The Communist Party of India (Marxist)’s New Exploration of the Socialist Path

The Communist Party of India (Marxist) [hereinafter CPI(M)] emerged from the Communist Party of India (hereinafter CPI). In 1964, a faction represented by P. Sundarayya held the Seventh Congress of the Communist Party of India in Calcutta, marking the formal founding of the CPI(M). Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the upheavals in Eastern Europe, in order to adapt to changes in the new world situation, the CPI(M) has carried out relatively effective new theoretical and practical explorations of the socialist path. The Party’s strength has grown and developed, and its membership has achieved leapfrog growth. The CPI(M) has now become the largest communist party in the capitalist world and the only Marxist party in a capitalist country today that has achieved continuous local governance for decades through parliamentary elections. At the same time, the Party has encountered many difficulties in recent years. From its progress and the difficulties it faces, we can roughly analyze its development prospects.

印度共产党(马克思主义) [以下简称印共(马) ] 脱胎于印度共产党(以下简称印共)。1964年， 以普·孙达拉雅(P·Sundarayya) 为代表的一派在加尔各答举行了印度共产党第七次代表大会标志着印共(马)正式成立。苏联解体东欧剧变以来，为了适应新的世界局势变化，印共(马) 对社会主义道路进行了较为有效的理论和实践新探索，党的力量得到壮大和发展，党员人数实现了跨越式增长。印共(马) 现已成为当今资本主义世界里最大的共产党，也是当今资本主义国家共产党里唯一通过议会选举在地方实现了长达几十年连续执政的马克思主义政党。与此同时，近年来该党也遇到不少困境。从其发展进步和遇到的困境，我们可以大致分析其发展前景。

I. The CPI(M)’s Understanding of the Current World Socialist Movement

一、印共(马) 对当前世界社会主义运动的认识

Taking the reflection on the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the upheavals in Eastern Europe as an opportunity, the CPI(M) has exerted collective wisdom, consolidated the consensus of the entire Party, gradually dispelled ideological fog, deepened its understanding of the world socialist movement, and also prepared the ideological groundwork for achieving new results in the exploration of the socialist path. Entering the 21st century, the CPI(M) actively summarizes the past and looks to the future. In recent years, it has put forward new understandings in response to new issues of the new period, perfected its understanding of the world socialist movement, and strengthened its confidence in exploring the socialist path.

印共(马)以反思苏联解体东欧剧变为契机，发挥集体智慧，凝聚全党共识，逐步破除了思想迷雾，深化了对世界社会主义运动的认识，也为社会主义道路新探索成果的取得作了思想上的准备。进入21世纪的印共(马)，积极总结过去，放眼未来，近年来针对新时期新问题提出新认识，完善了对世界社会主义运动的认识，增强了对社会主义道路探索的信心。

1. A Rational Understanding of the Dissolution of the Soviet Union and the Upheavals in Eastern Europe

1. 理性认识苏联解体东欧剧变

After the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the upheavals in Eastern Europe, the CPI(M) conducted extensive democratic discussions through several Party congresses and unified its ideological understanding. It held that the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the upheavals in Eastern Europe do not amount to a negation of the correctness of Marxism-Leninism, nor a negation of the October Revolution, but only represent the failure of the distorted Soviet model of socialist development, reflecting the Soviet Union’s deviation from the theory and practice of socialist revolution. Since the 21st century, on every major anniversary of the October Revolution, the CPI(M) invariably commemorates this historical event and, taking this as an opportunity, affirms the positive significance of the Soviet Union in the practical exploration of human socialism, praising the historical, present, and future-oriented significance of the October Revolution. Prakash Karat, former General Secretary of the CPI(M), pointed out that in the “post-Soviet” and so-called “post-Marxist” era, although various trends of thought and theories prevail, the Marxist analytical method for dissecting and understanding capitalism today and in the future remains the most scientific method, and in the 21st century, scientific socialism remains the only revolutionary alternative to capitalism. Sitaram Yechury, the current General Secretary of the CPI(M), pointed out that although the Soviet Union had major defects in the process of socialist construction, looking at the disasters and oppression brought by imperialism today, it is even more evident that socialism remains the inevitable choice for humanity to achieve national and social liberation.

苏联解体东欧剧变发生后，印共(马) 通过多届党代会展开广泛的民主讨论，统一了思想认识，认为苏联解体东欧剧变不等于对马克思列宁主义正确性的否定，不等于对十月革命的否定，只是代表了苏联扭曲的社会主义发展模式的失败，反映出苏联对社会主义革命理论和实践的偏离。21世纪以来，每逢十月革命重大纪念日，印共(马)必定纪念这一历史事件，并以此为契机，肯定苏联在人类社会主义实践探索中的积极意义，赞扬十月革命的历史、现实和未来指向意义。印共(马)前总书记普拉卡什·卡拉特( Prakash Karat) 指出，在“后苏联”和所谓“后马克思主义”时代里，虽然各种思潮和理论盛行，但基于马克思主义的分析法来剖析和理解今天和将来的资本主义仍然是最科学的方法，在21 世纪科学社会主义仍是资本主义唯一的革命性替代选择。印共(马)现任总书记亚秋里( Sitaram Yechury) 指出，尽管苏联在社会主义建设过程中存在重大缺陷，但纵观今天帝国主义带来的灾难和压迫，更显示出社会主义仍然是人类实现民族和社会解放的必然选择。

2. Critique of “Democratic Socialism”

2. 批判“民主社会主义”

Faced with the trend of communist parties in Western Europe and the former Soviet and Eastern European regions actively embracing the “democratic socialist” line, the CPI(M) has resolutely criticized it. The “Resolution on Ideological Issues” adopted at the 20th Congress of the CPI(M) in 2012 pointed out that “democratic socialism” once advocated accommodation with capitalism and reform within the capitalist system. In the current era of financial capital globalization, it has been further incorporated into the capitalist system. Social democratic parties that once strongly advocated reformism now embrace neoliberal policies and have completely degenerated into accomplices of bourgeois rule. In the view of the CPI(M), although the forces of “democratic socialism” have significant influence in developed capitalist countries and have made some contributions to safeguarding the interests of the working class and world peace, “democratic socialism” is, after all, “merely a reformist trend of thought.” Social democratic parties have abandoned the Marxist-Leninist propositions on the state and social revolution, given up class struggle, and preached class collaboration. In Western European countries, “when in power, they support the bourgeoisie; when in opposition, they support the working class,” always “betraying the working class” at critical moments. Therefore, they cannot be equated with communist parties.

面对西欧和原苏东地区的共产党积极拥抱“民主社会主义”路线的态势，印共(马)给予坚决批判。2012年印共(马)二十大通过的《关于意识形态问题的决议》指出，“民主社会主义”曾主张与资本主义相适应，并在资本主义制度内进行改革。在当下的金融资本全球化时代里，它进一步被纳入资本主义制度。曾极力主张改良主义的社会民主党现在拥抱新自由主义政策，已彻底沦为资产阶级统治的帮凶。在印共(马)看来，“民主社会主义”力量虽然在发达资本主义国家里有着重大影响，在维护工人阶级利益和世界和平方面有所贡献，但“民主社会主义”终究“只是一种改良主义思潮”。社会民主党抛弃了马克思列宁主义关于国家和社会革命的主张，放弃了阶级斗争，鼓吹阶级合作。它在西欧国家“作为执政党时支持资产阶级，作为在野党时支持工人阶级”，总是在关键时刻“背叛工人阶级”，因此不能将其和共产党等同看待。

3. Critique of Contemporary Neoliberalism and the Capitalist Crisis

3. 批判当代新自由主义与资本主义危机

In 2018, the political resolution of the 22nd Congress of the CPI(M) pointed out that the current neoliberal globalization policy of the capitalist world is unsustainable. To determine this, one need only focus on two important features of its globalization process. First, this process is accompanied by increasing economic inequality within developed countries and between developed and developing countries. Second, neoliberal globalization has triggered the phenomenon of “jobless growth.” The reason for this is that the pursuit of profit maximization always stimulates investment to flow into developing technology rather than developing human resources, in an attempt to save labor. The employment growth rate during this period has consistently been lower than the global GDP growth rate. These two features together mean that the purchasing power of the vast majority of the population in the capitalist world has been declining. This ultimately leads to the inability to sell products, the inability to convert surplus value into profit, and capitalism inevitably falls into crisis. In the stage of imperialist economic globalization, such crises will continue to recur in different forms, making it unsustainable. Capitalism will, of course, attempt to overcome this through various means. In this process, capitalism may temporarily survive the current crisis, but it will inevitably lay the foundation for deeper crises in the future. At the beginning of the 21st century, in order to stimulate consumption, capitalism vigorously promoted financial lending, fueling the economic “bubble.” Eventually, the “bubble” burst, triggering the 2008 financial crisis. When the global economy had already slowed down and was heading toward recession, the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic dealt another heavy blow to the already shaky global economy. In 2022, the political resolution of the 23rd Congress of the CPI(M) further pointed out that the global capitalist economic recession is intensifying, and neoliberalism is powerless to provide any solution to the systemic economic downturn. On the contrary, the stimulus packages it proposed to revive the economy have all further strengthened the neoliberal inertia of pursuing profit maximization.

2018年，印共(马)在二十二大的政治决议中指出，当前资本主义世界的新自由主义全球化政策是不可持续的。要确定这一点，关注其全球化过程的两个重要特征即可。首先，这一过程伴随着发达国家内部以及发达国家与发展中国家之间日益加剧的经济不平等。其次，新自由主义全球化引发了“无就业增长”现象。之所以如此，是因为利润最大化的诉求总是刺激着投资流向开发技术，而不是开发人力资源，以图节省劳动力。这一时期的就业增长率一直低于全球GDP 增长率。这两个特征加在一起意味着，资本主义世界绝大多数人口的购买力一直在下降。这最终会导致产品无法售出，剩余价值不能转化为利润，资本主义不可避免地陷入危机。在帝国主义的经济全球化阶段，这样的危机将继续以不同的形式重现，使其不可持续。资本主义当然会试图通过各种方式来克服这一点。在此过程中，资本主义可能会暂时度过当前危机，但不可避免地会为未来更深层次危机奠定基础。21世纪初，为了刺激消费，资本主义曾大力推动金融放贷，助推了经济“泡沫”，最终“泡沫”破裂，爆发了2008年金融危机。在全球经济已经放缓并走向衰退时，又逢新冠肺炎疫情的暴发，这使得摇摇欲坠的全球经济再次遭受重创。2022年，印共(马)在二十三大的政治决议中进一步指出，全球资本主义经济衰退加剧，新自由主义无力为系统性的经济衰退提供任何解决方案。相反，其提出的一揽子重振经济的刺激方案都进一步强化了追求利润最大化的新自由主义惯性。

4. Analyzing the Development Trends of the World Socialist Movement

4. 剖析世界社会主义运动的发展趋势

In the view of the CPI(M), the socialist revolution and practice since the October Revolution have brought a qualitative leap to the development of human civilization and left an indelible mark on modern civilization. Although the dissolution of the Soviet Union was a major setback for socialism, “disaster capitalism” is not the choice for humanity’s future either. Driven by neoliberalism, the global capitalist crisis after the financial crisis shows a tendency to continue developing or even worsen. The history of human development and the reality of the capitalist world in the first two decades of the twenty-first century have confirmed the predictions of Marxism-Leninism, namely that the capitalist system has internal contradictions it cannot overcome and can never escape the vicious cycle of exploiting people and falling into periodic systemic crises. Socialist countries such as China and Vietnam have achieved great development successes in socialist construction and reform, strengthening the overall forces of the world socialist movement, and demonstrating the strong vitality and great superiority of socialism as well as the bright prospects for socialist development in the twenty-first century. The CPI(M) pointed out at its 23rd Congress that the COVID-19 pandemic created a stark contrast between capitalist and socialist countries, that the rise of China has shocked US imperialism, and that in the post-pandemic era US imperialism will intensify its efforts to contain and isolate China. The continued aggressive posture of US imperialism toward Cuba and North Korea, and especially the intensification of Sino-US conflict, will affect the antagonistic contradiction between imperialism and socialism. But the demise of capitalism and the final victory of socialism are historical inevitabilities; the path to socialism is neither a linear process nor a “one-way street,” but a spiraling, tortuous process, that is, one with stages and transitions. The development of the world socialist movement and the success or failure of its contest with capitalism always depend on the achievements made in socialist construction. Yechury pointed out that socialism is the only choice capable of ensuring the genuine and complete liberation of humanity. However, this will be a struggle, both intense and full of ups and downs; overall, the historical direction of the process of human civilization development is toward socialism, and full confidence should be maintained in its future development.

在印共(马)看来，自十月革命以来的社会主义革命和实践给人类文明发展带来了质的飞跃，在现代文明中留下了不可磨灭的印记。苏联解体虽然是社会主义的重大挫折，但“灾难资本主义”也不是人类未来的选择。在新自由主义的推动下，金融危机后的全球资本主义危机有着继续发展甚至加重的趋势。人类发展的历史和21世纪前20年资本主义世界的现状，已经证实了马克思列宁主义的预判，即资本主义制度有其无法克服的内部矛盾，永远跳不出剥削人和陷入周期性系统性危机的怪圈。中国、越南等社会主义国家在社会主义建设和改革中取得了巨大发展成就，壮大了世界社会主义运动的整体力量，体现了社会主义的强大生命力和巨大优越性以及21 世纪社会主义发展的美好前景。印共(马)在最近的二十三大上指出，新冠肺炎疫情下的资本主义国家和社会主义国家产生强烈对比，中国崛起引发了美帝国主义的震惊，后疫情时代的美帝国主义将加强遏制和孤立中国。美帝国主义对古巴和朝鲜的持续侵略姿态，尤其是中美冲突的加剧将对帝国主义和社会主义的对立矛盾产生影响。但资本主义灭亡和社会主义最终胜利是历史必然性，通往社会主义的道路既不是一个线性过程，也不是一个“单向道”，而是一个螺旋上升的曲折过程，即具有阶段性、过渡性。世界社会主义运动的发展及其与资本主义较量的成败，在任何时候都取决于社会主义建设所取得的成就。亚秋里指出，社会主义是唯一能够确保人类真正和完全解放的选择。然而，这将是一场斗争，既激烈又起起落落，总体来看人类文明发展进程的历史方向是朝着社会主义前进的，对其未来发展应保持充分信心。

II. The Development of the CPI(M)’s Theory of “People’s Democratic Revolution”

二、印共（马）关于“人民民主革命”理论的发展

In 1964, when the CPI(M) was founded, it formally elaborated the theoretical position of “people’s democratic revolution.” From 1964 to 1989, the CPI(M)’s development of this theory focused mainly on two aspects: first, proposing the establishment of a left-wing democratic front; second, strengthening Party building. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the CPI(M) has responded to the demands of the times by updating its Party Program, revising or adding new content to the original theory of “people’s democratic revolution,” thereby continuously enriching and developing it, as concentrated in the following aspects.

1964年，印共(马)在成立时正式阐述了“人民民主革命”的理论主张。1964年至1989年，印共(马) 对该理论的发展主要集中在两个方面: 一是提出要建立左翼民主阵线，二是关于加强党的建设。苏联解体东欧剧变以来，印共(马)顺应时代要求，更新了《党纲》，对原“人民民主革命”理论进行修改或增添新内容，使其得到不断丰富和发展，集中表现在以下方面。

1. Updating the Understanding of the Relationship between Capitalism and Socialism

1. 更新对资本主义和社会主义关系的认识

Before the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the CPI(M) believed the world was in a stage of “the immediate collapse of capitalism and the imminent victory of socialism worldwide.” The CPI(M) pointed out at its 14th Congress that this erroneous understanding should be corrected, and it began to acknowledge that capitalism and socialism would coexist for a long period, viewing this as an era of continuous confrontation between counter-revolutionary forces seeking to maintain the capitalist order of exploitation and revolutionary forces striving to liberate humanity. This ongoing struggle takes place worldwide, including within socialist countries. In addition, the CPI(M) also proposed four new contradictions, namely “the contradiction between world socialist forces and imperialist forces, the contradiction between imperialism and the peoples of developing countries, the contradiction among imperialist countries themselves, and the contradiction between capital and labor within capitalist countries.” The CPI(M) pointed out at its 15th Congress that the contradiction between imperialism and socialism currently occupies a dominant position, and the basic direction of the current era is the transition from capitalism to socialism. By its 20th Congress, the CPI(M) noted that “emerging economies” were growing stronger, which would have a complex impact on the contradiction between developed capitalist countries and developing countries, and that global capitalism had entered a period of crisis since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. By its 22nd Congress, the CPI(M) further pointed out that the deepening crisis of neoliberalism would intensify internal contradictions within imperialism, and that the emergence of new political forces and the intensification of tensions are the norm in today’s world.

苏联解体东欧剧变前，印共(马)认为世界处于“资本主义立即崩溃，社会主义在世界范围内马上胜利”的阶段。印共(马)在十四大上指出，要更正这一错误认识，开始承认资本主义和社会主义将长期共存，并认为这是一个希望维护资本主义剥削秩序的反革命力量与寻求解放人类的革命力量不断对抗的时期。这种持续的斗争发生在世界范围内，包括社会主义国家内部。此外，印共(马)还提出了新四大矛盾，即“世界社会主义力量和帝国主义力量之间的矛盾、帝国主义和发展中国家人民之间的矛盾、帝国主义国家之间的矛盾以及资本主义国家内部劳资之间的矛盾”。印共(马)在十五大上指出，目前帝国主义和社会主义之间的矛盾占主导地位，当前时代的基本方向是从资本主义向社会主义的过渡。到二十大，印共(马)指出，“新兴经济体”日益强大，将对发达资本主义国家与发展中国家之间的矛盾产生复杂的影响，苏联解体后全球资本主义已经进入危机时期。到二十二大，印共(马)进一步指出，新自由主义危机的加深会加剧帝国主义内部矛盾，新政治力量的出现和紧张局势的加剧是当今世界的常态。

2. Updating the Means and Reliant Forces of the “People’s Democratic Revolution”

2. 更新“人民民主革命”的手段和依靠力量

Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, while reaffirming and adhering to the basic line of the “people’s democratic revolution” without wavering, the CPI(M) has, in light of new problems in the new period, undertaken certain updates and developments regarding the means and reliant forces of the “people’s democratic revolution.”

苏联解体东欧剧变以来，印共(马)在重申和坚持“人民民主革命”基本路线不动摇的基础上，结合新时期新问题，对“人民民主革命”的手段和依靠力量进行了一定的更新和发展。

Regarding the means of the “people’s democratic revolution,” before the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, a major split occurred within the CPI(M) over this issue, at which time the Naxalite faction, which advocated the use of peasant armed struggle, split away from the Party. After this, on the question of which revolutionary means to adopt, the CPI(M) advocated “neither imitating the Soviet Union nor copying China,” but instead exploring independently in accordance with India’s specific national conditions. In this process, it established the adoption of peaceful and parliamentary struggle as means, and the CPI(M)’s successful experience in governing at the local level further reinforced this understanding. However, the domestic political situation currently facing the CPI(M) has undergone considerable changes, so the CPI(M)’s expression in its new Party Program differs. The new Party Program states: “Make the utmost effort to establish ‘people’s democracy’ through peaceful means… through powerful mass revolutionary movements, combine parliamentary struggle with non-parliamentary struggle… but it must be remembered… to remain vigilant and prepared for unexpected events.” That is, regarding revolutionary means, it retains the option of non-parliamentary struggle and other possible revolutionary means. Regarding reliant forces, before the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the CPI(M) focused mainly on the two classes of workers and peasants. At present, however, after recognizing the internal differentiation of the intelligentsia, the middle class, and the bourgeoisie, as well as changes in the balance of class forces, the CPI(M) proposes relying on four classes—the working class, the peasantry, the middle class, and the non-monopoly bourgeoisie—in joint action to form the broadest “people’s democratic front,” and it must ensure that the working class and the CPI(M) occupy the leading position in order to win revolutionary victory.

关于“人民民主革命”的手段，在苏联解体东欧剧变前，印共(马)党内曾因该问题发生过一次大分裂，当时主张用农民武装斗争手段的纳萨尔巴里派因而分裂离党。在此之后，印共(马)在关于采取何种革命手段上，主张“既不模仿苏联也不效仿中国”，而是要结合印度具体国情并独立自主地去探索。在此过程中，确立了采取和平与议会斗争的手段，而印共(马)在地方的成功执政实践又强化了这一认识。但时下印共(马)所面对的国内政治形势发生了较大变化，因此印共(马)在其新党纲里表述有所不同。新党纲指出: “尽最大努力通过和平手段建立‘人民民主’……通过强大的群众革命运动，把议会斗争和非议会斗争结合起来……但是，必须牢记……保持警惕，应对突发事件”。即在革命手段上，保留非议会斗争与其他可能的革命手段的选项。关于依靠力量，苏联解体东欧剧变前，印共(马)把目光主要集中在工人和农民两阶级。而当下，印共(马)在看到知识分子、中产阶级和资产阶级的内部分化和阶级力量对比关系变化的现实后，提出要依靠四个阶级，即工人阶级、农民阶级、中产阶级和非垄断资产阶级的联合行动，组成最广泛的“人民民主阵线”，且必须保证工人阶级和印共(马)处于领导地位，才能夺取革命胜利。

3. Strengthening Party Building

3. 加强党的建设

The CPI(M) maintains a high degree of vigilance regarding the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, and their lessons. The CPI(M) pointed out at its 14th Congress that “an important reason for the collapse of the Soviet Communist Party and the fall of the state was the neglect of Party building, the continuous expansion of bureaucracy, which caused the Party to become seriously divorced from the masses.” To respond to the new situation and the future development of the Party, the CPI(M) continuously strengthens its own construction in ideological, political, organizational, and work-style aspects. First, ideological construction. Facing various forms of anti-communist ideology and neoliberal propaganda, in the new period, almost every Party Congress of the CPI(M) has emphasized “strengthening the ideological struggle against all external ideologies.” First, the whole Party conducts discussions on important historical issues of socialism and theoretical and practical issues, unifying ideological understanding; second, it has run several sessions of the Central Party School for the training and education of Party members and cadres, but this cadre education has not been sustained; third, it publishes various books and pamphlets on Party history and theoretical study; fourth, it establishes specialized Party propaganda departments, paying attention to the updating of propaganda methods and platforms. Second, political construction and work-style construction. The CPI(M) adheres to “concrete analysis of concrete conditions,” determining short-term goals and political lines based on national conditions, namely uniting left-wing democratic forces to ultimately establish a “people’s democracy” state to replace the bourgeois state power. The Party has always attached great importance to “using the mass line to strengthen the revolutionary Party and establish close relations with the masses.” Third, organizational construction. First, the procedures for joining the Party have become stricter; second, it stipulates that Party members must strictly fulfill their Party obligations and implement the Party’s policies, resolutions, and directives; third, it emphasizes Party discipline and stresses punishment for violations of discipline; fourth, it upholds and improves democratic centralism, opposes factionalism, separatism, and mountain-stronghold tendencies [2]2 “Mountain-stronghold tendencies” (山头主义) refers to a sectarian practice within a political party where members prioritize the interests of their own local or departmental group over the unity and authority of the central organization, akin to warlordism or parochialism. within the Party, and strengthens the authority and leadership of the Party Central Committee; fifth, it actively addresses the serious imbalance in the distribution of Party strength, strengthening Party building in the Hindi-speaking regions and other areas; sixth, it emphasizes streamlining Party organizations, striving to recruit youth and women into the Party, and building a high-quality revolutionary Party.

印共(马)对苏联解体东欧剧变及其教训保持高度警惕。印共(马)在十四大上指出，“苏共亡党亡国一个重要原因就是忽视党建，官僚主义不断膨胀，致使党严重脱离了人民群众”。为了应对新态势和党的未来发展，印共(马)从思想、政治、作风和组织等方面不断加强自身建设。第一，思想建设。面对各种形式的反共意识形态和新自由主义宣传，在新时期里印共(马)的历届党代会几乎都强调“加强同一切外来意识形态的思想斗争”。一是对社会主义重要历史问题、理论与实践问题，全党进行探讨，统一思想认识; 二是曾举办了多期中央党校对党员和干部的培训教育，但这种干部教育没有持续下去; 三是出版各种有关党的历史与理论学习的书籍和小册子; 四是成立党的专门宣传部门，注重宣传手段和平台的更新。第二，政治建设和作风建设。印共(马)坚持“具体问题具体分析”，根据国情确定了近期奋斗目标和政治路线，即团结左翼民主力量，最终建立“人民民主”国家，以取代资产阶级国家政权。该党始终高度重视“用群众路线加强革命党，与人民群众建立密切关系”。第三，组织建设。一是入党程序更加严格; 二是规定党员必须严格履行党员义务，执行党的政策、决议和指示; 三是重视党纪，强调对违纪行为的处分; 四是坚持和完善民主集中制，反对党内存在的宗派主义、分离主义和山头主义等不良倾向，强化党中央的权威和领导；五是积极解决党的力量分布严重失衡局面，加强在印地语区和其他地区党的建设力度; 六是强调精简党组织，努力把青年和妇女吸纳入党，建设高素质的革命党。

4. Adjusting the Party’s Policies and Line

4. 调整党的政策和路线

Based on practical needs, the CPI(M) adopts more flexible tactics, forming a broad united front to strike at the most important reactionary forces on the path forward. In the 1970s, the CPI(M)’s united front targeted left-wing parties and other democratic forces, thereby establishing a “Left-Democratic Front.” Since the 1990s, in response to the reactionary policies of the Bharatiya Janata Party, the CPI(M)’s united front has undergone new changes, namely uniting all left-wing parties, democratic forces, and secular forces except the Indian National Congress and the BJP to form a “third alternative force.” In 2011, the CPI(M) lost its governing position in West Bengal. At its 21st Congress, the CPI(M) began to advocate restoring the leading position of the “Left-Democratic Front.” In 2018, at its 22nd Congress, the CPI(M) advocated uniting all leftist and intellectual forces, constructing an “alternative choice of the Left-Democratic Front” together with socialists scattered across various parties and democratic factions within secular bourgeois parties, and proposed an alternative to neoliberal and bourgeois-landlord policies; it advocated carrying out unity and struggle actions through the “Jan Ekta Jan Adhikar Andolan” (People’s Unity, People’s Rights Movement) platform, projecting this mass movement force to the national level. Due to the CPI(M)’s consecutive electoral defeats in West Bengal and Tripura, there has been intense debate within the Party in recent years over whether the political front should be adjusted, with the core of the debate being whether to unite with the INC to defeat the BJP. The faction represented by the current CPI(M) General Secretary Sitaram Yechury advocates uniting all “secular” forces, including the INC, to defeat the main enemy, the BJP. The faction represented by former CPI(M) General Secretary Prakash Karat and current Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan opposes an alliance with the INC. Both sides hold their own views, and at the 22nd Congress of the CPI(M) in 2018, a vote was held on a motion regarding whether the political line should be adjusted, with 31 votes in favor and 55 against. Although the motion was ultimately not passed, differences within the Party on this issue persist. Currently, the CPI(M) and the INC have “reached a political understanding but not formed an alliance”; whether the CPI(M) will adjust its line in the future remains to be seen.

根据现实需要，印共(马)采取更为灵活的策略，组成广泛的统一战线，打击前进道路上最主要的反动势力。20世纪70年代，印共(马)统一战线的对象是左翼政党和其他民主力量，从而建立“左翼—民主阵线”。20世纪90年代以来，针对印度人民党的反动政策，印共(马)的统一战线有了新变化，即团结除国大党和人民党以外的所有左翼政党、民主力量和世俗主义力量，组建“第三种替代性力量”。2011年，印共(马)丧失了在西孟加拉邦的执政权。在二十一大上，印共(马)开始主张恢复“左翼—民主阵线”的领导地位。2018年，印共(马)在二十二大上主张，应当联合所有左派和知识分子的力量，与包括分散在各个党派的社会主义者和世俗资产阶级政党中的民主党派构建“左翼—民主阵线的另一种替代性选择”，并提出了替代新自由主义和资产阶级地主政策的方案; 主张通过“人民团结的火炬之光( Jan Ekta Jan Adhikar Andolan) ”平台开展团结与斗争行动，并把这一群众运动力量投射到国家层面。由于印共(马)在西孟加拉邦和特里普拉邦的选举连续失利，最近几年党内就政治战线是否要调整正处于激烈争论之中，争论的核心是要不要联合国大党击败人民党。以印共(马)现任总书记亚秋里为代表的一派，主张把包括国大党在内的所有“世俗”力量都联合起来，以打败人民党这一主要敌人。以印共(马)前总书记卡拉特和现任喀拉拉邦首席部长皮纳拉伊·维贾扬( Pinarayi Vijayan) 为代表的一派，则反对与国大党结盟。双方各持己见，并在2018年印共(马)二十二大上进行了关于政治路线是否要调整的议案投票，其中赞成票31票，反对票55票。虽然提案最终未获通过，但党内关于这一方面的分歧依然存在。目前，印共(马)和国大党“达成政治谅解，但不结成联盟”，后期印共(马)是否会进行路线调整有待观察。

5. Envisioning the Program and Policies of the Future “People’s Democracy” State

5. 构想未来“人民民主”国家的纲领和政策

After the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the CPI(M)’s new Party program envisioned the policies and program of the future “people’s democracy” state, rather than directly utopianly designing a future socialist society. The CPI(M) regards winning the “people’s democratic revolution” and establishing a “people’s democracy” state as a necessary stage in the transition to socialism. From the CPI(M)’s vision, its policies and program carry a certain socialist hue.

苏联解体东欧剧变后，印共(马)的新党纲对未来“人民民主”国家的政策和纲领进行了构想，而不是直接空想设计未来社会主义社会。印共(马)把夺取“人民民主革命”胜利，建立“人民民主”国家，视为向社会主义过渡的必经阶段。从印共(马)的构想来看，其政策和纲领带有一定的社会主义色彩。

Regarding the future state structure and democracy, it advocates sovereignty residing in the people, equality for all citizens, state power organs being responsible to the people, the exercise of state power by people’s representatives, and local bodies above the village level being directly elected by the people; eliminating social inequality, eradicating caste oppression and discrimination against women, etc. Regarding policies on agriculture, peasants, industry, and workers, it advocates implementing land reform, abolishing landlord ownership of land, and distributing land free of charge to peasants with little or no land; the state taking over private monopoly property and eliminating domestic and foreign monopoly capital; recognizing trade unions and their rights to collective bargaining and strikes; implementing price and tax policies beneficial to the masses, etc. Regarding policies on public utilities such as culture, education, healthcare, and environmental protection, it advocates developing a democratic, secular, new, and progressive national culture; developing mass media for the people, preventing private and foreign capital from controlling the media; implementing free and compulsory education up to the secondary level; establishing a free health and medical security system; adopting measures to protect the ecological environment, etc. Regarding foreign policy, it advocates developing relations with all countries on the basis of equality, friendship, and cooperation, promoting South-South cooperation, and revitalizing the Non-Aligned Movement; supporting all movements opposing imperialism and striving for democracy and socialism; peacefully resolving differences and territorial disputes with neighboring countries, etc.

关于未来国家结构与民主，主张主权在民，公民一律平等，国家权力机关对人民负责，行使国家权力的是人民代表，村以上的地方机构由人民直接选举产生; 消除社会不平等，消灭种姓压迫和妇女歧视等。关于农业、农民和工业、工人的政策，主张实行土地改革，消灭土地地主所有制，把土地无偿分给无地少地的农民; 国家接管私人垄断财产，清除国内外垄断资本; 承认工会及其集体谈判权和罢工权; 实行有利于人民群众的价格和税收政策等。关于文教、医疗卫生和环保等公共事业的政策，主张发展民主的、世俗的、新型的、进步的民族文化; 发展人民大众传媒，杜绝私人和外国资本控制媒体; 实行中学以下的免费和义务教育; 建立免费的健康医疗保障体系; 采取保护生态环境的措施等。关于对外政策，主张在平等友好合作的基础上同所有国家发展关系，促进南南合作，振兴不结盟运动; 支持所有反对帝国主义、争取民主和社会主义的运动; 和平解决同邻国存在的分歧和领土争端等。

III. The CPI(M)’s New Impetus for the Practice of the “People’s Democratic Revolution”

三、印共（马）关于“人民民主革命”实践的新推动

1. The CPI(M)’s Strength Development and Mass Movements and Struggles

1. 印共（马）的力量发展与开展的群众运动及斗争

Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the CPI(M) has on the whole grown rapidly, though its growth momentum has declined considerably in the past decade. In 1991, the CPI(M) had 579,666 members; by the end of 2021, membership stood at 985,757. At the time of its 14th Congress, the mass organizations led by the CPI(M) had about 28.78 million members; by the time of its 19th Congress in 2008, this had risen to over 61 million, and the current size of the mass organizations still fluctuates around this scale. In the CPI(M)’s view, since the Bharatiya Janata Party came to power in the 1990s, its anti-people, anti-democratic policies have not only shifted Indian domestic politics to the right but also emboldened communalist forces. Consequently, the CPI(M) has actively led mass organizations in launching mass movements to defend secularism and oppose communalism and caste discrimination. In the early 21st century, the CPI(M) mainly criticized the economic policies of the BJP and the Indian National Congress for their excessive pursuit of liberalization and privatization. Over the past decade, the CPI(M) has mainly criticized the Indian government for promoting neoliberal reforms, fostering crony capitalism, and cultivating national chauvinism, leading to severe exploitation of the working class, the enrichment of the big bourgeoisie into large monopoly groups, an increasingly distorted economic structure, growing social polarization, and the undermining of secular democracy and the Indian constitution. To this end, the CPI(M) has for years led mass organizations in movements and struggles to oppose the federal government’s liberalization, privatization, and neoliberal economic reforms, and to defend workers’ rights. In addition, the CPI(M) opposes the federal government’s bourgeois-landlord-class policies and actively organizes mass movements and struggles to help peasants obtain and redistribute land. Since the beginning of the 21st century, the CPI(M) has in almost every congress resolution firmly opposed the BJP’s alignment with US hegemonic policies and strategic expansion. In its political resolution at the 17th Congress, the CPI(M) stated that bilateral issues in Sino-Indian relations can be resolved peacefully through dialogue, and it strongly condemned domestic right-wing political forces for following the US in wrongly positioning China as an adversarial force, advocating instead for Sino-Indian friendly cooperation and the active development of bilateral relations. Thus, the CPI(M) has publicly opposed the BJP’s foreign policy while actively engaging in constructive and friendly exchanges and communication with neighboring countries, promoting economic and trade cooperation and people-to-people exchanges between Indian states and multiple nations.

自苏联解体东欧剧变以来，印共(马)总体上处于快速壮大中，近十年来增长势头有较大下降。1991年，印共(马)的党员人数为579666人，2021年年底，党员人数为985757人。在十四大召开之时，印共(马)领导的群众组织成员约为2878万人，到2008 年十九大召开之时，已攀升到6100多万人，目前群众组织人数仍在这一规模波动。在印共(马)看来，自20世纪90年代印度人民党上台以来，其反人民、反民主的政策不仅使印度国内政治右转，而且导致教派主义势力抬头。于是，印共(马)积极领导群众组织开展保护世俗主义、反对教派主义和种姓歧视的群众运动。21世纪初，印共(马)主要批判印度人民党和国大党在执政期间过度追求自由化和私有化的经济政策。近十年里，印共(马)主要批判印度政府推行新自由主义改革、促进裙带资本主义、培育民族沙文主义，导致工人阶级遭受严重剥削，大资产阶级受益成为大垄断集团，经济结构日益畸形，社会两极分化日益加剧，世俗民主与印度宪政遭到破坏。为此，印共(马)常年领导群众组织开展运动与斗争，以反对联邦政府的自由化、私有化改革和新自由主义经济改革，捍卫工人权利。此外，印共(马)反对联邦政府资产阶级—地主阶级的政策，积极组织群众开展帮助农民夺得土地与分配土地的运动及斗争。自进入21世纪以来，印共(马)在历届党代会决议里几乎都提出了坚决反对印度人民党附和美国的霸权主义政策和战略扩张。印共(马)在十七大的政治决议里指出，在中印关系问题上，双边关系问题可以通过对话和平解决，印共(马)强烈谴责国内右翼政治势力追随美国把中国定位成对抗力量的错误国策，主张中印友好合作，积极发展双边关系。于是，印共(马)一边公开反对人民党的对外政策，一边积极同邻国开展建设性、友好型的交流和沟通，促进印度各邦与多国开展经贸合作和人文交流。

2. New Dynamics in Local Governance

2. 地方执政新动态

In 1977, the Left Front government led by the CPI(M) began governing West Bengal, but lost the state election in 2011, abruptly ending 34 consecutive years in power. Since then, the Left Front’s seat count in the state assembly has plummeted, dropping to zero in 2021—“the first time since independence that the West Bengal assembly has had no left-wing representatives.” In 1993, the CPI(M) regained power in Tripura, but lost the state assembly election to the BJP in 2018, forfeiting its governing position. From the 1960s to 1991, the Left Democratic Front led by the CPI(M) and the United Democratic Front led by the Indian National Congress alternated in power in Kerala. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the CPI(M) lost power in that state until it regained it in 1996. In the 2016 and 2021 Kerala state assembly elections, the CPI(M) won decisive victories—its longest continuous period in power in the state since the Soviet collapse. This boosted the CPI(M)’s morale after losing power in West Bengal and Tripura, sounding a new clarion call for the party to regain confidence, engage in self-revolution, and renew its glory.

1977年印共(马)领导的左翼阵线政府开始在西孟加拉邦执政，2011年输掉了该邦的大选，连续34年的执政地位戛然而止。自此以后，左翼阵线在该邦的议会席位数开始断崖式下跌，2021年骤降到0，“这是自独立以来，西孟加拉邦议会中首次没有左翼代表的情况”。1993年印共(马)夺回在特里普拉邦的执政地位，2018年在邦议会选举中落败于印度人民党，丧失执政地位。自20世纪60年代至1991年，印共(马)领导的左翼民主阵线和印度国民大会党领导的联合民主阵线在喀拉拉邦轮流执政。苏联解体东欧剧变后，印共(马)丧失了在该邦的执政地位，直到1996年重新夺回。在2016年和2021年的喀拉拉邦议会选举中，印共(马)皆获大胜，这是自苏联解体东欧剧变以来印共(马)在该邦最长的执政周期，这鼓舞了印共(马)在连续丢掉西孟加拉邦、特里普拉邦执政地位后的士气，吹响了印共(马)重拾信心、自我革命、再续辉煌的新号角。

3. New Developments in Inter-Party Relations

3. 党际交往新局面

Inter-party relations are an important part of the CPI(M)’s practical activities. From 1964 to 1977, the CPI(M) and the CPI were in a confrontational relationship. From 1978 to 1991, the hostility between the two parties began to thaw. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, with changes in the international situation and especially in India’s domestic political forces, exchanges and cooperation between the two parties increased. On February 20, 1996, the leadership of the two parties met and established a broader left-wing and democratic alliance, the “Third Force.” In the 21st century, in order to stop the BJP’s extremist religious policies, the alliance between the two parties has become more solid, and their domestic influence has greatly increased. However, the CPI(M) has always opposed the CPI’s proposal for a merger of the two parties and has often criticized the CPI’s cooperation with the Congress Party. Overall, in the new period, consensus and cooperation between the two parties are the mainstream, while differences and contradictions are secondary.

党际交往是印共(马)实践活动中的重要内容。1964—1977年，印共(马)和印共处于对抗关系之中。1978—1991年，两党敌对关系开始破冰。苏联解体东欧剧变后，随着国际形势，尤其是印度国内政治力量的变化，两党的交流合作随之攀升。1996年2月20日，两党领导层举行会晤，确立了共建更广泛的左翼和民主联盟力量，即“第三种力量”。在21世纪，为了阻止人民党的极端宗教政策，两党结成的联盟更加牢固，国内影响力得到巨大提升。但是，印共(马)始终反对印共提出的两党合并的主张，也时常批评印共与国大党的合作。总的来看，在新时期里两党的共识与合作是主流，分歧和矛盾是支流。

Before the 1980s, relations between the CPI(M) and the Communist Party of China were in a deep freeze; by the 1980s, due to changes in the domestic and international situations of both sides and adjustments in the parties’ own policies, they began to make contact and work toward normalizing relations; by the 1990s, relations were fully normalized. In the 21st century, the CPI(M) and the CPC have interacted more frequently, and bilateral relations have become closer. The CPI(M) attaches great importance to strengthening bilateral relations with the CPC, often publishing articles in the party’s official newspaper introducing the CPC’s theory and practice, and calling on the entire party to study them. In addition, the CPI(M)’s relations with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union have undergone a complex transformation from hostility to friendship and then to divergence. In the 21st century, the CPI(M) has interacted more frequently with the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and other communist parties worldwide, and inter-party relations have deepened; at each of the party’s congresses, it receives numerous congratulatory letters and telegrams from other communist parties, and many foreign party delegations are invited to attend.

20世纪80年代以前，印共(马)同中国共产党的关系处于冰冻期; 到80年代，由于双方国内外形势变化和党自身政策的调整，双方开始接触，着手恢复正常关系; 到90年代，双方关系完全正常化。在21世纪，印共(马)同中国共产党交往更加频繁，双边关系也更加密切起来。印共(马)高度重视加强同中国共产党的双边关系建设，时常在党的机关报中刊登文章介绍中国共产党的理论与实践，并号召全党进行探讨。此外，印共(马)同苏共的关系历经从敌对到友好再到分歧的复杂转变。在21世纪，印共(马)同俄共以及其他各国共产党的交往更加频繁，党际关系更进一步，党的历届党代会召开时都会收到大量他国共产党的贺信和贺电，也有众多国家政党代表团应邀出席会议。

IV. The CPI(M)’s Successful Experiences, Existing Problems, and Development Prospects in Its New Exploration

四、印共（马）在新探索中的成功经验、存在问题和发展前景

1. Successful Experiences

1. 成功经验

First, a communist party must firmly build an ideological position, unswervingly uphold Marxism-Leninism, and adhere to socialist ideals and convictions—this is the foundation for building and revitalizing the party. During the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the CPI(M) began to consolidate consensus within the party politically and ideologically, expressing its firm belief in Marxism. Since the Soviet collapse, the CPI(M) has consistently used Marxism-Leninism to educate and arm the entire party, drawing on the experiences and lessons of world socialist theory and practice, and actively engaging in ideological struggle. At almost every national congress, the party makes arrangements for ideological work, sometimes even forming resolutions requiring the entire party to implement them. Moreover, when major changes occur in the domestic and international situation and various external factors affect party members’ ideological understanding, the CPI(M) proactively conducts party-wide discussions on these issues, thereby deepening understanding, resolutely overcoming and reforming various non-proletarian party ideologies, eliminating cognitive deviations, and reaching consensus, so that the entire party consistently adheres to Marxism-Leninism as its guide to action and continues to advance on the path of exploring socialism.

第一，共产党必须在意识形态上筑牢思想阵地，毫不动摇地坚持马克思列宁主义，坚守社会主义理想信念，这是立党兴党之基。印共(马)在苏联解体东欧剧变过程中就着手在政治和意识形态上凝聚全党共识，表达了对马克思主义的坚定信念。苏联解体东欧剧变以来，印共(马)始终坚持用马克思列宁主义教育和武装全党，借鉴吸收世界社会主义理论和实践发展的经验教训，积极开展意识形态斗争。几乎在每一届全国党代会上，该党都会对意识形态工作作出部署，甚至形成决议要求全党执行。此外，当国内外局势发生重大变化，各种外界因素影响党员的思想认识时，印共(马)会主动就这些问题进行全党大探讨，进而深化认识，坚决克服和改造各种非无产阶级政党思想，消除认识偏差，达成共识，让全党始终坚持以马克思列宁主义为行动指南，在探索社会主义道路上不断前进。

Second, for a proletarian party to advance the socialist cause and take root in its own country, it must adapt Marxism to local conditions, adhere to a developmental perspective, and independently explore a socialist path suited to its national conditions. As Prakash Karat emphasized in his opening speech at the CPI(M)’s 20th Congress: “The CPI(M) has always insisted on applying Marxism-Leninism to the specific conditions of India in order to explore its own revolutionary path. We have never tried to imitate foreign models, and we must constantly renew our ideological understanding.” In fact, the CPI(M)’s theory and practice of “people’s democratic revolution” embody the Indianization of Marxism. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the CPI(M)’s ability to promptly correct and revise outdated perceptions and practices, and to achieve results in its new exploration, is largely due to its attitude of independence and keeping pace with the times.

第二，无产阶级政党要推进社会主义事业在本国生根发展，就必须把马克思主义本土化，坚持发展的观点，独立自主地探索适合本国国情的社会主义道路。正如普拉卡什·卡拉特在印共(马)二十大开幕式上的致辞所强调的: “印共(马)始终坚持把马列主义运用到印度的具体情况中，以探索出自己的革命道路。我们从未试图模仿国外模式，必须不断更新思想认识。”实际上，印共(马)的“人民民主革命”理论与实践就是马克思主义印度化的体现。自苏联解体东欧剧变以来，印共(马)能及时更正和修改不合时宜的认知和做法，并在新探索中取得成就，很重要的原因正在于其独立自主和与时俱进的态度。

Third, opposing class oppression and enabling the people to be masters of the country is the essential responsibility of a proletarian party and the source of its vitality. Faced with the oppression of the Indian bourgeoisie against the working class and peasants, especially the intensification of labor-capital contradictions, the CPI(M) launched mass movements and achieved relevant legislation, defending the interests of the masses, “raising the Party’s prestige among the masses and promoting the spread of the Party’s ideas among the masses.” [4]4 The original Chinese text cites an internal CPI(M) source here, but the citation marker is not provided in the input. In addition, the CPI(M) implemented land reform in the states it governs, replaced old-style landlord family power with village-level grassroots self-governance, promoted secularism to reduce caste and religious conflicts, and adopted “people’s planning” to achieve power devolution, greatly advancing the people’s role as masters of the country. This demonstrated the CPI(M)’s character as a people’s revolutionary party and also strengthened its own political reputation.

第三，反对阶级压迫并实现人民当家作主是无产阶级政党的本色担当，也是党的生命力所在。面对印度资产阶级对工人阶级和农民的压迫，尤其是劳资矛盾的加剧，印共(马)开展群众运动并实现相关立法，捍卫了群众的利益，“提高了党在群众中的威信，促进了党的思想在群众中的传播”。此外，印共(马)在其执政邦推行土地改革，用村民基层自治取代旧式地主家族权力，推行世俗主义以减少种族和宗教矛盾的冲突，采取“人民计划”实现权力下放，极大程度地促进了人民当家作主，展现了印共(马)作为人民革命党的本色，也壮大了自身的政治声望。

Fourth, a proletarian party must attach great importance to its own building, win the broadest mass support, adopt flexible tactics, and expand the broadest united front. The CPI(M)’s current goal for Party building is: “a strong revolutionary party based on Marxism-Leninism, with a solid mass foundation, high quality, and optimized structure.” The CPI(M) believes that only by building a strong party can it promote new achievements in the party’s exploration of the socialist path. Therefore, the CPI(M) places special emphasis on strengthening the party’s ideological, political, work style, organizational, and personnel structure building, adheres to the mass line, and adopts different united fronts according to changes in the domestic and international situation. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the upheavals in Eastern Europe, whenever the CPI(M) has paid particular attention to Party building, serving the people, and uniting the forces of the united front, that has been the period when the party’s strength and influence have grown and developed relatively rapidly.

第四，无产阶级政党一定要高度重视自身建设，赢得最广泛群众支持，采取灵活的策略，壮大最广泛的统一战线。当前印共(马)关于党的建设目标是: “以马克思列宁主义为基础，拥有牢固群众基础的、高素质的、结构优化的强大革命党。”印共(马)认为，只有建设强大的党，才能推动党在社会主义道路探索中取得新成就。因此，印共(马)把加强党的思想、政治、作风、组织和人员架构建设摆在突出位置，坚持群众路线，并根据国内外形势的变化采取不同的统一战线。苏联解体东欧剧变以来，凡是印共(马)特别重视党的建设、为人民服务和团结统一战线各力量之时，就是该党的力量和影响力发展壮大较快的阶段。

2. Existing Problems

2. 存在的问题

First, the CPI(M)’s political projection is severely unbalanced in its distribution, and its political influence fluctuates widely. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the upheavals in Eastern Europe, the party’s influence has still been mainly concentrated in a few Indian states, with more than half of its party members coming from Kerala. In the second decade of the twenty-first century, the party suffered major setbacks in national elections and local governance. From 1989 to 2004, the CPI(M)’s number of seats in the Lok Sabha [5]5 The Lok Sabha is the lower house of India’s bicameral parliament. steadily increased. In 2004, the Left Front led by the CPI(M) set a record, winning 61 of the 543 seats in parliament, and the parliamentary struggle path of socialist exploration seemed promising. However, thereafter the CPI(M)’s parliamentary seats plummeted, winning only 3 seats in the most recent election, showing the magnitude of the fluctuation. In 2014, the 16th Lok Sabha election was a watershed in contemporary Indian political history. The Bharatiya Janata Party won a majority of seats on the strength of a single party, and India’s political landscape underwent significant change. The leftist forces led by the CPI(M) suffered Waterloo-style [6]6 “Waterloo-style” refers to a decisive and crushing defeat, alluding to Napoleon’s final defeat at the Battle of Waterloo in 1815. heavy defeats in West Bengal and Kerala, both known as “leftist strongholds,” reflecting that the long-term trust of the people in those regions had been shaken. At the 23rd Congress in 2022, the CPI(M)’s self-assessment was: “the Party is facing the most challenging situation since its founding in 1964… our mass base and influence have been eroded.” Therefore, the CPI(M) urgently needs to rebuild the people’s trust. Second, although the CPI(M) attaches importance to Party building, the party leadership has relaxed this in recent years. Many Indian leftist party leaders and political commentators believe that “the biggest problem with the CPI(M) leadership is that although they express self-reflection, they have made no actual and necessary corrections in line and strategy. Even after their successive electoral defeats, no party leader has taken responsibility for this.” In addition, some party members have developed a bureaucratic style, ideological and political confusion, lax discipline, failure to attend party meetings, party organizational activities, and mass activities, detachment from the masses, and even focusing only on their own immediate interests, failing to fulfill party member obligations. Therefore, the CPI(M) needs to strengthen training and education for party members. Because the mechanism of regularly running a central party school to train party cadres, which began in the 1990s, was not sustained over the long term, the CPI(M) currently lacks a systematic, vertically integrated training mechanism for party cadres. Third, the CPI(M)’s membership grew rapidly in the early period of the new era, but grew only slowly from 2007 to 2017. More seriously, “in recent years there has been a continuous decline in party membership.” In addition, the membership of mass organizations led by the CPI(M), after years of growth, has also seen stagnation or even decline in recent years. Both phenomena reflect difficulties in the development of the party’s strength. Fourth, new factionalism and splittism within the party cannot be underestimated. These forces have set up a “Save CPI(M) Forum” and parallel state-level leadership bodies confronting state committees, and set up organizations such as the “Real Communist Party of India (Marxist)” attempting to seize party leadership. In addition, there is a certain degree of factional struggle between the CPI(M) leadership and state committees. All this has seriously weakened the party’s authority, appeal, and cohesion. Fifth, there is a trend of the party’s propaganda positions being lost and its “mouthpiece” being weakened. The CPI(M)’s means and methods of propaganda and education are relatively traditional, lacking an effective comprehensive propaganda system and advanced technical means. This is specifically manifested in: since the beginning of the 21st century, the circulation of various party organs and publications has generally declined; the quality and professional skills of the party’s propaganda personnel need improvement; the popularization and modernization of propaganda content remain insufficient; in terms of propaganda methods, although some new social media platforms have been adopted, overall it still relies relatively heavily on traditional old methods, with insufficient comprehensive, three-dimensional, diversified, refined, and systematic approaches.

第一，印共(马)的政治投射力分布严重失衡，政治影响力波动幅度大。苏联解体东欧剧变以来，该党影响力仍然主要分布在印度少数几个邦，一半以上的党员都来自喀拉拉邦，在21世纪的第二个十年里，党在全国选举和地方执政中遭受重大挫折。1989—2004年，印共(马)在人民院( Lok Sabha) 的议会席位数稳中有进，2004年印共(马)领导的左翼联盟更是创下纪录，拿到议会543个席位中的61个席位，社会主义道路探索的议会斗争之路似乎前景光明。然而，此后印共(马)的议会席位数出现断崖式下跌，在最近一次的选举中仅仅获得3个席位，可见波动之巨大。2014年，第十六届议会选举是印度当代政治史上的一个分水岭。印度人民党凭借单一政党的力量赢得多数席位，印度政治格局发生显著变化。印共(马)领导的左翼力量在素有“左翼堡垒”之称的西孟加拉邦和喀拉拉邦都遭到滑铁卢式的巨败，反映出该区民众对其长期信任已发生动摇。在2022年二十三大上，印共(马)的自我评估是: “党正面临自1964年成立以来最具挑战性的局势……我们的群众基础和影响力受到侵蚀”。因此，印共(马)亟待重建民众的信任。第二，印共(马) 虽然重视党的建设，但近年来党的领导层对此有所松懈。印度许多左翼政党领导人和政治评论员认为，“印共(马)领导层最大的问题是尽管他们表示了自省，但在路线和策略上没有做实际而又必须的修正。即使在他们遭受连续不断的选举失败之后，也没有一个政党领导人对此负责”。此外，部分党员出现官僚主义作派，思想政治层面混乱，纪律涣散，不出席党的会议、党组织活动和群众活动，脱离群众，甚至只顾自己的眼前利益，不履行党员义务。因此，印共(马)需要加强对党员的培训和教育工作。因始于20世纪90年代定期举办中央党校培训党员干部的机制没有长期坚持下去，目前印共(马)缺乏体系化、垂直化的党员干部培训机制。第三，印共(马)的党员人数在新时期的初期都是快速增长，但2007—2017年只是缓慢增长，更严重的是，“最近几年出现了党员人数不断下降”的情况。此外，印共(马)领导的群众组织成员数在经过多年增长后，近年来也出现了停止增长甚至下降的现象。以上两种现象都反映出党的力量发展遇到困境。第四，党内新的宗派主义和分裂主义势力不容小觑。这些势力曾另立“拯救印共(马)论坛”与平行的邦级领导机构和邦委会对峙，另立“真正的印度共产党(马克思主义) ”组织等试图夺取党的领导权。此外，印共(马)领导层和地方邦委会也存在一定程度的派别斗争。这些都严重削弱了党的权威和号召力、凝聚力。第五，存在党的宣传阵地失守与“喉舌”遭削弱的趋势。印共(马)宣传教育的手段和方式较为传统，缺乏有效的综合宣传体系和先进技术手段。这具体表现在: 进入21世纪以来，党的多种机关刊物的发行量总体呈下降趋势; 党的宣传人才队伍的素质和职业技能有待提高; 宣传内容的大众化和时代化仍有不足; 在宣传方式上，虽然采用了一定的新社交软件平台，但总体上仍比较依赖传统老办法，综合立体化、多元化、精细化、系统化程度不足。

3. Development Prospects

3. 发展前景

There are many favorable conditions for the continued development and growth of the CPI(M). First, although India’s state system is a capitalist system, it still retains the constitutional preamble “to constitute India into a sovereign socialist secular democratic republic,” [7]7 This is a direct quotation from the Preamble to the Constitution of India, as amended by the 42nd Amendment in 1976. coupled with the bourgeois multi-party parliamentary democratic system and the political environment of numerous parties, which objectively provides a certain space for the CPI(M)’s survival and development. Second, the CPI(M) has the hope of winning the support of more people. Although the CPI(M) has suffered heavy electoral setbacks in recent years, it still retains prestige and relatively complete institutions and organizations in some regions, with the possibility of regaining mass support. India’s urbanization is steadily advancing, but the total rural population is still growing year by year. As of the end of 2021, India had more than 900 million rural people, and the increasing polarization between rich and poor may provoke popular discontent. Third, the vigorous development of socialist construction in China and Vietnam and the gradual recovery of leftist forces worldwide also provide, to a certain extent, a favorable international environment for the CPI(M). Fourth, and most crucially, are the CPI(M)’s own successful experiences and advantages.

印共(马)的继续发展壮大是有不少有利条件的。第一，印度的国家制度虽然是资本主义制度，但其仍然保留着“将印度建成为主权的社会主义的非宗教性的民主共和国”的宪法序言，再加上资产阶级多党议会民主制和政党林立的政治环境，这在客观上为印共(马)的生存和发展提供了一定的空间。第二，印共(马)有希望争取到更多人民群众的支持。虽然近年来印共(马)在选举中遭受重挫，但在一些地区仍保留有声望和较为完整的机构和组织，有再次获得群众支持的可能性。印度的城镇化在稳步推进，但农村总人口仍在逐年增长，截至2021年年底，印度有9亿多农村人口，且日益加剧的贫富分化会诱发群众的不满情绪。第三，当下中国和越南等国的社会主义建设事业蓬勃发展和世界左翼力量的逐渐恢复，一定程度上也为印共(马)提供了有利的国际环境。第四，最关键的是印共(马)自身的成功经验和优势。

The unfavorable conditions for the growth and strengthening of the CPI(M) include, besides the Party’s own problems, a number of objective causes. First, India is a country with a very strong religious coloration; coupled with the proliferation of sects and racial antagonism, this is to a certain extent unfavorable to the dissemination of the CPI(M)’s ideology and the expansion of its influence. Yet this unfavorable condition can, under certain circumstances, be turned into a favorable one: for example, the economic and social inequality triggered by sectarian and racial contradictions is generally regarded as a favorable condition for left-wing development. Second, the CPI(M) faces a trend of more severe joint attacks by imperialist and capitalist regimes. To take recent incidents as examples: in January 2019, CPI(M) leader Sujan Chakraborty was detained by police while leading the masses in the largest nationwide strike in Indian history. In August 2019, CPI(M) General Secretary Sitaram Yechury was detained without cause while visiting a sick CPI(M) leader. In July 2021, the CPI(M) protested the government’s purchase of the “Pegasus” software from the Israeli company NSO for espionage surveillance of its citizens. In September 2021, CPI(M) branch offices, newspapers and television stations in many places were subjected to violent and arson attacks by members of the Bharatiya Janata Party; among these, the headquarters in Tripura suffered more intense destruction and heavy losses. Former Tripura Chief Minister and CPI(M) Politburo member Manik Sarkar recently stated that in Tripura, “in the past four years, as many as 24 CPI(M) leaders and workers have been assassinated.”

印共(马)发展壮大的不利条件，除了党自身存在的问题，还有不少客观原因。首先，印度是一个宗教色彩非常浓厚的国家，加之教派林立和种族对立，一定程度上不利于印共(马)意识形态的输出和影响力的拓展。但这个不利条件在一定情况下可以转化为有利条件，如教派和种族矛盾引发的经济与社会不平等一般被看作左翼发展的有利条件。其次，印共(马)面临帝国主义和资本主义政权的联合打击更加严重的趋势。以最近的事件为例: 2019年1月，印共(马)领导人苏扬·查克拉博蒂在带领群众举行印度有史以来最大规模的全国罢工时被警方拘留。2019年8月，印共(马)总书记亚秋里在拜访印共(马)一位生病的领导人时被无故拘留。2021年7月，印共(马)就政府购买以色列NSO公司的“飞马”软件对其进行间谍监视活动提出抗议。2021 年9月，印共(马)多地分部办公室、报社和电视台遭到人民党成员的暴力和纵火攻击，其中特里普拉邦总部遭到更为激烈的破坏，损失惨重。前特里普拉邦首席部长、印共(马)政治局委员马尼克·萨卡尔( Manik Sarkar) 最近表示，在特里普拉邦，“过去四年里，多达24名印共(马)领导人和工人被暗杀”。

On the whole, since the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the upheaval in Eastern Europe, the CPI(M) has withstood various tests. Although it has experienced hardships and twists and turns in the process of exploring the socialist path, it has achieved new development and new breakthroughs, accumulated useful experience, and of course also faces a series of problems. Some problems even existed before the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the upheaval in Eastern Europe; in the new period, although new proposals and new methods have been put forward, the results have not been ideal, and improvement awaits future sustained effort — for example, in the area of Party building. From the domestic and international situation the CPI(M) faces and from its own factors, it can be predicted that the CPI(M) will achieve new results in its future exploration of the socialist path, but the road will still not be smooth.

总的来看，自苏联解体东欧剧变以来印共(马)经受了各种考验，在社会主义道路的探索过程中虽然历尽艰辛和曲折，但取得了新发展、新突破，积累了有益经验，当然也面临着一系列问题。有些问题甚至在苏联解体东欧剧变前就存在，新时期里虽然提出了新主张、新办法，但是结果并不理想，有待今后持续改进，如党的建设方面。从印共(马)所面对的国内外形势和自身因素可以预测，印共(马)在未来的社会主义道路探索中会取得新成绩，但道路依旧不会平坦。

(Author’s bio: Zhang Qingzheng, doctoral student at the Institute of World Socialism, School of International Studies, Renmin University of China)

（作者简介：张清政，中国人民大学国际关系学院世界社会主义研究所博士研究生）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心