的可能性,其实质即否定社会主义政权在苏联存在的合理性。对处于西方资本主义包围中孤立存在的苏维埃政权来说,当务之急是要有一个说明其存在的理论依据。从20世纪20年代中期开始,西欧无产阶级革命转入低潮。当时的苏联恢复国民经济的任务基本完成,进入了社会主义经济建设的新时期。苏联既然已经走上社会主义道路,就必须建成社会主义。这是唯一正确的选择。斯大林指出:“假如这是不正确的,假如党没有理由断定苏联无产阶级能够建成社会主义社会……那么党就没有理由继续掌握政权,它无论如何应当放弃政权而转到在野党的地位。”在斯大林看来,苏联共产党是无产阶级革命和建设事业的领导者,既然党没有理由断定能够实现社会主义,那么也就没有理由继续掌握政权。斯大林“一国建成社会主义”理论就是对这一问题的有力回应。正如斯大林所言:“不知道为什么建设,就不能真正建设。不知道前进的方向,就一步也不能前进。”斯大林“一国建成社会主义”理论给苏联人民指明了明确的奋斗目标和前进方向,即主张在苏联建成比资本主义更具优越性的社会主义。

2. It inspired the Soviet people’s confidence and enthusiasm for building socialism

2.激发了苏联人民建设社会主义的信心和热情

After the victory of the October Revolution, the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) led the people in arduous efforts to consolidate the regime. By the end of 1925, the Soviet Union had basically completed the task of restoring the national economy and entered a critical period of transition to socialism. The opposition insisted that socialism could not be built in a single country. At a time when a new wave of world revolution was unlikely, the opposition’s views made people feel that the future was bleak, dampening the masses’ enthusiasm for building socialism. In response, Stalin explicitly stated that the Soviet Union could build socialism in one country. This was both a requirement of the development of the Soviet revolution and construction and an ardent hope of the broad masses. Adhering to the theory that socialism could be built in one country strengthened the people’s determination to build socialism, helped inspire their confidence and enthusiasm, and mobilized the entire population to actively participate in socialist construction. Guided by this theory, the Soviet people, under extremely difficult conditions, achieved national industrialization and agricultural collectivization, transformed from a backward agricultural country into a powerful socialist industrial state, won the great victory of the Great Patriotic War, and made tremendous contributions to world peace and progress.

十月革命胜利后,俄共(布)领导人民为巩固政权进行了艰苦努力。1925年年底,苏联恢复国民经济的任务基本完成,进入向社会主义过渡的关键时期。反对派坚持认为单独一国不能建成社会主义。在当时难以指望世界革命高潮到来的情况下,反对派的观点使人们感到前途黯淡,影响了人民群众建设社会主义的积极性。为此,斯大林明确提出,苏联一国能够建成社会主义。这既是苏联革命和建设事业发展的要求,也是广大人民群众的热切期望。坚持一国能够建成社会主义理论,坚定了人民群众建设社会主义的决心,有助于激发人民群众建设社会主义的信心和热情,动员全体人民积极投身于社会主义建设。苏联人民正是在这一理论的指导下,在极其困难的条件下,实现了国家工业化和农业集体化,由经济文化落后的农业国变成社会主义工业强国,夺取了卫国战争的伟大胜利,为世界和平与进步作出了巨大贡献。

3. It unified the Party’s guiding ideology and organization

3.统一了党的指导思想和党的组织

In the mid-1920s, several important leaders within the Party developed serious differences over the future prospects of Soviet socialism, giving rise successively to the Trotsky faction, the Zinoviev faction, the Kamenev faction, the Bukharin faction, and the Trotsky-Zinoviev anti-Party bloc. [11]11 These were opposition factions within the Bolshevik Party in the 1920s. The “New Opposition” (Zinoviev and Kamenev) opposed Stalin’s line on building socialism in one country. The Trotsky-Zinoviev bloc was a united opposition formed in 1926-1927 that was eventually defeated and its leaders expelled from the Party. The Bolshevik Party was once faced with the grave danger of ideological confusion and organizational disintegration. Therefore, a banner was urgently needed to ensure the Party’s high degree of unity in both guiding ideology and organization. Stalin’s theory of “building socialism in one country” criticized and defeated Trotsky’s “theory of permanent revolution,” the “New Opposition’s” capitulationism, and various other erroneous views on the prospects and fate of socialism. It armed the entire Party with the idea that socialism could be built in one country and established this as the Party’s guiding ideology. At the same time, the Bolshevik Party also organizationally purged those oppositionists who were incorrigible, formed cliques and factions, and frantically opposed the Central Committee and engaged in divisive activities, thereby purifying the Party’s ranks and organization. Under the banner of the idea that socialism could be built in one country, a high degree of unity in ideology and organization was achieved within the Party. From then on, the Bolshevik Party concentrated its efforts on leading the Soviet people in socialist construction and achieved great victories.

20世纪20年代中期,党内几位重要领导人对苏联社会主义的发展前途产生严重分歧,先后产生了托洛茨基派、季诺维也夫派、加米涅夫派、布哈林派以及托洛茨基—季诺维也夫反党联盟,布尔什维克党一度面临着思想上混乱和组织上分裂的严重危险。为此,迫切需要一面旗帜来确保党在指导思想上和组织上的高度统一。斯大林“一国建成社会主义”理论批判和战胜了托洛茨基的“不断革命论”、“新反对派”的投降主义以及其他关于社会主义前途和命运的各种错误观点,用一国能够建成社会主义的思想武装了全党,并将其确立为党的指导思想。与此同时,布尔什维克党还从组织上清除了那些执迷不悟、拉帮结派、疯狂进行反对中央、从事分裂活动的反对派分子,纯洁了党的队伍和党的组织。在一国能够建成社会主义思想的旗帜下,实现了党在思想上和组织上的高度统一。从此,布尔什维克党集中精力领导苏联人民进行社会主义建设,夺取了伟大胜利。

4. It enriched the theoretical treasury of Marxism-Leninism

4.丰富了马列主义的理论宝库

Marx and Engels believed that the victory of the socialist revolution would require at least the simultaneous action of several advanced capitalist countries. In their later years, when studying the Russian question, they also pointed out that if the Russian revolution occurred simultaneously with the proletarian revolution in Western Europe, the two would complement each other, and economically and culturally backward Russia might be able to skip the stage of capitalist development and move toward socialism, but this required the prior victory of the proletarian revolution in the advanced capitalist countries. [12]12 In their later years, Marx and Engels considered the possibility that Russia, under certain conditions, might bypass the capitalist stage of development, a view expressed in their writings on the Russian rural commune. Although Lenin in his later years put forward the important idea that socialism could be built in one country and made preliminary attempts at it, he did not have time to develop it in detail. Stalin’s theory of “building socialism in one country” elaborated on what kind of socialism to build and how to build it. This was the product of Stalin’s profound analysis of the international and domestic situation and the state of the Party, combining the general principles of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete realities of the Soviet Union at that time. Stalin’s theory was a correct elaboration and rational application of Marxism-Leninism, enriching its theoretical treasury. This theory not only promoted the vigorous development of socialist construction in the Soviet Union but also powerfully advanced the development of the world proletarian revolutionary movement.

马克思恩格斯认为,社会主义革命的胜利至少要在几个发达的资本主义国家同时进行。他们晚年在研究俄国问题时也指出,如果俄国革命与西欧无产阶级革命同时发生,两者将相互补充,经济文化落后的俄国有可能跨越资本主义发展阶段,走向社会主义,但需要以发达资本主义国家无产阶级先期取得革命的胜利为前提。列宁晚年虽然提出一国可以建成社会主义的重要设想,并进行了初步尝试,但也未来得及具体展开。斯大林“一国建成社会主义”理论阐述了建成什么样的社会主义以及怎样建成社会主义的问题,这是斯大林深刻分析国际国内形势及党内现状,把马列主义一般原理与当时苏联实际相结合的产物。斯大林“一国建成社会主义”理论是对马列主义的正确发挥和合理运用,丰富了马列主义的理论宝库。这一理论不仅推动了苏联社会主义建设的蓬勃发展,而且有力地推进了世界无产阶级革命运动的发展。

IV. The Enlightenment of Stalin’s Theory of “Building Socialism in One Country” for China’s Socialist Construction

四、斯大林“一国建成社会主义”理论对中国社会主义建设的启示

In building socialism with Chinese characteristics, we are, in a certain sense, perfecting and developing Stalin’s theory of “building socialism in one country.” Although this theory of Stalin’s has many shortcomings, for China, which also embarked on the socialist path under conditions of economic and cultural backwardness, this theory undoubtedly has important enlightening significance.

我们建设中国特色社会主义,从一定意义上说,是对斯大林“一国建成社会主义”理论的完善和发展。尽管斯大林的这一理论有许多不足之处,但对于同样是在经济文化落后条件下走上社会主义道路的中国来说,这一理论无疑有着重要启示意义。

1. We must hold high the banner of socialism and strengthen our socialist conviction

1.必须高举社会主义旗帜,坚定社会主义信念

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the Soviet Union collapsed and the Eastern European socialist states underwent drastic changes, and the world socialist movement fell into a low ebb. We faced many difficulties and challenges. Therefore, holding high the great banner of socialism, strengthening socialist conviction, and unswervingly taking the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics are not only very necessary but also of great significance. Deng Xiaoping once pointed out: “Some countries have experienced serious twists and turns; socialism seems to have been weakened, but the people have been tempered and have drawn lessons from it, which will promote the development of socialism in a healthier direction. Therefore, do not panic, do not think that Marxism has disappeared, is useless, or has failed. There is no such thing!” Jiang Zemin pointed out: “Historical experience repeatedly proves that a low tide breeds a high tide. Viewed from the development history of the international communist movement, a low tide will herald new developments in Marxism and new victories for the socialist cause.” What is worthy of pride is that over more than 30 years of reform and opening up, under the correct leadership of the Communist Party of China, the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics has achieved brilliant successes, making the Chinese people proud and attracting worldwide attention. This will surely further strengthen the people’s conviction in the inevitable victory of socialism.

20世纪80年代末90年代初,苏联解体东欧剧变,世界社会主义运动转入低潮,我们面临诸多困难和挑战。因此,高举社会主义伟大旗帜,坚定社会主义信念,坚定不移走中国特色社会主义道路,不仅非常必要,而且意义重大。邓小平曾指出:“一些国家出现严重曲折,社会主义好像被削弱了,但人民经受锻炼,从中吸取教训,将促使社会主义向着更加健康的方向发展。因此,不要惊慌失措,不要认为马克思主义就消失了,没用了,失败了。哪有这回事!”江泽民指出:“历史经验反复证明,低潮孕育着高潮。从国际共产主义运动的发展历史来看,低潮,将预示着马克思主义的新发展,预示着社会主义事业的新胜利。”值得自豪的是,改革开放30多年来,在中国共产党的正确领导下,中国特色社会主义事业取得了辉煌成就,国人骄傲,世人瞩目。这必将进一步坚定广大人民对于社会主义必胜的信念。

2. Adhere to the integration of Marxism-Leninism with the actual conditions of one’s own country and take a path suited to oneself

2.坚持马列主义与本国实际相结合,走适合自己的道路

In building socialism with Chinese characteristics, we should adhere to integrating Marxism-Leninism with China’s specific realities and take a path of socialism suited to China’s national conditions. The greatest current reality in China is that we are in and will long remain in the primary stage of socialism. Therefore, in building socialism with Chinese characteristics, we must proceed from the national conditions of the primary stage, must adhere to the basic economic system with public ownership as the mainstay and diverse forms of ownership developing side by side, and the distribution system with distribution according to work as the mainstay and multiple modes of distribution coexisting. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the world socialist cause suffered a severe blow. Yet socialist China maintained a good momentum of sustained, rapid, and sound economic development, the living standards of the broad masses of the people improved significantly, various social undertakings achieved remarkable results, the international status steadily rose, and it successfully withstood severe tests from all sides. The important reason for this is that our Party adhered to integrating the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the actual conditions of contemporary China and the characteristics of the times, and created the theory of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Under the guidance of this theory, our Party formulated the basic line and basic program for the primary stage of socialism, and blazed a path of socialist modernization suited to China’s national conditions. The report of the 17th National Congress of the CPC profoundly pointed out that the fundamental reason for all our achievements and progress since reform and opening up, in summary, is: we have blazed the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics and formed the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

我们建设中国特色社会主义,应坚持把马列主义与中国具体实际相结合,走适合中国国情的社会主义道路。当前中国最大的实际是我们现在处于并将长期处于社会主义初级阶段。所以,我们建设有中国特色的社会主义,必须从初级阶段的国情出发,必须坚持以公有制为主体、多种所有制经济共同发展的基本经济制度和以按劳分配为主体、多种分配方式并存的分配制度。20世纪80年代末90年代初,世界社会主义事业遭受重创。而社会主义中国却保持了经济持续快速健康发展的良好势头,广大人民群众的生活水平显著提高,各项社会事业成绩斐然,国际地位稳步提升,而且成功经受住来自各方面的严峻考验。其重要原因就是我党坚持把马列主义普遍真理和当代中国实际与时代特征相结合,创立了中国特色社会主义理论。在这一理论指导下,我党制定了社会主义初级阶段的基本路线和基本纲领,走出了一条适合中国国情的社会主义现代化建设道路。党的十七大报告深刻指出,改革开放以来我们取得一切成绩和进步的根本原因,归纳起来就是:开辟了中国特色社会主义道路,形成了中国特色社会主义理论体系。

3. Fully recognize the protracted nature of socialist construction and steadily advance socialist construction

3.充分认识社会主义建设的长期性,稳步推进社会主义建设

Stalin’s theory of “socialism in one country” is a creative development of Marxism, but this theory was later absolutized by Stalin, lowering the standard for building socialism and holding that building socialism could be completed in the shortest possible historical period. Guided by this thinking, Stalin neglected the development of productive forces, implemented some measures that transcended the stage of development, and caused serious harm to socialist construction and development. Thereafter, some socialist countries, including China, one-sidedly understood Stalin’s theory of “socialism in one country” and also committed the error of transcending the stage and rushing forward prematurely to varying degrees. In view of this, we should fully recognize the protracted nature of socialist construction and steadily and gradually advance socialist construction. In the early period of China’s reform and opening up, Deng Xiaoping paid attention to drawing lessons from the past “Left” mistakes. When formulating the grand goals and fundamental policies of China’s reform and opening up, he did not require achieving them in one step, but adopted a “three-step” strategy. The report of the 15th National Congress of the CPC further reaffirmed the important judgment that China is still in the primary stage of socialism, and emphasized the protracted nature of this historical stage, constantly alerting us to avoid the mistake of transcending the historical stage.

斯大林“一国建成社会主义”理论是对马克思主义的创造性发展,但这一理论后来却被斯大林绝对化,降低了建成社会主义的标准,并认为建成社会主义可以在最短的历史时期完成。在这一思想的指导下,斯大林忽视生产力发展状况,实施了一些超越发展阶段的措施,对社会主义建设和发展带来严重危害。此后,包括中国在内的一些社会主义国家片面地理解斯大林“一国建成社会主义”理论,也不同程度地犯了超越阶段、急于过渡的错误。有鉴于此,我们应当充分认识到社会主义建设的长期性,稳步渐进地推进社会主义建设。在我国改革开放初期,邓小平就注意吸取过去“左”的教训,在制定我国改革开放的宏伟目标和根本政策时,不是要求一步到位,而是采取“三步走”战略。党的十五大报告进一步重申了我国尚处于社会主义初级阶段的重要论断,而且强调这一历史阶段的长期性,时刻警醒我们避免犯超越历史阶段的错误。

4. Attach great importance to developing productive forces and strive to build a high-standard socialism

4.高度重视发展生产力,努力建设高标准的社会主义

The socialism that Stalin wanted to build in the Soviet Union was a low-standard socialism, which did not pay enough attention to Marx and Engels’ exposition that socialism must be built on a highly developed material and technological foundation. Guided by this theory, the Soviet model of socialism overemphasized changes in relations of production, neglected the balanced development of social productive forces, neglected the improvement of the material living conditions of the masses, paid insufficient attention to perfecting socialist democracy and the legal system, was overly centralized and unified economically, and lacked full scope for mobilizing the initiative of enterprises and grassroots units. After the end of the Second World War, many newly emerging socialist countries copied and mechanically applied the “Soviet model,” and the socialist cause took many detours, with quite profound lessons. In view of this, we should attach great importance to developing productive forces and strive to build a high-standard socialism.

斯大林要在苏联建成的社会主义,是低标准的社会主义,对马克思恩格斯所阐述的社会主义必须建立在高度发达的物质技术基础上的思想重视不够。在这一理论指导下,苏联社会主义模式过分强调生产关系的变革,忽视社会生产力均衡发展,忽视人民群众物质生活条件的改善,对健全社会主义民主法制注重不够,经济上过于集中统一,缺乏充分发挥企业和基层的积极性。第二次世界大战结束后,许多新兴社会主义国家照抄照搬“苏联模式”,社会主义事业走了不少弯路,教训相当深刻。有鉴于此,我们应当高度重视发展生产力,努力建设高标准的社会主义。

5. Unite positive international forces and strive for a favorable international environment

5.团结国际积极力量,争取良好的国际环境

When Stalin vigorously promoted socialist construction in the Soviet Union, the international environment was very harsh. History has fully proved that in the great process of socialist construction, the influence of the external environment can never be ignored at any time. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe were undoubtedly the result of the combined action of many factors, but the infiltration of Western capitalist countries was undoubtedly an important external cause that cannot be denied. Therefore, in our current construction of socialism with Chinese characteristics, the key is to base ourselves on our own strength, while at the same time actively seeking the support of international forces to create a favorable international environment for China’s socialist construction. Mao Zedong established the policy of relying mainly on one’s own efforts while seeking external assistance as a supplement from 1958 onward. Deng Xiaoping also pointed out that independence, self-reliance, and opening up to the outside world must be organically combined, and that opening up to the outside world is of great significance to China.

斯大林在苏联大力推进社会主义建设之时,国际环境十分恶劣。历史充分证明,在社会主义建设的伟大进程中,任何时候都不可忽视外部环境的影响。苏联解体东欧剧变固然是众多因素合力作用的结果,但西方资本主义国家的渗透无疑是不可否认的重要外因。因此,当前我们进行中国特色社会主义建设,关键是应当把立足点放在依靠自己力量的基点上,同时还须积极争取国际力量的支持,为我国社会主义建设营造良好的国际环境。毛泽东从1958年起就确立了以自力更生为主,争取外援为辅的方针。邓小平也指出,必须把独立自主、自力更生与对外开放有机结合起来,对外开放对中国具有重要意义。

(Author bios: Tang Desen, Associate Professor and Master’s Supervisor, School of Marxism, Hubei University; Jiang Li, Doctoral Candidate, School of Marxism, Hubei University)

(作者简介:汤德森,湖北大学马克思主义学院副教授、硕士生导师;江丽,湖北大学马克思主义学院博士研究生)

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑:同心

Notes

  1. CPSU(B): The All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), the name of the ruling party of the Soviet Union from 1925 to 1952, often referred to in English as the Soviet Communist Party. ↩
  2. V. I. Lenin, “On the Slogan for a United States of Europe,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 21, p. 342. ↩
  3. V. I. Lenin, “The Military Program of the Proletarian Revolution,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 23, p. 79. ↩
  4. J. V. Stalin, “The October Revolution and the Tactics of the Russian Communists,” *Works*, Vol. 6, p. 375. ↩
  5. CPSU(B): The All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), the name of the ruling party of the Soviet Union from 1925 to 1952. ↩
  6. J.V. Stalin, *Problems of Leninism*, Chinese edition, People’s Publishing House, 1964, p. 93. ↩
  7. J.V. Stalin, *Problems of Leninism*, Chinese edition, People’s Publishing House, 1964, p. 94. ↩
  8. Lenin’s theory of “victory in one country” argued that the socialist revolution could first break through the weakest link in the imperialist chain and triumph in a single country, rather than requiring simultaneous revolution in all advanced capitalist countries as Marx and Engels had earlier suggested. ↩
  9. J.V. Stalin, *Problems of Leninism*, Chinese edition, People’s Publishing House, 1964, p. 94. ↩
  10. J.V. Stalin, *Problems of Leninism*, Chinese edition, People’s Publishing House, 1964, p. 95. ↩
  11. These were opposition factions within the Bolshevik Party in the 1920s. The “New Opposition” (Zinoviev and Kamenev) opposed Stalin’s line on building socialism in one country. The Trotsky-Zinoviev bloc was a united opposition formed in 1926-1927 that was eventually defeated and its leaders expelled from the Party. ↩
  12. In their later years, Marx and Engels considered the possibility that Russia, under certain conditions, might bypass the capitalist stage of development, a view expressed in their writings on the Russian rural commune. ↩
  13. The “three-step” strategy: Deng Xiaoping’s plan for China’s modernization, first proposed in 1987, with steps to double GDP by 1990, achieve moderate prosperity by 2000, and reach the level of moderately developed countries by the mid-21st century.
  14. The 15th National Congress of the CPC: Held in September 1997, it formally enshrined Deng Xiaoping Theory as the Party’s guiding ideology and reaffirmed the primary stage of socialism as China’s fundamental national condition.
  15. The 17th National Congress of the CPC: Held in October 2007, it incorporated the Scientific Outlook on Development into the Party’s guiding ideology and summarized the path and theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics.