The Danish Communist Party’s Exploration of Socialism and the Causes of Its Decline

The Communist Party of Denmark (hereinafter “the DKP”) was once a communist organisation with a certain influence in the Nordic countries. During its more than seventy years of existence, the Party underwent a process from weak to relatively strong, and then from relative prosperity to extinction. The DKP’s theoretical and practical exploration of socialism focused on parliamentary struggle and peaceful transition, while it also actively participated in the international communist movement. The Party’s decline and eventual extinction were the result of the combined effect of various subjective and objective factors. Revealing the DKP’s historical vicissitudes, especially the trajectory of its decline, offers certain insights for understanding the development and evolution of communist parties in Western countries and for analysing why socialism in Western countries has fallen into a trough.

丹麦共产党(以下简称“丹共”)曾是北欧国家具有一定影响力的共产党组织。该党在存在的70多年里，经历了一个由弱到相对强，再由相对兴盛到衰亡的过程。丹共对社会主义的理论与实践探索，以议会斗争、和平过渡为重点，同时积极参与国际共运活动。该党走下坡路直至衰亡是各种主客观因素共同作用的结果。揭示丹共的历史沉浮特别是衰亡轨迹，对于我们了解西方国家共产党的发展演进，透析西方国家社会主义缘何陷入低谷具有一定的启示。

I. A Retrospective of the Phased Trajectory of the Danish Communist Party’s Historical Evolution

一、丹麦共产党历史演进的阶段性轨迹回溯

(I) Establishment and Growth in Revolutionary Struggle (1919–1945)

(一)在革命斗争中建立和成长(1919—1945年)

The DKP was a product of the world proletarian revolution; the victory of the October Revolution and the founding of the Communist International created important external conditions for the Party’s birth. It was also a product of the Danish workers’ movement. Famous activists of the Danish workers’ movement, such as Kherson Trier, Mariel Nelsen, Joggle Jogelsen, and Martin Andersen Niekercher, were among the Party’s founders.[1]1 The names of the founders are given in the original text in a non-standard romanisation; the standard Hanyu Pinyin equivalents are not provided here, as the names are personal names. Under the combined effect of internal and external conditions, the Party was founded in November 1919. It was a communist party formed by the merger of the Danish Socialist Labour Party and the Social Democratic Youth League, originally called the Danish Left Socialist Party, and renamed the Communist Party of Denmark in 1920.[2]2 The original text uses “丹麦左翼社会主义党” (Danish Left Socialist Party) and “丹麦共产党” (Danish Communist Party). Seeking development through struggle was an important strategic policy of the DKP Central Committee. To this end, shortly after its establishment, the Party participated in the workers’ movement led by the Social Democratic Party (hereinafter “the SDP”). In response to the king’s ultimatum to dissolve the government and refuse to reconvene parliament, the DKP and other left-wing forces launched a nationwide political and economic general strike in April 1920, forcing the king to yield and holding parliamentary elections under a new electoral law. During the 1920s and 1930s, the DKP organised and participated in numerous workers’ movements, expanded its influence among young students, guided Danish universities in establishing progressive organisations — such as the “New Student Union” and the “Light Society” — actively carried out progressive activities, gradually built up a certain prestige among the masses, and formed within the Party a “strong core of true communists” headed by Martin Nelson and others.[3]3 The phrase “真正共产主义者的坚强核心” (a strong core of true communists) is a quotation from the original text. [n] The 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (1956), at which Khrushchev delivered the “Secret Speech” denouncing Stalin, leading to de-Stalinisation and ideological upheaval in many communist parties. The Party entered parliament for the first time in 1932. During World War II, the DKP actively led the people of its country in the resistance movement against the German fascist occupation. In June 1941, the DKP was declared illegal, and more than 400 Party members were arrested as a result. After the war, the Party regained its legal status, and its strength and influence reached the peak of its historical development. In the mid-to-late 1940s, DKP membership grew to a record 50,000. In 1945, the DKP won 18 seats in the post-war parliamentary elections, and two Party members joined the first government formed after the war. Revolutionary struggle established the DKP’s position in the political arena and laid a certain foundation for exploring the socialist path after World War II.

丹共是世界无产阶级革命的产物，十月革命的胜利、共产国际的建立为该党的诞生创造了重要的外部条件;它也是丹麦工人运动的产物，丹麦工人运动的著名活动家赫尔松·特里尔(Kherson Trier)、马利叶·尼尔森(Mariel Nelsen)、乔格尔·乔格尔森(Joggle Jogelsen)、马丁·安德森·涅克谢(Martin Andersen Niekercher)等都是该党的创始人。(1)1在内外条件的共同作用下，该党于1919年11月成立。它是由丹麦社会主义工党和社会民主青年联盟合并而成的一个共产主义政党，原称为丹麦左翼社会主义党，1920年改名为丹麦共产党。(1)2在斗争中求发展，是丹共中央的重要战略方针。为此，该党建立不久，就参与了社会民主党(以下简称“社民党”)领导的工人运动，丹共等左翼力量针对国王解散政府、拒绝国会复会的最后通牒，于1920年4月发起了全国政治和经济总罢工，迫使国王让步，并根据新的选举法举行了议会选举。在20世纪20—30年代，丹共组织、参与了多次工人运动，在青年学生中扩大了影响，指导丹麦高校创立进步组织———“新学生会”和“光明社”等，积极开展进步活动，在群众中逐步树立了一定的威信，党内形成了以马丁·尼尔逊(Martin Nelson)等为首的“真正共产主义者的坚强核心”(2)3。该党于1932年首次进入议会。二战期间，丹共积极领导本国人民开展反对德国法西斯占领的抵抗运动。1941年6月，丹共被宣布为非法，400多名党员因此被捕。二战后，该党恢复合法地位，其力量与影响达到该党历史发展的高峰。20世纪40年代中后期，丹共党员人数增长到创纪录的五万人。1945年，丹共在战后举行的议会选举中获得18个议席，两名党员参加了二战后组建的第一届政府。革命斗争使丹共在政坛中确立了地位，为二战后探索社会主义道路奠定了一定基础。

(II) Exploring a New Path in the Cold War Environment (1946–1989)

(二)在冷战环境下探索新道路(1946—1989年)

After World War II, how to explore and realise socialism became a new task for the DKP in a peaceful environment. Since its founding, the DKP had always advanced with difficulty through groping. In 1946, the DKP’s 15th Congress first raised the possibility of a peaceful transition to socialism, and in 1952 it formally put forward a new proposition of “moving towards socialism through thorough social reform.” Influenced by the 20th Congress of the CPSU,[n] ideological confusion and organisational splits emerged within the DKP; some Party leaders left the Party, and a large number of members withdrew. In 1960, the DKP lost all six of its seats in parliament. In the same year, the DKP adopted a “draft programme for democratic renewal,” indicating its intention to promote Party reform. In 1965, the DKP’s 21st Congress adopted a programme for peaceful transition, “democratic struggle, comprehensive advance to socialism.” In 1969, the DKP’s 22nd Congress raised the slogan of “left-wing unity,” indicating its willingness to cooperate with the SDP and the Socialist People’s Party. In 1970, the DKP held a series of commemorative activities for the 100th anniversary of Lenin’s birth; the Central Committee held a commemorative meeting, the Party newspaper reprinted many long articles recalling Lenin’s revolutionary activities and discussing Lenin, and published relevant works by Lenin, such as *Leninism and Internationalism*, hoping to draw spiritual nourishment from the works of the revolutionary teacher. In 1976, the DKP’s 25th Congress put forward a new programme of “democratic struggle against monopoly, peaceful transition to socialism.” Thereafter, the DKP consistently adhered to the basic policy of peaceful transition.

二战后，如何探索并实现社会主义，成为丹共在和平环境下的新课题。自成立以来，丹共始终在摸索中艰难前行。1946年，丹共十五大首次提出向社会主义和平过渡的可能性，并于1952年正式提出了“通过彻底的社会改革，走向社会主义”的新主张。受苏共二十大的影响，丹共内部出现思想混乱、组织分裂，部分党的领导人脱党，大量党员离党的现象。1960年，丹共失去了在议会中的全部六个议席。同年，丹共通过“民主革新的纲领草案”,表示要推动党的变革。1965年，丹共二十一大通过了“民主斗争、全面走向社会主义”的和平过渡纲领。1969年，丹共二十二大提出了“左翼联合”的口号，表示要同社民党和社会主义人民党进行合作。1970年，丹共举办了纪念列宁诞辰100周年系列纪念活动，党中央举行纪念会议，党报多次转载了有关回忆列宁革命活动以及论述列宁的长篇文章，并出版了列宁的相关著作，如《列宁主义和国际主义》,期望从革命导师的著作中汲取精神养分。1976年，丹共二十五大提出了“反对垄断的民主斗争，和平过渡到社会主义”的新纲领。此后，丹共一直坚持和平过渡的基本方针。

Carrying out parliamentary struggle, the struggle against capitalism, and the formulation of foreign policy were also important elements of this period. As early as the beginning of the Cold War, the DKP actively waged struggles against the Cold War, against NATO, and against monopoly capitalism. In August 1972, when the DKP held a national conference, it expressed opposition to Denmark joining the European Community market. In the early 1970s, the DKP actively participated in the workers’ movement, taking part in or launching several large-scale demonstrations and strikes. After a period of adjustment and recovery, the DKP re-entered parliament in the 1973 general election, winning six seats. In 1975, the DKP won seven seats in the parliamentary election. In 1973, the DKP’s 24th Congress adopted resolutions such as “Struggle Against Monopoly Capital, for the Working Class and Socialism.” From the early 1980s, the DKP began to adjust its foreign policy, and its tendency toward independence and autonomy strengthened; after the 27th Congress in 1983, it ceased to be anti-China. In 1985, the DKP issued statements at central or national meetings on several occasions opposing Denmark’s participation in European Community activities. In the same year, DKP Central Committee Secretary Ibbs Nolan met with Wei Jianxing, then head of the Organisation Department of the CPC Central Committee, who was visiting Denmark, expressing willingness to strengthen relations between the two parties. In 1987, the DKP held its 28th Congress, electing 33-year-old Olle Sohn as the new chairman, achieving a generational change in the Party’s leadership. In 1988, the DKP newspaper *Land og Folk* published an article praising the CPSU’s reform line, arguing that the DKP should also use new thinking to understand and resolve the major problems it currently faced, and formulate strategies and tactics suited to its own national conditions. These struggles and strategic adjustments of the DKP responded to the demands of changing circumstances, but they failed to fundamentally alter its survival environment or the trend of its decline.

开展议会斗争、反对资本主义的斗争和确立对外政策也是这一时期的重要内容。早在冷战开始时，丹共就积极开展反冷战、反北约和反垄断资本主义的斗争。1972年8月，丹共在召开全国会议时表示，反对丹麦加入欧洲共同体市场。20世纪70年代初，丹共积极参加工人运动，参与或发动多起大规模的示威和罢工运动。经过一段时间的调整和恢复，丹共在1973年大选中重新进入议会，获得六个议席。1975年，丹共在议会选举中获得七个议席。1973年，丹共二十四大通过了《反对垄断资本，为工人阶级和社会主义而斗争》等决议。自20世纪80年代初起，丹共着手调整对外政策，独立自主倾向有所增强，1983年二十七大后不再反华。1985年，丹共多次在中央或全国会议中发表声明，反对丹麦参加欧洲共同体活动。同年，丹共中央书记易卜·诺兰(Ibbs Nolan)会见了正在丹麦访问的中共中央组织部部长尉健行，表示愿意加强两党关系。1987年，丹共举行二十八大，选举33岁的奥勒·松(Olle Sohn)为新主席，实现了党的领导层的新老交替。1988年，丹共党报《国土人民报》刊文赞扬苏共的改革路线，认为丹共也要用新思维来认识和解决当前面临的重大问题，根据本国实际制定适合自身的战略策略。丹共的这些斗争行动与策略调整，顺应了形势变化的要求，但未能从根本上改变其生存环境和走下坡路的趋势。

(III) Struggling to Survive and Ultimately Perishing under Difficult Conditions after the Cold War (1990 Onwards)

(三)冷战后在艰难条件下谋生存乃至衰亡(1990年以后)

The drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe were another turning point in the DKP’s historical evolution, and to a considerable extent influenced its future direction. In January and April 1990, the DKP successively held its 29th and 30th Congresses. Around issues such as the Party’s future and the socialist orientation, fierce debates took place between the “reformist faction” and the “conservative faction” within the Party. After the congresses, the DKP’s organisational structure and financial situation changed; Party membership and the circulation of the Party newspaper declined, and its ideology faced renewal.

苏东剧变是丹共历史演进的又一个转折点，并在相当程度上影响着其未来走向。1990年1月和4月，丹共先后召开二十九大和三十大，围绕党的前途、社会主义方向等问题，党内“革新派”与“保守派”展开激烈争论。会后，丹共的组织结构和财务状况等发生改变，党员人数和党报发行量减少，意识形态面临更新，

The DKP [n4] is at a major historical juncture of deciding where to go. In March 1991, the DKP held its 31st Special Congress in Odense, where it rejected by an overwhelming majority of 200 votes to 10 a motion from a tiny minority calling for the dissolution of the party. The newly elected leading body was composed mainly of members holding a centrist position. Because Ole Sohn was unwilling to continue as chairman, a five-person collective leadership was established. However, the trend toward strategic retreat within the DKP was becoming increasingly evident, so the congress also decided to transform the DKP into a loose organization resembling a “contact network structure,” retaining only three salaried cadres at the central level to maintain its normal operations. In April 1990, the DKP had held its 30th Congress. In order to “break” with orthodox communist ideology, the congress amended the party constitution, abandoning the traditional commitment to communism and indicating that it would guide the party’s future work with a more modernized mode of thinking. At this point, the historical mission of the “Communist Party of Denmark,” founded in 1919, was declared concluded by this congress. Thereafter, the “DKP” that engaged in external activities under the name “Communist Party of Denmark” and maintained contact with the Communist Party of China was not this party, but a new-type communist party reorganized in 1993 from the former Danish Socialist Forum.

丹共处于向何处去的重大历史关头。1991年3月，丹共在欧登赛市召开第三十一次特别代表大会，以200票比10票的绝对优势，否决了极少数人要求解散丹共的动议，新选出的领导机构主要由持中间立场的成员组成，因奥勒·松不愿继续担任主席，由五人组成新的领导班子实行集体领导。但是，丹共实行战略退缩的趋势日显，所以，大会又决定把丹共改造为一种类似“联络网结构”的松散团体，中央只保留三名领薪干部，以维持其正常运转。1990年4月，丹共召开第三十次代表大会，为了与正统的共产党的思想实行“决裂”,大会修改了党章，不再坚守传统的共产主义，表示要以更加现代化的思维来指导党的未来工作。至此，1919年成立的“丹麦共产党”的历史使命，以此次会议为标志宣告结束。此后以“丹麦共产党”名义对外活动并与中国共产党接触的“丹共”并不是这个党，而是1993年由原来的丹麦社会主义论坛重新组建的一个新型共产党。

II. The Danish Communist Party’s Exploration of Socialist Theory and Practice

二、丹麦共产党对社会主义理论与实践的探索

(I) Commitment to Exploring the Path of Peaceful Transition to Socialism

(一)致力于探索和平过渡到社会主义的道路

The DKP emphasized that the party’s goal was to build a socialist Denmark. As to how this was to be achieved, the party had already clearly formulated a policy of peaceful transition to socialism shortly after the end of World War II. In its 1952 party program, it dropped the formulation of the “dictatorship of the proletariat,” and subsequent party congresses repeatedly reaffirmed adherence to this theory and position. The “Statement on the Basis of the Party’s Work,” adopted at the 19th Congress in 1957, stressed: “After the Second World War, the development of the entire international situation and the strengthening of socialist forces on a world scale make it possible for Denmark to transition from capitalism to socialism through a peaceful path. We do not count on any other path.”

丹共强调，党的目标是建立一个社会主义的丹麦。而针对如何实现的问题，该党早在二战刚结束时就明确提出了社会主义的和平过渡方针，且在1952年的党纲中取消了“无产阶级专政”的提法，此后多届党代会均重申坚持这一理论和立场。1957年十九大通过的《关于党的工作基础的声明》强调：“第二次世界大战后，整个国际形势的发展和社会主义力量在世界范围内的增强，使得丹麦有可能通过和平的道路从资本主义过渡到社会主义。我们不指望任何其他的道路。”

In accordance with the spirit of the 1960 appeal of 17 Western European communist parties, the DKP formulated its own “Draft Program for Democratic Renewal.” This draft mainly analyzed domestic monopoly capitalist forces and put forward a program for democratic renewal, arguing that democratic renewal was the first step on the road for the Danish people to create a better future. In 1965, the DKP’s 22nd Congress reaffirmed that a peaceful transition to socialism could be achieved through the comprehensive development of the people’s democratic struggle. Moreover, in the draft program of its 25th Congress, the party even stated that the DKP opposed ending capitalism through a war that would destroy everything, claiming that socialism was, to an increasing extent, creating the real possibility of preventing a third world war. The struggle of the Danish working class and people’s democracy had developed into an anti-monopoly democratic struggle, which, it was argued, could transition to socialism without a civil war. From then until the end of its mission, the DKP consistently adhered to the position of peaceful transition and followed a reformist path.

丹共根据1960年西欧17国共产党呼吁书的精神，制定了本党关于“民主革新的纲领草案”,该草案主要分析了国内的垄断资本主义势力并提出了民主革新的纲领，认为民主革新是丹麦人民创造美好未来前进道路上的第一步。1965年，丹共二十二大重申通过人民民主斗争的全面发展就能实现和平过渡到社会主义。而且，该党在二十五大党纲草案中甚至表示，丹共反对通过一场破坏一切的战争来结束资本主义，声称社会主义在愈来愈大的范围内，为防止第三次世界大战的发生创造了现实可能性。丹麦工人阶级和人民民主的斗争已经发展为反垄断的民主斗争，认为反垄断的民主斗争能够不经过内战而过渡到社会主义。此后直至结束使命，丹共一直坚持和平过渡立场，坚持走改良道路。

(II) Efforts to Develop the Workers’ Movement and Various Forms of Struggle Against Capitalism

(二)努力开展工人运动及各种形式反对资本主义的斗争

The DKP believed that a struggle was being waged between socialism and capitalism. The essence of monopoly capitalism was the pursuit of super-profits, and its natural and direct enemy—the working class—had to oppose it through struggle. The report of the DKP’s 20th Congress pointed out that the DKP must “place the working class and all working people in a stronger position in the current struggle with monopoly capital for social power,” and emphasized that socialism was to be achieved through political and economic struggle. The workers’ movement and revolutionary struggle carried out by the DKP mainly included the following aspects.

丹共认为，社会主义与资本主义之间进行着一场斗争。垄断资本主义的本质是追求超额利润，它天然的直接敌人——工人阶级必须通过开展斗争来反对它。丹共二十大报告指出，丹共必须“使工人阶级和全体劳动人民同垄断资本争取社会权力的目前斗争中处于更强的地位”,并且强调要通过开展政治和经济斗争来实现社会主义。丹共开展的工人运动与革命斗争主要有以下几个方面。

First, carrying out political and economic struggles against capitalist oppression and exploitation. In 1920, the DKP participated in a political and economic general strike demanding the convening of parliament, the expansion of suffrage, an amnesty for political prisoners, the retention of price subsidies, and workers’ participation in enterprise negotiations. From the 1920s to the 1940s, the DKP actively participated in various types of workers’ strike struggles, the movement of the homeless, and the working class’s struggle for a people’s united front. After World War II, the DKP mainly focused on parliamentary struggle, seeking to influence at the legislative level major issues such as preventing Denmark from joining NATO and the European Community. In the mid-to-late 1980s, the DKP called on the Social Democrats, the Socialist People’s Party, and others to unite, demanding a national referendum on political alliance within the European Community, and opposed Denmark’s acceptance of the Community’s reform plans, thereby projecting a public image as a representative of the interests of middle- and lower-level workers.

其一，开展反对资本主义压迫和剥削的政治经济斗争。1920年，丹共参与了要求召开国会、扩大选举权、大赦政治犯、保留物价津贴、工人参加企业谈判的政治经济总罢工。20世纪20—40年代，丹共积极参加了各类工人罢工斗争、无住所者运动、工人阶级争取人民统一战线的斗争等。二战后，丹共主要致力于开展议会斗争，力图在立法层面对阻止丹麦加入北约、欧洲共同体等重大问题产生影响。20世纪80年代中后期，丹共呼吁社民党、社会主义人民党等联合起来，要求就欧洲共同体的政治结盟举行全民公投，并反对丹麦接受共同体的改革计划，展现了其作为中下层劳动者利益代表者的公众形象。

Second, carrying out struggles to safeguard the basic rights and interests of workers and working people. From the 1950s onward, the DKP, together with other left-wing forces, worked on struggles for employment security, social security, and raising the minimum wage. The DKP participated in the nationwide general strike of 1973, which forced employers to compromise, resulting in an average wage increase of 7.5% for workers, a reduction in working hours from 40 to 38 per week, and the achievement of equal pay for men and women—a highly effective workers’ movement. At the end of 1988, the DKP Central Committee held a meeting specifically to establish the party’s position on the following year’s labor-management negotiation plan and the government’s fiscal bill, in order to maximize the protection of workers’ basic rights and interests.

其二，开展争取保障工人和劳动人民基本权益的斗争。从20世纪50年代起，丹共与其他左翼力量一道，致力于开展就业保障、社会保障和提高最低工资的斗争。丹共参与了1973年的全国性大罢工，迫使雇主妥协，使工人平均工资增长7.5%,工作时间从每周40小时减少到38小时，实现了男女同工同酬，这是一次成效显著的工人运动。1988年底，丹共中央举行会议专门就下一年的劳资谈判方案、政府的财政法案等问题确立党的立场，以最大限度地维护劳动者的基本权益。

Third, organizing mass rallies on International Workers’ Day (May Day) to expand its influence. After World War II, the DKP, like other Nordic communist parties, generally used the annual May Day to launch mass rallies involving several thousand or even tens of thousands of participants. For example, on May Day 1974, the DKP organized a march and rally in Copenhagen alone involving about 30,000 people. Party Chairman Knud Jespersen called for joint action with the Socialist People’s Party to overthrow the then government. From the 1980s onward, the themes of the May Day rallies organized by the DKP were mostly peace and anti-war.

其三，组织“五一”国际劳动节群众集会，以此扩大影响。二战后，丹共与北欧其他共产党一样，大都会利用每年的“五一”国际劳动节发起几千乃至几万人参加的群众集会活动。如1974年“五一”国际劳动节，丹共仅在哥本哈根就组织了约有三万人参加的游行集会活动，党主席克努德·耶斯佩森(Knud Jespersen)呼吁与社会主义人民党进行联合行动，推翻时任政府。20世纪80年代以来，丹共组织的“五一”国际劳动节集会的主题多是和平反战。

Fourth, seeking joint actions and struggles with other center-left forces. During the war years, the DKP had already engaged in joint actions with the Social Democrats to oppose and restrain the right-wing government and reactionary forces at home and abroad. After World War II, the DKP consistently emphasized unity among the working class, actively supported the Social Democrats in forming a government, and promoted economic and social policies beneficial to workers. When the Social Democrats were in opposition, the DKP sought to join forces with them and other political forces to confront the right-wing government. Although the DKP made a decision to prohibit cooperation with the Socialist People’s Party after its establishment, it rescinded this decision a few years later and extended an olive branch to the latter. In 1965, the DKP’s 22nd Congress expressed its willingness to engage in joint action among the three parties—the Social Democrats, the Socialist People’s Party, and the DKP itself—and reiterated this willingness in several subsequent general elections, though the other two parties responded very little. In 1986, DKP Chairman Johann Jensen published an open letter to the chairmen of the Social Democrats and the Socialist People’s Party, calling on the two parties not to fall into a struggle over seats in the elections, demonstrating a posture of mediating the conflict between them, but the other side did not respond.

其四，谋求与其他中左翼力量进行联合行动和斗争。丹共在战争年代就曾与社民党开展联合行动，反对和牵制右翼政府及国内外反动势力。二战后，丹共一贯强调工人阶级间的团结，积极支持社民党组阁，推动有利于劳动者的经济社会政策。当社民党在野时，则谋求与社民党等政治力量共同对付右翼政府。尽管丹共在社会主义人民党建立后作出了禁止与其合作的决定，但几年后就收回成命，向后者伸出了橄榄枝。1965年，丹共二十二大表示愿意同社民党、社会主义人民党开展三党的联合行动，并在此后的多次大选中表达了这一意愿，只不过后两者对此呼应甚少。1986年，丹共党主席约恩·延森(Johann Jensen)发表了致社民党和社会主义人民党两党主席的公开信，要求两党在选举中不要陷入相互争夺席位的斗争，展示了要调停两党矛盾的姿势，但对方并不理会。

(III) Active Participation in Various Bilateral and Multilateral Inter-Party Activities to Expand the Party’s Influence

(三)积极参与各种双多边党际活动，扩大党的影响力

For decades, the DKP has been relatively active on the multilateral stage of Nordic communist parties, actively participating in and even initiating a number of international activities. These mainly include: first, actively organizing and participating in meetings of the communist parties of the Nordic countries. The DKP recognized that it was weak and isolated, and that relying solely on its own strength it could not exert influence on many major issues; it could only use the platform of the Nordic communist parties’ meetings to voice its views and coordinate actions. In 1972, the DKP convened a meeting of the communist parties of four Nordic countries in Copenhagen, which adopted a declaration on European issues, stating that the time was ripe for convening a “Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe” (CSCE), and that establishing a European collective security system was in line with the aspirations of the European people, conducive to easing international tensions and safeguarding world peace. In 1982, the four Nordic parties (the Communist Party of Sweden, the Communist Party of Norway, the Communist Party of Finland, and the Communist Party of Denmark) held a meeting in Finland, emphasizing the need to continue “the struggle for European security and cooperation and for ensuring disarmament,” and regarding this as the most important task of the time. Second, participating in various activities on the European political stage and actively voicing opinions. For example, in 1976, Jespersen [5]5 Knud Jespersen, chairman of the Communist Party of Denmark from 1958 to 1977. elaborated the DKP’s positions and propositions on important issues such as proletarian internationalism, Eurocommunism, the European Common Market, and European peace and security at the Conference of European Communist and Workers’ Parties. Third, actively conducting international inter-party exchanges. After World War II, the DKP placed great importance on bilateral exchanges with fraternal parties, participating in the congresses of many countries and other important activities. For instance, it participated in the congresses of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) on multiple occasions; in 1975, it invited a delegation from the French Communist Party to visit; in 1985, it went to Spain to participate in the celebration of the 90th birthday of Dolores Ibárruri, chairperson of the Communist Party of Spain; and in 1988, the party’s chairman, Ole Sohn, visited the Soviet Union and China successively, promoting the development of relations with both parties, among other activities.

数十年来，丹共在北欧共产党的多边舞台上相对活跃，积极参与乃至发起一些国际活动，主要包括：一是积极组织和参与北欧几国共产党会议。丹共认识到，自身势单力薄，仅凭自身力量无法对许多重大问题施加影响，只能通过北欧共产党会议这一平台发声并协调行动。1972年，丹共在哥本哈根召集北欧四国共产党会议，通过了关于欧洲问题的声明，表示召开“欧安会”的时机已经成熟，建立欧洲集体安全体系符合欧洲人民的愿望，有利于缓和国际紧张局势，维护世界和平。1982年，北欧四党(瑞典共产党、挪威共产党、芬兰共产党、丹麦共产党)在芬兰召开会议，强调要继续为“欧洲安全与合作以及确保裁军而斗争”,并把它视为当时最重要的任务。二是在欧洲政治舞台上参加各种活动，积极发声。如1976年，耶斯佩森在欧洲共产党和工人党代表会议上阐述了丹共对无产阶级国际主义、欧洲共产主义、欧洲共同市场、欧洲和平与安全等重要问题的立场和主张。三是积极开展对外党际交往活动。二战后，丹共十分重视与兄弟党开展双边交往活动，参加多国的党代会及其他重要活动，如多次参加苏共党代会，1975年邀请法国共产党代表团来访，1985年赴西班牙参加西共主席多洛雷斯·伊巴露丽(Dolores Ibarruri)90寿辰庆祝活动，1988年该党主席奥勒·松先后访问苏联和中国，推动发展与两党的关系，等等。

(4) Vigorously Carrying Out Various Struggles for Peace

(四)大力开展争取和平的各类斗争

The DKP proposed: “Safeguarding peace is the most important prerequisite for ensuring the vital interests of humanity,” and “the struggle for peace is the most important task of our party.” The DKP closely linked the struggle for peace with the advancement of socialism and emphasized: “Denmark’s destiny is inseparable from the cause of peace,” and “an active peace policy is the path to new social progress.” The DKP believed that “the struggle for peace and socialism is an international struggle,” and that the peace policy pursued by the Danish nation “is closely related to the struggle for peace and détente pursued by the socialist camp throughout the world.” The DKP also believed that without confronting imperialism, there could be no talk of struggling for peace and socialism; before peace and socialism could triumph, imperialism must be defeated. By the mid-to-late 1980s, as relations between the two superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union, gradually eased, the DKP accordingly emphasized the need to seize new opportunities for the peace struggle and vigorously promote the world peace and disarmament movement.

丹共提出：“维护和平是保证人类生命攸关的利益的最重要的先决条件”,“为和平而斗争是我党的最重要的任务”。丹共把争取和平与推进社会主义紧密联系在一起并强调：“丹麦的命运同和平事业是不可分割的”,“积极的和平政策是走向新的社会进步的道路”。丹共认为，“争取和平及社会主义的斗争是一场国际斗争”,丹麦民族实行的和平政策“是同社会主义阵营在全世界所实行的争取和平与缓和的局势的斗争密切关联着的”。丹共还认为，如果不对抗帝国主义，就谈不上为和平与社会主义而斗争，在和平与社会主义取得胜利之前，必须打败帝国主义。到20世纪80年代中后期，随着美苏两个超级大国的关系逐渐缓和，丹共也随之强调要争取和平斗争的新机会，大力推进世界和平与裁军运动。

First, strongly supporting a series of peace initiatives from socialist countries, especially the CPSU. As early as the 1950s, the DKP explicitly supported Khrushchev’s “Three Peace Policy” (peaceful transition, peaceful competition, peaceful coexistence). [6]6 Khrushchev’s “Three Peace Policy” (1956) advocated peaceful coexistence, peaceful competition, and peaceful transition to socialism, a departure from Leninist theories of inevitable war and violent revolution. Thereafter, the DKP consistently supported various peace initiatives from successive leaders of the CPSU. In the mid-to-late 1980s, it strongly supported and praised a series of peace and disarmament proposals put forward by Gorbachev, believing that the Soviet Union had made an important contribution to restoring trust between the United States and the Soviet Union.

一是大力支持社会主义国家特别是苏共的一系列和平倡议。早在20世纪50年代，丹共就明确支持赫鲁晓夫的“三和政策”(和平过渡、和平竞赛、和平共处)。此后，丹共一以贯之地支持苏共各届领导的各类和平倡议，20世纪80年代中后期，它大力支持和赞扬戈尔巴乔夫提出的一系列和平与裁军建议，认为苏联为恢复美苏信任作出了重要贡献。

Second, together with other Nordic left-wing forces, long committed to promoting the Nordic nuclear-weapon-free zone movement. Since World War II, the DKP frequently participated in regular or irregular joint meetings of Nordic left-wing parties, and jointly carried out various peace activities with peace forces from other Nordic countries, including promoting a Nordic nuclear-weapon-free zone. For example, in 1959, it participated in the Stockholm meeting of the communist parties of the Nordic countries, which discussed issues such as the Nordic people’s struggle for peace and the prohibition of nuclear weapons. In April 1989, it participated in the regular meeting of the four Nordic parties held in Finland; the meeting’s communiqué emphasized that the most urgent task for the Nordic region remained the establishment of a Nordic nuclear-weapon-free zone.

二是与北欧其他左翼力量一起，长期致力于推动北欧无核区运动。二战以来，丹共经常参加北欧左翼政党定期或不定期举行的联席会议，与北欧其他国家的和平力量共同开展包括推动北欧无核区在内的各种和平活动。如1959年参加北欧国家共产党斯德哥尔摩会议，讨论北欧人民争取和平的斗争、禁止核武器等问题。1989年4月，参加了在芬兰召开的北欧四党例会，会议发表公报强调，北欧目前最为迫切的任务仍是建立北欧无核区。

Third, participating in various international peace activities. The DKP positively evaluated the multiple Conferences on Security and Cooperation in Europe (i.e., the CSCE) held in the 1970s, believing they guaranteed the lasting development of European peace and laid the foundation for the overall relaxation of the European situation. In addition, DKP members actively participated in the anti-nuclear peace movement in Western Europe in the 1980s, as well as demonstrations and signature campaigns against the deployment of new types of American missiles in Western Europe.

三是参加各种国际性和平活动。丹共积极评价20世纪70年代多次举行的欧洲安全与合作会议(即欧安会),认为它保障了欧洲和平的持久发展，为欧洲整体局势的缓和打下了基础。此外，丹共党员积极参加了80年代在西欧举行的反核和平运动、反对美国在西欧部署新型导弹的游行示威及签名运动等。

Fourth, promoting the neutralization of Denmark. The DKP stated that, in terms of peace, Denmark must take a new path, an independent path away from foreign militarism and capitalists. To this end, Denmark should strive to pursue an independent policy of neutrality. To achieve this neutrality, Denmark must break with NATO and free itself from NATO’s shackles. For decades, the DKP participated in and organized numerous movements demanding the neutralization of Denmark, but their impact was limited.

四是推动丹麦的中立化。丹共表示，在和平方面，丹麦必须走新道路，走脱离外国军国主义和资本家的独立道路。为此，丹麦应该争取执行独立的中立政策。为实现这种中立，丹麦要与北约决裂，从北约的束缚中解脱出来。数十年来，丹共参与和组织了多次要求实现丹麦中立化的运动，但产生的影响有限。

3. Causes of the Failure of the Danish Communist Party’s Exploration of Socialism

三、丹麦共产党社会主义探索失败的原因

The DKP engaged in a long and arduous exploration of socialism, but it did not achieve its expected goals; it can even be said to have ended in failure. The DKP’s decline and eventual collapse is a microcosm of the evolutionary trajectory of communist parties in most Western countries within the international communist movement, the result of long-term accumulation and the combined effect of multiple factors. Objective conditions and the broader environment were the main factors, but the narrower environment and subjective factors cannot be ignored either.

丹共对社会主义进行了长期的艰辛探索，但并未达到其预期，甚至可以说以失败告终。丹共的衰落直至败亡，是国际共运中西方多数国家共产党演进轨迹的一个缩影，是长期积累与多种因素共同作用的结果，客观条件与大环境是主要的，但小环境与主观因素也不可忽视。

(1) Long-standing Ideological Confusion and Struggles over the Organizational Line within the DKP Accelerated Its Continuous Decline

(一)丹共党内长期的思想混乱和组织路线斗争，加速了其持续走衰

Looking at the DKP’s evolutionary history, it was generally tortuous and unstable, with ideological debates and organizational splits accompanying it for a long time. From its founding to its end, the DKP experienced nearly ten organizational splits triggered by ideological differences, which dealt a huge blow to the party. Even since World War II, there have been three major events that inflicted debilitating damage on the party. The first was the 20th Congress of the CPSU and the Polish and Hungarian events in 1956. [7]7 The 20th Congress of the CPSU (1956) featured Khrushchev’s “Secret Speech” denouncing Stalin. The Hungarian events refer to the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, suppressed by Soviet military intervention. Although the DKP ultimately formed a unified statement in its external pronouncements, internally there were differing attitudes and intense debate. For example, regarding the Hungarian events, there were at least three different opinions within the party: the first fully supported the Soviet military intervention; the second did not agree with the Soviet military intervention but felt compelled to support it; and the third believed that the Soviet military intervention had brought danger to the DKP, plunging the party into a “cold war.” The views within the party leadership were also inconsistent, leading to a large-scale wave of resignations from the party that year. The second was the issue of dealing with Yugoslav revisionism. The former DKP chairman, Axel Larsen, supported the 1958 Program of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia and disagreed with the Soviet accusation that the League of Communists of Yugoslavia was revisionist. He was ultimately expelled from the party, which caused extreme dissatisfaction among Larsen’s supporters. Larsen and his supporters then established the Socialist People’s Party of Denmark. The latter soon became the main protagonist among the country’s communist parties, while the DKP was relegated to a minor supporting role, a rather miserable outcome. The third was the internal debate in the early 1990s over the DKP’s future destiny—whether to uphold the goal of socialism and communism—which triggered yet another split in the party organization. Although the “Communist Forum” established within the party initially claimed it would not leave the party, it in fact parted ways with the “abolitionist faction” [8]8 “Abolitionist faction” (取消派) is a derogatory term used within communist movements for those seen as wanting to dissolve or abandon the party’s revolutionary character. within the party, which operated under the banner of “renewal.” The current “Communist Party of Denmark” is the product of the evolution of that original “Communist Forum.” After multiple rounds of ideological debate and organizational splits, the DKP, once a relatively important political organization on the Danish political stage, had by the early 1990s declined into an insignificant small party, with party membership plummeting to just over 2,000 by the time of its 32nd Congress in 1992.

纵观丹共的演进历程，总体上讲是曲折而不稳定的，思想争论与组织分裂长期相伴。自成立到终结，丹共党内出现近十次因为思想分歧而引发的组织分裂，这给党带来了巨大冲击。仅二战以来，就有三次重大事件对该党产生了伤筋动骨的损害。第一次是1956年苏共二十大与波匈事件。尽管丹共在对外表态上最终形成了统一的说法，但实际上党内态度不一，争论十分激烈。如在匈牙利事件上，党内至少存在三种不同意见：第一种完全支持苏联的军事干预，第二种不认同苏联的军事干预但是不得不支持，第三种认为苏联的军事干预给丹共带来了危险，使党内陷入了“冷战”。党的领导层内部主张也不一样，这致使当年出现了大规模退党风潮。第二次是在对待南斯拉夫修正主义问题上，丹共原主席阿克赛·拉森(Axel Larsen)支持南共七大纲领，不赞同苏联指称的南共是修正主义，最终被开除出党，这引发拉森支持者的极度不满，拉森及其支持者另立丹麦社会主义人民党。后者成立不久就成为本国共产主义政党的主角，丹共却沦落为小配角，结局甚为凄惨。第三次是20世纪90年代初党内对丹共前途命运即是否坚持社会主义、共产主义目标的争论，这引发了党组织的又一次分裂。在党内组建的“共产主义论坛”尽管当时声称不脱党，但事实上已与党内以“革新”名义而居的“取消派”分道扬镳，现在的“丹麦共产党”就是当初的“共产主义论坛”演变的产物。经过多次的思想激辩和组织分裂后，曾经是丹麦政治舞台上比较重要的政治组织的丹共，到90年代初已衰落成一个无足轻重的小党，党员人数到1992年三十二大时剧降至2000多人。

(2) The DKP’s Long-term Existence in the Cracks and Shadow of the Social Democratic Party and the Later Socialist People’s Party Objectively Constrained the DKP’s Already Limited Room for Development

(二)丹共长期生存在社民党及后来的社会主义人民党的夹缝和阴影里，客观上制约了丹共原本有限的发展空间

The DKP was in fact born out of the Social Democratic Party, and its relationship with the Social Democrats was an “interweaving of love and hatred.” The “left-wing united front” strategy to which the DKP adhered was, for a considerable period, aimed at winning over the Social Democratic Party. In reality, during the process of left-wing unity in Danish politics, the Social Democratic Party always occupied the dominant position; it was the protagonist on the political stage. Particularly for most of the 20th century, the Social Democrats were the largest party in the lower house, holding 76 of the 175 seats at their peak in the 1960s, while the DKP at its maximum had fewer than 20 seats. Even more noteworthy was that the Socialist People’s Party of Denmark, founded by Larsen after he was expelled from the DKP in the late 1950s, also came from behind, its strength and influence rapidly surpassing the DKP’s, making it the “bellwether” of Danish communist organizations. It won more than 20 seats in several parliamentary elections, and from 1981 to 2007 it generally fluctuated between the third and fourth largest parties domestically. Since the 1950s, however, the DKP at most won only seven parliamentary seats, and after the 1980s it never won a seat again. Within Denmark’s center-left political camp, the Social Democrats and the Socialist People’s Party were the main actors, while the DKP was merely an insignificant supporting role. Since the late 1950s, the DKP was politically squeezed severely by these two parties for a long time, surviving precariously in an extremely limited space, and for most of the period it was even excluded from left-wing united fronts, especially from government formation. The DKP’s withdrawal from the political stage in the early 1990s can, to some extent, be described as a kind of fate; the party’s left-wing united front strategy ultimately proved to be a castle in the air and an armchair exercise.

丹共实际上是从社民党中脱胎而来的，其与社民党的关系是“爱与憎的交织”。丹共所坚守的“左翼联合”策略，在相当长的时期里都以争取社民党为目标。实际上，在丹麦政坛的左翼联合过程中，社民党始终占据主导地位，它是政坛主角，特别是在20世纪的多数时间里，社会民主党一直是下院最大的党，60年代巅峰时期，曾占据下院175席中的76席，而丹共最多时也只有不到20席。更值得注意的是，50年代末被丹共开除出党的拉森所创建的丹麦社会主义人民党也后来居上，其力量与影响迅速超过丹共，成为丹麦共产主义组织的“领头羊”,数次在议会选举中获得20席以上的席位，1981—2007年总体上在国内第三、第四大党之间浮动。而自50年代以来，丹共最多时也仅获得了七个议席，且80年代以来再没有获得过议席。在丹麦中左翼政治阵营里，社民党和社会主义人民党是主要角色，丹共只是一个无足轻重的配角。50年代末以来，丹共政治上长期受到上述两党的严重挤压，在极其有限的空间中苟且偷生，多数时候丹共甚至被排除在左翼联合特别是政府组阁范围之外。丹共90年代初退出历史舞台在某种程度上可以说是一种宿命，该党的左翼联合策略最终证明是空中楼阁和纸上谈兵。

(3) Its long-standing pro-Soviet and anti-China stance within the international communist movement laid the groundwork for its eventual withdrawal from the political stage

(三)在国际共运中长期秉持的亲苏疏华立场为其最终退出历史舞台埋下伏笔

Similar to the Communist Party of Finland, the DKP had a relatively close relationship with the CPSU for a long time, identifying considerably with a series of CPSU theories and policies, and its evaluations of the CPSU and the Soviet Union were not lacking in praise. “It did not critically agree with every action of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union” — this was a remark made by Larsen within the DKP in 1958. The DKP believed that the Soviet Union was the leading force of the socialist camp and the struggle for peace and socialism, exerting a “decisive” influence on international politics and serving as a “guiding star” for the world’s people. After Khrushchev’s fall from power in 1964, the DKP’s party newspaper *Land og Folk* evaluated him as an “outstanding leader” of immeasurable significance for the development of Soviet society, international politics, and especially the struggle for peaceful coexistence. In 1988, *Land og Folk* published a collection of Gorbachev’s speeches, praising his new thinking for making an “important contribution” to the development of socialism and setting an example for Western communists. In reality, beneath the DKP Central Committee’s high praise and full affirmation of the Soviet Union and the CPSU, there were concealed differences in positions and opinions within the party. After World War II, there had always been differing views within the DKP on the treatment of the Soviet Union and the CPSU, but the party leadership or mainstream forces suppressed and concealed them. It was not until the mid-to-late 1980s that voices within the party demanding independence and autonomy noticeably strengthened, and calls for opposing the mechanical copying of the Soviet model grew increasingly intense, prompting the DKP to begin adjustments. In fact, from the mid-to-late 1950s, as the DKP closely followed the CPSU, it gradually deviated from its originally relatively objective stance toward the CPC, beginning to make veiled criticisms of the CPC. After the Sino-Soviet polemics in the early 1960s, it turned to open criticism and condemnation, even attacking the CPC as “opportunists,” and inciting the Communist Party of Norway and the Communist Party of Sweden to join in opposing China. Many of its positions and criticisms regarding China were based on blind obedience to the CPSU. The DKP’s series of actions toward the CPC caused it to lose, to a considerable extent, its ability to independently judge right from wrong, so that by the early 1990s it had fallen into political disorientation and contradiction.

同芬兰共产党相近，丹共与苏共的关系长期较为密切，对苏共的一系列理论与政策相当认同，对苏共和苏联的评价不乏溢美之词。“它没有批判地同意苏联共产党的每一个行动”,这是1958年拉森在丹共党内的一句感言。丹共认为，苏联是社会主义阵营及争取和平与社会主义斗争的领导力量，对国际政治具有“决定性”影响，是世界人民的“指路明星”。1964年赫鲁晓夫下台后，丹共党报《国土人民报》评价道，赫鲁晓夫是一位“杰出的领导人”,对苏联社会的发展、国际政治特别是争取和平共处的斗争具有不可估量的意义。1988年，《国土人民报》出版戈尔巴乔夫言论集，赞扬其新思维为社会主义的发展作出了“重要贡献”,为西方共产党人树立了榜样。实际上，在丹共中央对苏联和苏共高度评价和充分肯定的形势下，掩盖着党内的立场与意见分歧。二战后，丹共党内在对待苏联和苏共问题上一直都存在不同意见，但党的领导层或主流势力对之进行了压制和掩盖，直到20世纪80年代中后期，党内要求独立自主的声音明显增强，反对照搬苏联模式的呼声日益强烈，丹共这才开始进行调整。实际上，自20世纪50年代中后期，丹共在紧跟苏共的过程中，就逐渐背离了原来对中共相对客观的立场，开始对中共进行影射批评。20世纪60年代初中苏大论战后，它转向公开批评和谴责，乃至攻击中共是“机会主义者”等，甚至煽动挪威共产党和瑞典共产党一起反华，其不少对华立场与批评都是建立在对苏共的盲从上的。丹共对中共的一系列行动使其在相当大程度上丧失了独立判断是非的能力，以致在20世纪90年代初陷入了政治上的迷失与矛盾中。

After the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, faced with a sudden shift in internal and external circumstances, the inability to realize the goals and missions it had long adhered to, its own continuous decline, and the critical situation of “a great building about to collapse,” the DKP reluctantly withdrew from the political stage, and its exploration of socialism ended in failure. The DKP’s exploratory practice, whose outcome resembles that of many Western communist parties, resulted from a combination of multiple factors both inside and outside the party, and both domestically and internationally. It reflects a universal problem: how to realize the adaptation of Marxism to the local context and the needs of the times remains a long-term and arduous major task for all communist parties abroad.

苏东剧变后，丹共在内外形势骤变、曾经坚守多年的目标使命无法实现、自身持续衰败、面临“大厦将倾”的危局下，无奈地退出历史舞台，其社会主义的探索以失败告终。丹共的探索实践，结局同西方许多共产党相似，是党内党外、国内国外多种因素综合作用所致，反映出一个普遍性的问题，即如何实现马克思主义的本土化、时代化对国外所有共产党而言仍是一个长期而艰巨的重大课题。

(Author bios: Bai Hu, School of Marxism, Donghua University; Chen Jinxiang, Contemporary World Research Center, International Department of the Central Committee of the CPC)

（作者简介：白虎，东华大学马克思主义学院; 陈金祥，中共中央对外联络部当代世界研究中心）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心