The Generative Logic and Contemporary Value of Lenin’s “Theory of Inculcation”

The “theory of inculcation” was gestated in Marx and Engels’s thought on communist education, first proposed and enriched by Kautsky, and finally matured in Lenin’s theoretical exploration and practical experience. However, ever since Lenin systematically advanced the “theory of inculcation,” scholarly controversy over it has never ceased. In particular, “in the early twentieth century, through the interpretations of Dewey and others, inculcation evolved from a concept synonymous with education into the antithesis of education, becoming the target of condemnation by mainstream Western educational circles.” [1]1 This refers to the American pragmatist philosopher and educator John Dewey (1859–1952), whose progressive educational theories criticized traditional “inculcation” as authoritarian and antithetical to democratic education. In response to such criticisms, we should adhere to the Marxist standpoint, understand Lenin’s “theory of inculcation” completely and accurately, return to its authentic connotation, and enable it to radiate new contemporary value.

“灌输论”孕育于马克思恩格斯关于共产主义教育的思想，经考茨基的首次提出与丰富，最终成熟于列宁的理论探索和实践体悟中。然而，自列宁系统地提出“灌输论”后，学界对“灌输论”的争议就没有停止过，尤其是“20世纪初期，经过杜威等人的阐释，灌输由一个与教育同义的概念演变为教育的对立物，成为当代西方主流教育学界口诛笔伐的对象”。对于种种责难，我们应坚守马克思主义立场，完整、准确地理解列宁的“灌输论”，回归其本真内涵，使其焕发出新的时代价值。

I. The Generative Logic of Lenin’s “Theory of Inculcation”

一、列宁“灌输论”的生成逻辑

Lenin’s “theory of inculcation” was put forward against the backdrop of the development of the international communist movement, and in particular was based on the actual conditions of the Russian Social Democratic revolution.

列宁的“灌输论”是以国际共产主义运动的发展为背景，尤其是以俄国社会民主主义革命现状为现实依据提出的。

First, the need for the development of the Social Democratic Party. At the time of its founding, the Russian Social Democratic Party had not yet been strictly distinguished from other factions, and there existed within the Party two fundamentally opposed factions (by no means merely differences over partial views) regarding the Russian workers’ movement, which seriously affected the Party’s image and long-term development. This required a strict distinction in practice between the Russian Social Democratic Party and other non-Social Democratic parties; otherwise, extremely deplorable consequences would ensue. Lenin pointed out: “Only short-sighted people would consider it untimely or superfluous to engage in factional disputes and to strictly distinguish the shades of different factions.” [2]2 V. I. Lenin, *What Is to Be Done?* (1902), in which he attacks the “Economist” tendency within the Russian Social Democratic Party. In response to the Russian Economists’ worship of the spontaneity of the workers’ movement and their infatuation with the “handicraft methods” in organizing the workers’ movement, Lenin launched a fierce critique: “Both these groups—the opportunists and the ‘revolutionaries’—bow to the prevailing handicraft methods, do not believe it possible to escape them, and do not understand that our foremost and most urgent practical task is to establish a revolutionary organization capable of lending political struggle strength, stability, and continuity.” [3]3 Ibid. The Social Democratic Party and the “Economists” had no common ground whatsoever on the issue of building a revolutionary organization. The Social Democratic Party insisted on arming the entire Party with Marxist theory, strengthening the Party’s theoretical construction, formulating a unified program, building a centralized and unified proletarian party, resolving the problem of spontaneity in the workers’ movement, and raising the consciousness of the workers’ movement.

第一，社会民主党发展之需。俄国社会民主党刚刚成立之时，同其他派别尚未严格区分开来，且党内对俄国工人运动存在着两大根本对立的派别（绝不是局部观点的分歧），严重影响着俄国社会民主党的形象和长远发展。这就要求在现实中对俄国社会民主党与其他非社会民主党派进行严格区别，否则便会引起极其可悲的后果。列宁指出：“只有目光短浅的人，才会以为进行派别争论和严格区别各派色彩，是一种不适时的或者多余的事情。”针对俄国经济派崇拜工人运动的自发性和迷恋组织工人运动工作中存在的“手工业方式”，列宁进行了猛烈的批判：“这两派人，即机会主义者和‘革命主义者’，都屈服于盛行的手工业方式，不相信有摆脱它的可能，不了解我们首要的最迫切的实际任务是要建立一个能使政治斗争具有力量、具有稳定性和继承性的革命家组织。”社会民主党与“经济派”在建立革命家组织这一问题上丝毫没有共同意见。社会民主党坚持用马克思主义理论武装全党，加强党的理论建设，制定统一纲领，建设集中统一的无产阶级政党，解决工人运动过程中的自发性问题，提高工人运动的自觉性。

Second, the need for the development of the Social Democratic movement. The Social Democratic movement was an international movement. Since each country had its own historical and cultural characteristics and specific national conditions differed, the Social Democratic movements of various countries needed to learn from and draw on each other. But simply copying the experience of other countries could not succeed. This required the Russian Social Democratic Party to adopt a critical attitude toward such experience, independently test it, and finally, in light of Russia’s concrete reality, carry out Marxist theoretical innovation. Compared with developed capitalist countries, Russia was economically backward. When the world’s developed capitalist countries were all advancing toward imperialism, Russia had only just completed its industrial revolution; it was an underdeveloped capitalist country with acute internal social contradictions. Under the impact of the developed capitalist countries of Western Europe, Russia stood at a crossroads of social development. Where to go became a real problem Russia had to face. In such circumstances, Russia was like a powder keg packed with explosives, ready to erupt in revolution at any moment, and urgently needed the guidance of revolutionary theory. Practice proved that Lenin and other revolutionaries were the “igniters,” Marxist theory was the “spark,” and educating the Russian worker masses with Marxist theory was the concrete practice of “ignition.” For “without the leadership of a strong revolutionary organization, the spontaneous struggle of the proletariat cannot become its genuine ‘class struggle.’” [4]4 Ibid.

第二，社会民主主义运动发展之需。社会民主主义运动是国际性运动，由于每个国家都有其历史文化特色，且具体国情不尽相同，因此，各国的社会民主主义运动需要相互借鉴和相互学习。但简单照抄照搬别国的经验是不可能成功的，这就需要俄国社会民主党善于用批判的态度看待这些经验，并独立地加以检验，最后结合俄国的具体实际，进行马克思主义理论创新。与发达资本主义国家相比，俄国经济落后，当世界发达资本主义国家纷纷向帝国主义迈进时，俄国才刚刚完成了工业革命，属于不发达的资本主义，且国内社会矛盾尖锐。在西欧发达资本主义国家的冲击下，俄国正处在社会发展的十字路口，向何处发展成为俄国所必须面对的现实问题。在这种情况下，俄国就像一个装上炸药的火药桶，随时都有可能爆发革命，急需革命理论的指导。实践证明，列宁等革命者就是“点火人”，马克思主义理论就是“火星”，用马克思主义理论教育俄国工人群众，就是具体的“点火”实践。因为“无产阶级的自发斗争如果没有坚强的革命家组织的领导，就不能成为无产阶级的真正的‘阶级斗争’”。

Third, the need for Social Democrats to fulfill their national mission. Russia at that time was a country with a backward economy and culture. From the perspective of its class structure and the actual ideological state of the masses, “the surging petty-bourgeois wave engulfed everything, overwhelming the conscious proletariat not only in numbers but also in ideology.” [5]5 V. I. Lenin, *One Step Forward, Two Steps Back* (1904), referring to the petty-bourgeois influence on the Russian workers’ movement. The political views of the petty bourgeoisie infected and captivated broad sections of the worker masses. The Russian workers’ movement was prone to the Economists’ concept of spontaneity. At the same time, many people lacking theoretical cultivation, seeing the practical results of the movement, continuously joined it. This also made the Russian workers’ movement more susceptible to the worship of spontaneity. The root of the crisis in the Russian Social Democratic Party was that the enthusiasm of the worker masses exceeded that of the Social Democrats, and there was a lack of revolutionary leaders and organizers with sufficient theoretical cultivation, so that “we have not fulfilled our mission.” [6]6 Ibid. The proletariat is the ideal audience for Marxist theoretical education; they most urgently need comprehensive and vivid political knowledge, and are best able to transform political knowledge into active political struggle. Therefore, the task of inculcating Marxist theory into the proletariat became all the more urgent.

第三，社会民主党人实现民族使命之需。当时的俄国是一个经济文化落后的国家，从其阶级结构和群众的思想实际来看，“汹涌的小资产阶级浪潮吞没了一切，它不仅在数量上而且在思想上压倒了觉悟的无产阶级”，小资产阶级的政治观点感染、俘虏了广大的工人群众。俄国工人运动易产生“经济派”自发论的观念。同时，不少缺乏理论修养的人，看见运动有实际成效后，不断地加入了运动。这也导致俄国工人运动更容易滋生自发性崇拜。而俄国社会民主党产生危机的根源是工人群众的积极性超过了社会民主党的积极性，缺乏有足够理论修养的革命领导者和组织者，使得“我们没有完成自己的使命”。无产阶级是马克思主义理论教育的理想受众，他们最迫切地需要全面、生动的政治知识，也最能把政治知识转化为积极的政治斗争。因此，把马克思主义理论灌输到无产阶级中去的任务就显得更为紧迫。

II. The Authentic Connotation of Lenin’s “Theory of Inculcation”

二、列宁“灌输论”的本真内涵

The authentic connotation of what Lenin called “inculcation” should be the organic unity of Marxist theoretical innovation and education, specifically including the difficulty of spontaneously forming Social Democratic consciousness and the fact that Social Democratic consciousness is a consciously created theory.

列宁所说的“灌输”，其本真内涵应是马克思主义理论创新与教育的有机统一，具体包括社会民主主义意识难以自发形成、社会民主主义意识是自觉创造的理论。

First, Social Democratic consciousness is difficult to form spontaneously. Why is it difficult for worker masses to generate Social Democratic consciousness in economic struggle? Lenin did not provide a systematic explanation, which left room for scholarly questioning and denial of Lenin’s “theory of inculcation.” Some scholars have argued that Lenin, “although he cited Kautsky’s views in a special context, still had reservations. Moreover, Lenin later seems to have corrected the view that ‘the proletariat cannot produce socialist consciousness on its own.’” [7]7 This is a reference to a scholarly debate over whether Lenin later modified his position on the spontaneous formation of socialist consciousness. But this is absolutely not the case. Workers cannot spontaneously form Social Democratic consciousness, because Social Democratic consciousness is a class consciousness, not the individual consciousness of a single worker. Lukács clearly pointed out that class consciousness is the rational reflection of the special position occupied in the production process; it is not the sum of the thoughts and feelings of individuals within the class. “The historically significant actions of the class as a totality are ultimately determined by this consciousness, and not by the thought of individuals, and can only be recognized by grasping this consciousness. This definition establishes from the outset the distinction between class consciousness and the empirical, psychologically describable and explainable thoughts of people about their own life situation.” [8]8 György Lukács, *History and Class Consciousness* (1923), a key work of Western Marxism that develops the concept of class consciousness. As a class consciousness, Social Democratic consciousness cannot arise spontaneously in the individual’s social life. Without receiving external “inculcation,” an individual worker finds it difficult to spontaneously form Social Democratic consciousness in his daily life. Émile Durkheim believed that if we want to become the kind of person society requires, we must regulate our thoughts and actions according to society’s demands; otherwise, “we cannot form a social personality, nor even become truly human. Hence, although this process is painful, it is necessary. If this is called inculcation, then inculcation is inevitable.” [9]9 Émile Durkheim, *Moral Education* (1925), where the French sociologist defends the necessity of moral inculcation for social integration. It follows that for the proletariat to form Social Democratic consciousness, it must accept “inculcation.”

第一，社会民主主义意识难以自发形成。工人群众在经济斗争中为何难以产生社会民主主义意识？列宁没有作出系统说明，这给学界质疑和否定列宁的“灌输论”留下了空间。有学者提出，列宁“虽然在特殊的背景下引述了考茨基的观点，但还是有所保留的。而且，列宁在以后似乎改正了‘无产阶级自己不能产生社会主义意识’的观点”。但事实绝非如此，工人不可能自发地形成社会民主主义意识，原因在于社会民主主义意识是一种阶级意识，而不是单个工人的个体意识。卢卡奇明确指出，阶级意识是反映在生产过程中的特殊地位的理性认识，它不是阶级中单个人的思想和感觉的东西之和。“作为总体的阶级在历史上的重要行动归根结底就是由这一意识，而不是由个别人的思想所决定的，而且只有把握这种意识才能加以辨认。这一规定从一开始就建立了把阶级意识同经验实际的、从心理学的角度可以描述、解释的人们关于自己的生活状况的思想区别开来的差异。”社会民主主义意识作为一种阶级意识，不可能在个体的社会生活中自发的产生。如果没有接受外部的“灌输”，单个的工人在其日常生活中是难以自发地形成社会民主主义意识的。埃米尔·涂尔干认为，我们要想成为社会所要求的人，就必须要按社会的要求去规范我们的思想和行为，否则“我们就不能形成一种社会性人格，甚至不能成为真正的人。所以，这一过程虽然痛苦，却是必要的。如果说这就是灌输，那么灌输就是不可避免的”。由此可见，无产阶级要形成社会民主主义意识，必须要接受“灌输”。

Second, social-democratic consciousness is a consciously created theory. Social-democratic consciousness is the socialist doctrine that guides the proletarian revolution and construction; it is an abstract theoretical doctrine that cannot emerge spontaneously but must be created through theoretical innovation by educated intellectuals. As Lenin stated: “The socialist doctrine, however, arose out of the philosophic, historical, and economic theories that were elaborated by the educated representatives of the propertied classes, the intellectuals.” In the view of Marx and Engels, people’s thoughts and ideas are not inculcated from outside but arise from their own life, production, and social relations. Marx and Engels did indeed say: “Consciousness can never be anything else than conscious existence, and the existence of men is their actual life-process.” However, what Marx and Engels meant by social being determining social consciousness is not that social consciousness can spontaneously emerge from social being, but rather that the content of social consciousness comes from people’s actual life and social being, and that changes in social consciousness are determined by actual life and social being. Moreover, human consciousness is a reflection with relative independence and creativity; it is a reflection of the external material world that has been transformed by the human brain. This “transformed” “material thing” is clearly different from external, objectively existing matter itself; it is the “necessary sublimation” of people’s material life-process. Furthermore, social consciousness activity is carried out through language. Social consciousness is the content of language, while language is the form of social consciousness. Only with the help of language can people engage in abstract generalization, reflect the essence and laws of things, and, based on concepts and the relationships between concepts, make judgments and inferences, thereby creating new theoretical systems.

第二，社会民主主义意识是自觉创造的理论。社会民主主义意识是指导无产阶级革命和建设的社会主义学说，是一种抽象的理论学说，它不可能自发产生，必须要经过有修养的知识分子进行理论创新。正如列宁所言：“社会主义学说则是从有产阶级的有教养的人即知识分子创造的哲学理论、历史理论和经济理论中发展起来的。”在马克思恩格斯看来，人的思想、观念不是从外灌输的，而是从自己的生活、生产、社会关系中产生的。马克思恩格斯确实说过：“意识在任何时候都只能是被意识到了的存在，而人们的存在就是他们的现实生活过程。”但是，马克思恩格斯所说的社会存在决定社会意识，并不是说社会意识可以从社会存在中自发地产生，而是说社会意识的内容是来自人们的现实生活和社会存在，社会意识的变化是由现实生活和社会存在所决定的。况且，人的意识是一种具有相对独立性、创造性的反映，是人脑对外界物质客体进行改造过的反映。被“改造过”的“物质的东西”显然不同于外在的、客观存在的物质本身，而是人们的物质生活过程的“必然升化物”。此外，社会意识活动是借助语言进行的。社会意识是语言的内容，而语言则是社会意识的形式。只有借助语言，人才能进行抽象概括，反映事物的本质和规律，并依据概念及概念之间的关系，作出判断、推理，从而创造出新的理论体系。

In summary, the working class cannot spontaneously generate proletarian political consciousness. As a conscious theory, proletarian political consciousness requires theoretical innovation by intellectuals and education of the working class to take shape—that is, what Lenin called inculcation “from without” into the workers. Therefore, Lenin’s “theory of inculcation” belongs to the practical category of proletarian ideological and political education; it is the organic unity of propagandists “using the pen” to carry out Marxist theoretical innovation and agitators “using the mouth” to carry out Marxist theoretical education.

概言之，工人阶级不可能自发地产生无产阶级的政治意识，无产阶级政治意识作为一种自觉的理论，需要知识分子进行理论创新，并教育无产阶级才能得以形成，即列宁所说的从外面“灌输”给工人。因此，列宁的“灌输论”属于无产阶级思想政治教育实践范畴，是宣传员“动笔”进行马克思主义理论创新与鼓动员“动口”进行马克思主义理论教育的有机统一。

III. The Contemporary Value of Lenin’s “Theory of Inculcation”

三、列宁“灌输论”的时代价值

Entering the New Era, we must draw sufficient nourishment from Lenin’s “theory of inculcation,” fully leveraging its role as the cornerstone for continuously promoting Marxist theoretical innovation, as the theoretical support for carrying out ideological and political education in the New Era, and as an important guiding principle for strengthening the Party’s ideological construction.

进入新时代，我们要从列宁的“灌输论”中汲取充足养分，充分发挥其持续推动马克思主义理论创新的基石作用、开展新时代思想政治教育的理论支撑作用，以及加强党的思想建设的重要指针作用。

First, the foundation for continuously promoting Marxist theoretical innovation. Marxist theory is a developing theory; while inculcating Marxist theory, we must not regard it as an immutable dogma. Lenin repeatedly emphasized that young countries engaged in the socialist movement should not simply copy the ready-made experience of other countries, but should be adept at using a critical attitude to absorb and draw on the experience of other countries, while at the same time combining Marxism with their own concrete realities to carry out theoretical innovation, and using the innovative theory to guide socialist revolution and construction. Only in this way can victory be achieved. In this regard, we must constantly enrich and develop Marxist theory. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, Chinese Communists, with Comrade Xi Jinping as their chief representative, have adhered to “integrating the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with the best of traditional Chinese culture.” [10]10 The 18th National Congress of the CPC was held in 2012, marking the beginning of the New Era under Xi Jinping’s leadership. Standing at the historical juncture of the Two Centenary Goals, [11] the CPC, in concrete practice and within concrete historical circumstances, has continuously “deciphered the new issues facing China in the New Era and found correct answers to China’s real problems,” put forward original new viewpoints and new concepts, established Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, and achieved a new leap in adapting Marxism to the Chinese context. [12] Under the guidance of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, the CPC has led the broad masses of the people to overcome various risks and challenges, tackle many long-standing problems, accomplish many major events of long-term importance, and achieve historic accomplishments that have attracted worldwide attention. The CPC has proven through practice that Lenin’s “theory of inculcation” is not only not outdated, but is the “key” for a proletarian party to lead the broad masses of the people in carrying out revolution and construction and in continuously achieving victory.

第一，持续推动马克思主义理论创新的基础。马克思主义理论是发展的理论，我们在灌输马克思主义理论的同时，不能将其看成一成不变的教条。列宁反复强调，年轻国家搞社会主义运动，不能简单抄袭他国的现成经验，而要善于运用批判的态度来吸收和借鉴其他国家的经验，同时把马克思主义与本国具体实际相结合进行理论创新，并用创新的理论指导社会主义革命和建设，如此才会取得胜利。对此，我们应不断丰富和发展马克思主义理论。党的十八大以来，以习近平同志为主要代表的中国共产党人坚持“把马克思主义基本原理同中国具体实际相结合、同中华优秀传统文化相结合”。站在“两个一百年”奋斗目标的历史交汇点，中国共产党在具体的实践中、具体的历史环境中不断“破解新时代中国面临的新课题，寻找解决中国现实问题的正确答案”，提出了具有原创性的新观点新理念，创立了习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想，实现了马克思主义中国化的新飞跃。在习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的指导下，中国共产党带领广大人民群众战胜了各种风险与挑战，攻克了许多长期没有解决的难题，办成了许多事关长远的大事要事，取得了举世瞩目的历史性成就。中国共产党用实践证明，列宁的“灌输论”不仅没有过时，而且是无产阶级政党领导广大人民群众开展革命和建设、不断取得胜利的“密钥”。

Second, the theoretical support for persisting in carrying out ideological and political education in the New Era. Marxism holds that “theory, once it grips the masses, also becomes a material force.” At present, ideological struggle at home and abroad is exceptionally fierce, changes unseen in a century are accelerating, and various hostile forces at home and abroad are attempting, through various channels, to continuously infiltrate the broad masses of the people at home, forcing us to abandon the ideals and beliefs of Marxism and communism and to change our flag. “For a long time, various hostile forces have never stopped implementing the strategy of Westernizing and dividing China, have never stopped their subversive and destructive activities against the leadership

第二，坚持开展新时代思想政治教育的理论支撑。马克思主义认为：“理论一经掌握群众，也会变成物质力量。”目前，国内外意识形态斗争异常激烈，世界百年未有之大变局加速演进，国内外各种敌对势力妄图通过各种途径，不断向国内广大人民群众进行渗透，迫使我们放弃马克思主义和共产主义的理想信念，改旗易帜。“长期以来，各种敌对势力从来没有停止对我国实行西化、分化战略，从来没有停止对中国共产党领导和我国社会主义制度进行颠覆破坏活动，始终企图在我国策划‘颜色革命’。”如果我们不坚持以习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想为指导，对广大人民群众开展必要的马克思主义理论教育，就有可能造成资产阶级思想和资产阶级因素悄无声息地渗透到中国特色社会主义现代化建设中来。因为，对社会主义意识形态的任何轻视和任何脱离，都意味着资产阶级意识形态的加强。一个国家和民族，要走向胜利，必须要有共同的理想信念。习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想是21世纪的马克思主义，是新时代的思想精髓。在新的历史征程上，我们要对广大人民群众开展习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想教育，不断增强广大人民群众的“四个自信”，绝不能培养出一些“长着中国脸，不是中国心，没有中国情，缺少中国味”的人！

Third, it is an important guideline for comprehensively strengthening the Party’s ideological building. Lenin believed that the building of a proletarian party must systematically adhere to the organic unity of the principle of ideological building guided by Marxist theory, the principle of educating Party members in Marxist theory, and the organizational principle of strengthening the construction of inner-Party democratic centralism. Lenin did not examine the issue of Party building in isolation; rather, starting from the perspective of the mutual coordination and interconnection of economic struggle, political struggle, and theoretical struggle, he systematically expounded the theory of Party building. Only when the workers’ movement advances in a planned manner through the mutual coordination and interconnection of the theoretical, political, and practical-economic aspects can it achieve victory. This is of great significance for the Party in strengthening its ideological building. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, General Secretary Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized that to govern the country, one must first govern the Party, and that governing the Party must be comprehensive and strict. To forge iron, one must be strong oneself; the key to handling China’s affairs well lies in the Party. In the New Era, comprehensive and strict governance of the Party must focus on the systemic, holistic, and synergistic nature of Party building, continuously strengthen the Party’s ideological, organizational, conduct, discipline, and institutional building, and constantly enhance the Party’s political leadership, ideological guidance, mass organization, and social appeal. Strengthening the Party’s ideological building in the New Era and persisting in arming the entire Party with Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era and guiding the practice of socialist modernization with Chinese characteristics is a major political task for the entire Party at present. Radically rectifying the source and consolidating the foundation ideologically, building a solid foundation of faith, replenishing the calcium of the spirit, and steadying the helm of thought are the ideological foundation for Chinese Communists to maintain their political character, straighten their spiritual backbone, and improve their level of scientific and democratic governance.

第三，全面加强党的思想建设的重要指针。列宁认为，无产阶级政党建设必须要系统坚持以马克思主义理论为指导的思想建设原则、加强对党员进行马克思主义理论教育的原则和加强党内民主集中制建设的组织原则的有机统一。列宁不是孤立地探讨党的建设问题，而是从经济斗争、政治斗争和理论斗争相互配合、相互联系的角度出发，系统阐述了党的建设理论。工人运动只有从理论方面、政治方面和实践经济方面互相配合、互相联系，有计划地推进，才能取得胜利。这对党加强思想建设具有重大意义。党的十八大以来，习近平总书记多次强调，治国必先治党，治党务必从严。打铁必须自身硬，办好中国的事情，关键在党。新时代全面从严治党，必须注重党的建设的系统性、整体性和协同性，持续抓好党的思想建设、组织建设、作风建设、纪律建设和制度建设，不断提升党的政治领导力、思想引领力、群众组织力以及社会号召力。新时代加强党的思想建设，坚持用习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想武装全党、指导中国特色社会主义现代化实践是当前全党的重大政治任务。从思想上正本清源、固本培元，筑牢信仰之基、补足精神之钙、把稳思想之舵，是中国共产党人保持政治本色、挺起精神脊梁、提高科学执政、民主执政水平的思想基础。

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心