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Unofficial English translation by DeepSeek, a Chinese LLM · source marxism.cass.cn

Lenin’s Strengthening of Organizational Building: Generative Logic, Theoretical Construction, and Contemporary Value

刘进旭、李根寿:列宁加强组织建设的生成逻辑、理论建构与时代价值

· · Marxism Abroad · Tangdu Journal 2023, no. 03 · 23 min read

Lenin, as the great mentor of the international proletarian revolution, successfully founded the world’s first socialist state, realizing the leap of scientific socialism from theory to practice. In the course of leading the Russian proletarian revolution, Lenin, based on his country’s actual conditions, inherited the party-building propositions of Marx and Engels and formed a scientific and systematic thought on organizational building, among which “democratic centralism” is a classic theory of considerable contemporary value. By examining Lenin’s line of thinking on strengthening organizational building from the perspective of “democratic centralism,” useful experience and reference can be provided for the Chinese Communist Party to strengthen its governance building.

列宁作为国际无产阶级革命的伟大导师,成功创立了世界上第一个社会主义国家,实现了科学社会主义由理论到实践的飞跃。在领导俄国无产阶级革命的进路当中,列宁立足本国实际,传承了马克思和恩格斯的政党建设主张,形成了科学系统的组织建设思想,而“民主集中制”则是其中颇具时代价值的经典理论。通过考察列宁在“民主集中制”视域下加强组织建设的思维理路,可为中国共产党加强执政建设提供有益的经验借鉴。

I. The Practical Logic of the Generation of Lenin’s Thought on Organizational Building of “Democratic Centralism”

一、列宁“民主集中制”组织建设思想生成的实践逻辑

The emergence and development of a theory are inseparable from the historical context in which it is situated. Lenin’s thought on organizational building was the result of the combined influence of multiple factors under the specific social and historical conditions of his time. On the one hand, Marxist party-building theory provided the theoretical basis for the generation of Lenin’s thought on organizational building of “democratic centralism.” On the other hand, the difficulties and problems faced by Russia in the practical process of carrying out the proletarian revolution strengthened Lenin’s determination to strengthen organizational building. Under the dual influence of Marxist party-building theory and Russia’s actual conditions, Lenin’s thought on organizational building of “democratic centralism” emerged as the times required and was continuously perfected.

一种理论的产生和发展与其所处的时代背景密不可分,列宁的组织建设思想是其所处社会历史条件下多种因素综合影响的结果。一方面,马克思主义的建党理论为列宁“民主集中制”组织建设思想的生成提供了理论依据;另一方面,俄国在进行无产阶级革命的实践过程中所面临的困境和问题坚定了列宁加强组织建设的决心。在马克思主义建党理论与俄国实际状况的双重影响下,列宁的“民主集中制”组织建设思想应运而生并不断完善。

(A) Marxist Party-Building Theory Provided the Theoretical Basis for the Generation of Lenin’s Thought on Organizational Building of “Democratic Centralism”

(一)马克思主义建党理论为列宁“民主集中制”组织建设思想的生成提供了理论依据

On the basis of an in-depth exploration of the laws of human social development, Marx and Engels revealed the exploitative nature of the bourgeoisie, put forward the proposition of establishing a proletarian party to overthrow the regime of the bourgeoisie, and founded a relatively systematic theory of party building, in which the ideas of “democracy” and “centralism” ran through the entire practice of the proletarian revolution. This is the theoretical basis for the formation of Lenin’s thought on organizational building of “democratic centralism.” Within Marxist party-building theory, the essential ideas concerning “democratic centralism” are mainly reflected in the following aspects:

马克思和恩格斯在深入探究人类社会发展规律的基础上,揭示了资产阶级的剥削本质,提出了建立无产阶级政党推翻资产阶级政权的主张,创立了较为系统的党建理论,其中“民主”与“集中”的思想贯穿于无产阶级革命实践的始终,这是列宁“民主集中制”组织建设思想形成的理论依据。在马克思主义的建党理论当中,有关“民主集中制”的思想精华,主要体现在如下几个方面:

First, establishing “democracy” as the basic organizational principle of the proletarian party, so as to cultivate a strong atmosphere of inner-party democracy. Marx and Engels attached great importance to promoting inner-party democracy and implemented an electoral system, stipulating that party organizations and trade union members at all levels should be elected, and that incompetent committee members could be removed and replaced at any time. This not only blocked “the path of any conspiratorial maniac demanding dictatorship” but also maintained the democratic nature inherent in the organization itself. At the same time, they emphasized that the democratic principle must include centralism, advocating the establishment of strict discipline and absolute authority to maintain the unity and solidarity of the party.

第一,将“民主制”确立为无产阶级政党的基本组织原则,以厚植党内民主之风。马克思和恩格斯十分重视发扬党内民主,并推行选举制度,规定在选举的基础上产生各级党组织和工会成员,对于其中不称职的委员,可以随时罢免撤换。这既阻止了“任何要求独裁的密谋狂的道路”,也维持了组织本身所具有的民主性。同时强调民主原则必须包含集中,主张通过建立起严密的纪律和绝对的权威,来维护政党的团结统一。

Second, establishing the party congress as the supreme authority within the party, to better guide the direction of the workers’ movement. Marx and Engels attached great importance to upholding the supreme status of the party congress within the entire party, advocating that all party affairs and the conduct of work should be decided by the party congress, thereby preventing the occurrence of individual dictatorship. In the *Rules of the Communist League*, Marx and Engels devoted an entire chapter to systematically expounding their propositions concerning the congress, providing detailed discussions on the timing of the congress, its composition, and the positioning of its institutions, ensuring that the workers’ movement was carried out in an orderly manner under the leadership of the proletarian party.

第二,将党的代表大会设立为党内的权力机关,更好地领导工人运动的前进方向。马克思和恩格斯十分注重维护党的代表大会在全党中的至高地位,提倡由党代会决定党内的一切事务及其工作的开展,避免个人独裁现象的发生。在《共产主义者同盟章程》中,马克思和恩格斯用一整章系统阐释了有关代表大会的相关主张,对代表大会的召开时间、人员构成及机构定位等内容做了详细的论述,确保工人运动在无产阶级政党的领导下有序开展。

Third, strengthening inner-party supervision and implementing a reporting system. In the *Rules of the Communist League*, Marx and Engels stipulated from multiple aspects that a reporting system should be implemented within the party, such as district branches reporting regularly to the regional leading body, the regional leading body reporting to the Central Committee, and the Central Committee, as the executive authority, reporting to the congress, and so on. The implementation of the reporting system not only strengthened the supervision and restraint of the committees but also ensured the openness and transparency of party affairs.

第三,要加强党内监督,实行报告制度。在《共产主义者同盟章程》中,马克思和恩格斯从多个方面规定了党内要实行报告制度,如区部定期向总区部报告、总区部向中央委员会报告、中央委员会作为权力执行机关,向代表大会报告等等。报告制度的实行,不仅加强了对委员会的监督制约,也保障了党内事务的公开透明。

The ideas concerning “democracy” and “centralism” in the party-building theory of Marx and Engels effectively prevented the destruction of the organization by divisive forces within the party, strengthened the unity and solidarity of the entire party, and laid a solid theoretical foundation for the formation of Lenin’s thought on organizational building of “democratic centralism.”

马克思和恩格斯建党理论中有关“民主”与“集中”的思想,有效阻止了党内分裂势力对组织的破坏,加强了全党的团结统一,为列宁“民主集中制”组织思想的形成奠定了坚实的理论基础。

(B) The Practice of the Russian Proletarian Revolution Was the Internal Driving Force for the Formation of Lenin’s Thought on Organizational Building of “Democratic Centralism”

(二)俄国无产阶级革命实践是列宁“民主集中制”组织思想形成的内在动因

“Where history begins, the process of thought must also begin there.” The formation of Lenin’s thought on organizational building of “democratic centralism” was based on the practical course of the Russian proletarian revolution.

“历史从哪里开始,思想进程也应当从哪里开始。”列宁“民主集中制”组织建设思想的形成基于俄国无产阶级革命的实践历程。

In the late 19th century, faced with the complex class contradictions and tense revolutionary situation in Russian society, Lenin realized that the leadership of an advanced party armed with scientific theory was necessary. This party must not only be advanced in theory but also organizationally capable of withstanding the test of practice. He believed that “organization” was the only weapon for overthrowing the bourgeois regime, advocated “give us an organization of revolutionaries, and we will turn Russia upside down,” and emphasized adopting the principle of “centralism” to strengthen party building. As soon as Lenin’s thought on organizational building of “centralism” was put forward, it encountered opposition from some party members. For example, the Economists [1]1 The Economists were a trend within the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party in the late 19th and early 20th centuries that argued the working class should focus on economic (trade union) struggles rather than political revolution, downplaying the role of a centralized vanguard party. preached the spontaneity of the workers’ movement, ignored the leading role of the proletarian party in the revolutionary movement, and advocated implementing “broad democratic principles”; the Mensheviks [2]2 The Mensheviks were a faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party that opposed Lenin’s concept of a tightly disciplined, centralized vanguard party, favoring a looser, more democratic party structure. openly promoted the anarchist “autonomy system,” emphasizing that “individuals and individual party organizations have the right not to carry out party resolutions,” and so on. Faced with the chaotic situation within the party, Lenin became even more convinced that “without revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary movement,” which further strengthened his initial idea of building the party using the principle of “centralism,” and this became the embryonic form of Lenin’s thought on organizational building of “democratic centralism.”

19世纪末,面对俄国社会复杂的阶级矛盾及紧张的革命形势,列宁意识到必须要有科学理论武装的先进政党的领导,而这个政党不仅理论上要先进,组织上也应该经得起实践的考验,认为“组织”是推翻资产阶级政权的唯一武器,主张“给我们一个革命家组织,我们就能把俄国翻转过来”,并强调采取“集中制”的原则来加强党的建设。列宁“集中制”组织建设思想一经提出,便遭到了部分党员的反对,如经济派鼓吹工人运动的自发性,忽视无产阶级政党在革命运动过程中的领导作用,主张要实行“广泛民主原则”;孟什维克派公然推崇无政府主义的“自治制”,强调“各个人和各个党组织都有权不执行党的决议”等等。面对党内的混乱局面,列宁更加相信“没有革命的理论,就不会有革命的运动”,这进一步坚定了列宁在初期采取“集中制”原则建党的设想,而这也成为列宁“民主集中制”组织建设思想的雏形。

After the “Bloody Sunday” incident [3]3 “Bloody Sunday” refers to 9 January 1905 (Old Style), when Tsarist troops fired on a peaceful procession of workers marching to the Winter Palace to present a petition to the Tsar, triggering the 1905 Russian Revolution., the revolutionary wave in Russia surged rapidly. Under urgent pressure to maintain rule, the Tsarist government issued the *October Manifesto* [4]4 The *October Manifesto* was issued by Tsar Nicholas II on 17 October 1905 (Old Style) in response to the 1905 Revolution, promising civil liberties and the establishment of an elected legislative body (the Duma)., granting the masses political rights such as “freedom of belief, speech, assembly, and association.” At this point, Lenin realized that the social environment had improved somewhat and began to explore new paths for strengthening organizational building. In November 1905, in his article “On the Reorganization of the Party,” Lenin pointed out that under the historical conditions of relatively relaxed political freedom, adopting an electoral system was no longer an empty phrase, and called on all comrades to “find ways to make use of the now expanded freedom of activity” and to display their initiative. In March 1906, in his “Draft Resolution on the Reorganization of the Party Submitted to the Unity Congress of the RSDLP,” Lenin declared that the status of the principle of “democratic centralism” within the party was beyond doubt. In April 1906, the Fourth Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party [5]5 The Fourth (Unity) Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party was held in Stockholm in April 1906. It formally adopted the principle of democratic centralism into the party’s rules. was successfully convened. At the congress, the “Resolution on the Reorganization of the Party” was adopted, which pointed out that “democratic centralism” should be the organizational principle of the entire party, and also advocated implementing an electoral system within the party to elect members of the Central Committee, and so on. At this point, the concept of “democratic centralism” was formally proposed.

“一月大屠杀”事件后,俄国的革命浪潮迅猛高涨,迫于急切的统治压力,沙俄政府颁发了《十月宣言》,给予大众“信仰、言论、集会和结社”的政治权利。此时,列宁意识到当前的社会环境有所改善,便开始探索加强组织建设的新路径。1905年11月,列宁在《论党的改组》一文中指出,在政治自由相对宽松的历史条件下,采用选举制度不再是一句空话,并呼吁全体同志“想方设法利用现在已经扩大的活动自由”,发挥首创精神。1906年3月,列宁在《提交俄国社会民主工党统一代表大会的策略提纲》中宣布,“民主集中制”原则在党内的地位不容置疑。1906年4月,俄工党“四大”顺利召开,会上通过了《党的改组决议》,并指出将“民主集中制”作为全党的组织原则,还提倡在党内实行选举制度来选出中央委员会成员等等。至此,“民主集中制”这一概念被正式提出。

II. The Theoretical Construction of Lenin’s Thought on Organizational Building of “Democratic Centralism”

二、列宁“民主集中制”组织建设思想的理论建构

The thought on organizational building of “democratic centralism” was gradually formed by Lenin in the practical process of advancing the Russian proletarian revolution. This was both a summation of the experience of struggle and a development of the party-building theory of Marx and Engels. How to maintain organizational character, ensure democracy, enhance subjectivity, and preserve unity became the main considerations for Lenin in his theoretical construction of “democratic centralism.”

“民主集中制”组织建设思想是列宁在推进俄国无产阶级革命的实践过程中逐渐形成的。这既是对斗争经验的总结,也是对马克思和恩格斯建党理论的发展。如何维护组织性、确保民主性、增强主体性、保持团结性,成为列宁进行“民主集中制”理论建构的主要考量。

(A) Maintaining Organizational Character: Strengthening the Party System and Raising the Standards and Quality of Party Members

(一)维护组织性:加强政党体系建设,提高党员的标准和质量

As the vanguard of the revolution, the proletarian party bears the historical task of overthrowing the decadent autocratic rule and ending the exploitation and oppression of capital. To achieve this goal, strengthening the party’s organizational building and maintaining the party’s organizational character become the necessary path. Lenin pointed out: “The immediate task of our party cannot be to call upon all existing forces to launch an attack at once, but to call for the establishment of a revolutionary organization”; “In the struggle for power, the proletariat has no other weapon except organization.” On the one hand, this reflects Lenin’s clear understanding of the political prerequisites necessary for achieving victory in the proletarian revolution; on the other hand, it also reveals Lenin’s unique insights into the significance of organizational building.

无产阶级政党作为革命的先锋队,承担着推翻腐朽专制统治和终结资本剥削压迫的历史任务,要实现这一目标,加强党的组织建设、维护政党的组织性便成为必由之路。列宁指出:“我们党的直接任务,不能是号召现有一切力量马上去举行攻击,而应当是号召建立革命组织”“无产阶级在争取政权的斗争中,除了组织,没有别的武器”。这一方面体现了列宁对于取得无产阶级革命胜利所应具备政治前提的清醒认知,另一方面也折射出列宁对组织建设意义的独到见解。

In the early period of the founding of the Russian Workers’ Party, facing a special Party situation and a severe national situation, Lenin advocated building a unified Party on the basis of “centralism” and using a revolutionary organization “skilled in the art of struggle against the police” to lead the proletarian revolutionary movement. Party members must obey all resolutions and all leadership of the Party, must follow the Party’s unified program, and submit to the Party’s unified will. This not only strengthened the Party’s organizational nature but also effectively avoided the emergence of anarchic phenomena.

俄工党成立初期,面对特殊的党情和严峻的国情,列宁主张在“集中制”的基础上建立统一的党,用“具有和警察做艺术性斗争”的革命家组织来领导无产阶级革命运动。党员必须服从党的一切决议和一切领导,必须遵循党的统一纲领,服从党的统一意志。这不仅加强了党的组织性,还有效避免了无政府现象的出现。

Lenin believed that only a proletarian political party could lead the proletariat to achieve the ultimate revolutionary goal. To uphold the leadership of this highest organizational form and maintain the Party’s organizational unity, it was also necessary to focus on the quality of Party members and rely on strict discipline, so that the Party organization could be forged into an organization as strong as iron. To build a Party as strong as iron, it was necessary to start with every Party member as a component of the political party. In response to the Menshevik faction’s proposal to build the Party into a “vaguely bounded” group, Lenin sternly pointed out: “The Party organization must by no means exchange an increase in the number of Party members at the cost of lowering the quality of Party members.” On the one hand, Lenin believed that while enhancing the firmness, purity, and thoroughness of the Party organization, efforts should also be made to bring the role of Party members into play, emphasizing that only when the quality of Party members is improved and their faith is strengthened will the entire Party’s advanced nature and organizational nature be enhanced, and the normal functioning of the entire Party organization will not be hindered; on the other hand, Lenin pointed out that strict organizational discipline is one of the conditions for defeating the bourgeoisie. By establishing strict discipline within the Party and setting boundaries for the behavior of Party members, the Party’s unified leadership could be guaranteed and the organizational order within the Party could be maintained.

列宁认为,领导无产阶级实现最终革命目标的,只能是无产阶级政党。要坚持这一最高组织形式的领导,维护党在组织上的统一,还必须注重党员的质量,依靠严格的纪律,才能将党组织锤炼成铁一般的组织。而要建设铁一般的党,需要从作为政党组成部分的每一位党员着手。针对孟什维克派将党建成“界限模糊”团体的主张,列宁严正指出:“党的组织绝不应当以降低党员的质量为代价,来换取党员数量的增加”。一方面,列宁认为提升党组织的坚定性、纯洁性和彻底性的同时,也应当着力发挥党员的作用,强调只有党员的素质提高了、信仰坚定了,整个党的先进性和组织性才会增强,整个党组织的正常运转才不会被妨碍;另一方面,列宁指出严格的组织纪律是战胜资产阶级的条件之一,通过建立党内的严格纪律,为党员的行为设立界限,才能保障党的统一领导,维持党内的组织秩序。

(II) Ensuring Democracy: Stipulating the Party Congress as the Highest Authority and Strictly Implementing the Electoral System

(二)确保民主性:规定党的代表大会为最高权力机关,严格落实选举制度

Lenin attached great importance to developing inner-Party democracy and pointed out that “the Russian Social Democratic Party is organized democratically.” To ensure democracy within the Party, Lenin made efforts and explorations in the following two aspects:

列宁十分重视发展党内民主,并指出“俄国社会民主党是民主地组织起来的”。为了确保党内的民主性,列宁从以下两个方面做出了努力和探索:

On the one hand, the Party Congress was established as the highest authority of the Party and convened regularly. Lenin inherited the Party-building thought of Marx and Engels, emphasized the supreme status of the Party Congress within the entire Party, and put it into political practice. He advocated setting the Party Congress as the highest authority, with the Central Committee members and editorial board members of the Party organ appointed by it. The decisions made by the representatives of the Party Congress were final, and only at the Party Congress could consultations among various parts of the Party be conducted and agreements concluded. According to Lenin’s relevant expositions, we can see that all matters within the Party needed to be decided and implemented through the power hub of the Party Congress, thereby further ensuring that all members within the Party enjoyed the right to handle Party affairs. Lenin also set the convening period for the Party Congress, stipulating that the Party Congress should be convened once a year by the Central Committee. If the total votes within the Party requesting the convening of the Party Congress exceeded half, the Central Committee must convene a meeting within two months, and the meeting was valid only if at least half of the representatives were present. Lenin’s provisions on the Party Congress, to a certain extent, developed inner-Party democracy and ensured democracy within the Party.

一方面,将党代会设为党的最高权力机关并定期召开。列宁传承了马克思和恩格斯的建党思想,注重党代会在全党中的至高地位并付诸政治实践,主张将党代会设为最高权力机关,并由其任命产生中央委员会成员和机关报编辑成员,党的代表大会代表做出的决定是最后的决定,只有在代表大会上才能进行党内各部分的协商并缔结协定等等。根据列宁的相关论述,我们可以看出党内的一切事务都需要通过党代会这一权力枢纽进行决策并推行,从而进一步保障了党内全体成员均享有处理党内事务的权利。列宁还对党代会的召开期限进行了设定,规定党代会应由中央委员会每年召开一次,若党内要求召开党代会的总票数超过半数,则中央委员会必须在两个月内召开会议,且至少有二分之一以上代表出席方可有效。列宁关于党的代表大会的规定,在一定程度上发展了党内民主,保障了党内的民主性。

On the other hand, the electoral system was strictly implemented, which was a necessary condition for ensuring democracy. After 1905, the political environment in Russia changed. Lenin keenly perceived that it was necessary to “immediately begin applying the electoral principle” and, leveraging the historical opportunity of the transition to political freedom, lead the organization “onto a new path.” Subsequently, Lenin stipulated that all members of the Party committee must be elected, and other members and the masses not only had the right to elect their own representatives but also had the right to deeply understand and supervise the work details of the elected representatives. If they were found to be incompetent, they could be replaced at any time. At the same time, he resolutely “rejected all appointment systems,” thereby greatly enhancing the combat effectiveness of the organization. It can be seen that Lenin regarded the electoral system as the basic principle for implementing “democratic centralism,” effectively promoting the development of the proletarian political party.

另一方面,严格落实选举制度,这是保障民主性的必要条件。1905年之后,俄国的政治环境发生变化,列宁敏锐地察觉到必须“立即开始运用选举原则”,借助政治向自由过渡的历史际遇,引领组织“走上新的道路”。随后,列宁规定党的委员会的一切成员都必须由选举产生,其他成员和群众不仅有权选举自己的代表,还有权深入了解和监督所选代表的工作细节,若有不称职的情况便可随时撤换。同时,坚决“排斥一切委任制”,从而极大地提升了组织的战斗力。由此可见,列宁将选举制作为贯彻“民主集中制”的基本原则,有效推动了无产阶级政党的发展。

(III) Enhancing Subjectivity: Safeguarding the Rights of Party Members and Expanding the Discretionary Power of Local Organizations in Their Work

(三)增强主体性:保障党员权利,扩大地方组织工作裁量权

Lenin believed that to strengthen organizational building, democracy was indispensable, and to develop inner-Party democracy, it was necessary to enhance the subjectivity of all Party members and ensure their status as masters within the political party. In this regard, Lenin made the following provisions:

列宁认为,要加强组织建设,民主不可或缺,而要发扬党内民主,务必要增强全体党员的主体性,保障其在政党内部当家做主的地位。对此,列宁做出规定:

First, all Party members enjoyed the right to know and decide on all matters within the Party. In inner-Party political life, due to the large number of Party members and the multitude of political affairs, it was impractical to seek the opinions of all Party members on every issue. To develop inner-Party democracy, Lenin emphasized using the method of “selecting and sending representatives” to handle Party affairs. For key issues or matters concerning the actions of the masses themselves, it was also necessary to solicit opinions from all Party members. This not only safeguarded the subject status of Party members but also further attended to the vital interests of the masses. When dealing with major decision-making differences within the Party, Lenin also advocated that Party members should be informed of the true situation of the matter and put it up for discussion and decision. Especially when it came to mobilizing the masses for political actions, opinions must be solicited at the “democratically organized Party and associations,” which to a certain extent avoided the emergence of autocratic phenomena such as dictatorship within the Party and safeguarded the political rights of Party members. At the same time, in his work *Let the Workers Decide*, Lenin clearly stipulated that all Party members should elect committee members, determine strategic policies, and decide the direction of political movements. From this, it is not difficult to see the efforts Lenin made to safeguard the subjectivity of Party comrades in deciding Party affairs, which provided a reference for safeguarding the rights of Party members in the future.

首先,全体党员对于党内一切事务享有知情权和决定权。在党内的政治生活中,由于党员数量庞大,政治事务繁多,若一切问题都去寻求全体党员的意见则是不切实际的。为了发扬党内民主,列宁强调用“选派代表”的方式处理党内事务,对于关键性问题或者事关群众行动本身的问题,还需向全体党员征询意见。这样不仅维护了党员的主体地位,还进一步关照了群众的切身利益。在处理党内重大决策分歧时,列宁同样主张要让党员知悉事务的真实情况,并付诸讨论予以决定,特别是涉及群众发动政治性行动时,更须在“民主地组织起来的党和联合会”上征询意见,这在一定程度上避免了党内独裁等专制主义现象的出现,维护了党员的政治权利。同时,列宁还在《让工人来决定》一书中,鲜明地规定由全体党员选举委员会成员、确定策略方针、决定政治运动的方向。据此,我们不难看出列宁为保障党员同志在决定党内事务方面享有的主体性所做的努力,这为日后保障党员权利提供了借鉴。

Third, the discretionary power of local Party organizations in their work was expanded. In his article “Our Current Task,” Lenin pointed out that founding the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party was a good start, but due to its local dispersion, it was still necessary to “establish a unified and therefore centralized Party.” To completely shake off the narrowness of the “circle habits” of local organizations of the Russian Workers’ Party and to combine the spontaneous movements of local organizations with the revolutionary activities of the Party organization, Lenin advocated establishing the Party’s organ newspaper to change the local “handicraft-style” work style and maintain the freedom of activities of local Party organizations. In 1906, in his summary of the “Report on the Unified Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party,” Lenin pointed out: “Now there remains a major, serious, and very important task: to truly realize the principle of ‘democratic centralism’ in the Party organization… to make the basic organizations truly become, not just in words, the basic organizational cells of the Party.” And in the Party rules, it was stipulated that all Party organizations had the right to independently decide on internal work.

再次,扩大地方党组织的工作自主裁量权。列宁在《我们的当前任务》一文中指出,创立俄国社会民主工党是一个良好开端,但因其带有的地方分散性,还必须“成立统一的因而也是集中制的党”。为了彻底摆脱俄工党地方组织“小组习气”的狭隘性,促使地方组织的自发性运动与政党组织的革命性活动相结合,列宁主张通过组建党的机关报,改变地方“手工业方式”的工作风格,保持地方党组织活动的自由性。1906年,列宁在《关于俄国社会民主工党统一代表大会的报告》的总结中指出:“现在留下的是一项重大的、严肃的和非常重要的任务:在党组织中真正实现‘民主集中制’的原则……使基层组织真正成为而不是在口头上成为党的基本组织细胞。”并在章程中规定,党的一切组织都具有自主决定内部工作的权利。

(IV) Maintaining Unity: Carrying Out Free Discussion and Criticism within the Party and Resolutely Opposing Factional Splittist Activities

(四)保持团结性:开展党内自由讨论与批评,坚决抵制派别分裂活动

Unity is a solid magic weapon for the Party to win the victory of the proletarian revolution. Lenin firmly believed that maintaining the unity of the political party could not be achieved by a single decree or a single Party Congress resolution; “it is necessary to achieve firm ideological unity and eliminate differences of opinion and ideological confusion.” Therefore, Lenin particularly emphasized ideological unity, using ideological consistency to maintain the unity of action of the political party. To achieve ideological unity within the Party, Lenin engaged in a debate with the famous leader of the Second International, Rosa Luxemburg, who was known as the “Eagle of the Revolution,” which to a certain extent alleviated the state of ideological confusion within the Party. At the same time, Lenin also refuted the erroneous views of the “Economist” faction and the “Menshevik” faction within the Party, further promoting ideological unity within the Party. Lenin believed that on some issues, it was understandable for everyone to hold different opinions and views, and he did not oppose debates among comrades, because only by “extensively conducting free discussions” and “conducting free, comradely criticism” on issues discussed within the Party could Party members be maximally motivated to actively participate in the management and discussion of Party affairs, express their views on the formulation of major policies and the unification of differences of opinion, thereby gaining a deeper understanding of the essence of things, narrowing cognitive gaps, and ensuring that the final decision represented the thoughts of the vast majority of Party members. In this way, not only was the emergence of individual dictatorship within the Party effectively prevented, but also ideological unity within the Party was maintained.

团结是党夺取无产阶级革命胜利的坚实法宝。列宁坚持认为,保持政党的团结性,并不是一道政令、一次党代会决议就可实现的,“必须做到巩固的思想一致,排除意见分歧和思想混乱”。所以,列宁特别强调思想上的统一,用思想上的一致性来保持政党行动上的团结性。为了实现党内思想上的统一,列宁与第二国际有着“革命之鹰”美誉的著名领导人罗莎·卢森堡展开了辩论,这在一定程度上缓解了党内思想混乱的状况。同时,列宁还驳斥了党内“经济派”和“孟什维克派”的错误观点,也进一步促进了党内思想上的统一。列宁认为,在一些问题上,大家各自持有不同的意见和观点本无可厚非,也并不反对同志之间的论战,因为只有在讨论党内问题时做到“广泛地展开自由的讨论”和“展开自由的、同志式的批评”,才能最大限度地激励党员积极地参与到党内事务的管理与讨论中,就重大方针政策的制定及意见分歧的统一各抒己见,以更深刻地认清事物的本质,缩小认知上的差距,才能使最终的决定代表绝大多数党员的想法。这样一来,不仅有效防止了党内个人独裁的出现,还维护了党内思想上的统一。

In response to the divisive tendencies of factions such as the “Economist” and “Menshevik” currents, Lenin, in order to maintain organizational unity and safeguard party cohesion against autocratic forces, adopted the following measures:

针对“经济派”“孟什维克派”等派别的分裂倾向,列宁为了保持组织的团结性,维护政党统一以对抗专制势力,采取了以下措施:

First, he advocated implementing the principle of “the minority subordinate to the majority, the lower level subordinate to the higher level,” insisting on collective leadership, and adopting certain disciplinary measures against comrades who disobeyed organizational arrangements or even violated organizational discipline, with expulsion from the party for serious cases.

首先,主张实行“少数服从多数,下级服从上级”的原则,坚持集体领导,对于不服从组织安排、甚至违反组织纪律的同志,采取一定的惩戒措施,严重者开除党籍。

Second, he clarified the need to seriously consider the legitimate rights and interests of the minority, advocating the creation of a system for the minority to express their own interests. In *What Are We Fighting For?*, Lenin emphasized safeguarding the political right of the minority to “freedom of speech,” which created a favorable mechanism for comrades holding different opinions within the party to voice their demands.

其次,明确了要认真考虑少数人的正当权益,主张为少数派创造表达自身利益的制度。列宁在《我们争取什么?》中强调维护少数派“舌头自由”的政治权利,这为党内持有不同意见的同志创造了良好的诉求机制。

Finally, he stressed the need to formulate a unified program of action and statutes for the party, forming a unified will to strengthen the party’s combat effectiveness. In the early period of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, “circle habits” [7]7 “Circle habits” (小组习气) refers to the tendency of early Russian Social Democratic Labour Party members to operate in small, isolated, and factional groups rather than as a unified, disciplined party organization. prevailed within the organization, lacking effective connections and being merely “purely spiritual ties,” which made the organization loose and unable to form effective cohesion to oppose the Tsarist government. Therefore, Lenin called for ensuring party unity and centralized work on the basis of organizational unity, and the means and path to achieve this goal was to formulate a unified program and party constitution, making them the guide for action for the entire party.

最后,强调要制定党内统一的行动纲领和章程,形成统一的意志来加强全党的战斗力量。在俄工党成立初期,组织内部“小组习气”盛行,缺乏有效的联系,只是“纯精神上的联系”,这使得组织涣散,不能形成有效的凝聚力以对抗沙俄政府,所以列宁呼吁要在组织统一的基础上保证党内团结和工作集中,而实现这一目标的手段和途径便是制定统一的纲领和党章,使之成为全党的行动指南。

These measures of Lenin not only guaranteed the unity of the proletarian party during a special period but also fully played the vanguard role of the organization, ensuring the smooth development of the proletarian revolution.

列宁的这些举措,不但保障了特殊时期无产阶级政党的团结性,还深度发挥了组织的先锋队作用,确保了无产阶级革命的顺利开展。

III. The Contemporary Value of Lenin’s “Democratic Centralism” Organizational Construction Thought

三、列宁“民主集中制”组织建设思想的时代价值

Lenin’s organizational thought effectively promoted the development of the Russian proletarian revolution. Deng Xiaoping evaluated Lenin as having “a complete theory of party building,” and Lenin’s theory of “democratic centralism” is a very classic proposition within Lenin’s party-building theory. This theory not only played a crucial role in the growth of the Russian proletarian party at that time but also has important reference significance for the Chinese Communist Party in deeply advancing the great project of comprehensive and strict governance of the Party.

列宁的组织思想,有力地促进了俄国无产阶级革命的发展。邓小平评价列宁“有个完整的建党的学说”,列宁的“民主集中制”理论,则是列宁的建党学说中十分经典的主张。这一理论不仅对当时俄国无产阶级政党的壮大起到了至关重要的作用,对中国共产党深入推进全面从严治党的伟大工程也具有重要的借鉴意义。

(1) Perfecting Institutional Construction, Forging Institutional Guarantees, and Promoting the Better Transformation of Institutional Advantages into Governance Effectiveness

(一)完善制度建设,铸牢制度保障,推动制度优势更好转化为治理效能

To strengthen the organizational construction of the proletarian party and maintain the orderly operation of intra-party work on the basis of the principle of “democratic centralism,” Lenin systematically institutionalized the party’s statutes, programs, norms, and regulations. For example, replacing the appointment system with an electoral system, establishing the intra-party congress system as the power hub of the party, and stipulating a system for intra-party discussion and freedom of criticism. These institutionalized provisions not only provided guarantees for the implementation of “democratic centralism” but also offered experience for our country’s current improvement of the institutional system to strengthen organizational construction.

列宁为了加强无产阶级政党的组织建设,维护党内工作在“民主集中制”原则基础之上的有序运转,便对党内的章程、纲领、准则以及条例等进行了系统的制度化规定。诸如用选举制度代替委任制度、将党内代表大会制度设立为党内的权力枢纽、规定党内讨论与批评自由的制度等等,这些制度化的规定,不但为“民主集中制”的贯彻提供了保障,还为当下我国完善制度体系以加强组织建设提供了经验借鉴。

The Chinese Communist Party deeply explores the laws of social development and the laws of party governance, creatively integrating the organizational principle of “democratic centralism” into all aspects of our party’s governance of the country, achieving homogeneous construction of institutions at the party and state power levels, thereby promoting the long-term development of the socialist cause. “Democratic centralism,” as an institutional norm, correctly handles and strictly regulates political life within our party, maintains party-mass relations and the interests of the people, ensures the correct formulation and effective implementation of the party’s policies and strategies, and is the greatest institutional advantage of our party.

中国共产党深刻探索社会发展规律和政党执政规律,创造性地将“民主集中制”的组织原则融入我们党治国理政的各个环节之中,实现了政党和政权层面制度的同质建构,从而推动了社会主义事业的长远发展。“民主集中制”作为一种制度准则,正确处理并严格规范了我们党内的政治生活,维护了党群关系和人民利益,确保了党的政策方略的正确制定和有效执行,是我们党最大的制度优势。

In the context of the New Era, the historical orientation of our country has undergone profound changes. We need to further improve the construction of the institutional system under new historical conditions, forge the institutional guarantee for developing China’s democratic politics, and promote the better transformation of the advantages of the socialist system into national governance effectiveness. On the one hand, we must further advance and perfect the great systemic project of institutional construction, achieving the goal of systemic optimization of the national institutional system. Currently, our party is making continuous efforts to achieve the goal of the second centenary struggle. [8]8 The “second centenary goal” (第二个百年奋斗目标) is the goal of building China into a great modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, harmonious, and beautiful by the middle of the 21st century, the centenary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China. In this new journey, opportunities and challenges coexist. Our party must adhere to upholding fundamental principles and breaking new ground, upholding the standard requirements of “not discarding fundamental institutions, perfecting basic institutions, and innovating important institutions,” to promote the socialist system with Chinese characteristics to become more mature and well-defined. On the other hand, we must test the effectiveness of institutional operation in practice, continuously consolidate foundations, strengthen strengths, and make up for weaknesses. Times and situations are constantly changing on the basis of practice, so we should also promote the perfection of institutions on the basis of changes in circumstances, build a systematic, scientific, and effective institutional guarantee system, and on this basis, fully tap into national governance effectiveness.

在新时代背景下,我国的历史方位发生了深刻变化,我们需要在新的历史条件下,进一步完善制度体系建设,铸牢发展中国民主政治的制度保障,推动社会主义制度优势更好地转化为国家治理效能。一方面,要进一步推进完善制度建设这一伟大的系统性工程,实现国家制度体系系统性优化的目标。当前我们党正在为实现第二个百年奋斗的目标接续努力,在这新征程中,机遇与挑战并存,我们党必须要坚持守正创新,秉持“根本制度不抛弃、基本制度更完善、重要制度要创新”的标准要求,以推动中国特色社会主义制度更加成熟定型。另一方面,要在实践中检验制度运行的有效度,不断培本固元、强弱补短。时代与形势是在实践的基础上不断变化的,所以也应该在时势变化的基础之上推进制度的完善,构建系统科学、运行有效的制度保障体系,并在此基础上充分挖掘国家治理效能。

(2) Strengthening Discipline Construction, Enhancing Party Spirit Cultivation, and Leading Great Social Revolution with the Great “Self-Revolution”

(二)加强纪律建设,提高党性修养,以伟大“自我革命”引领伟大社会革命

Lenin placed great emphasis on the cultivation of Party spirit and discipline construction. In response to the historical fact of the loose organization of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, Lenin issued a call to the entire party to “transition from circle habits to Party spirit”; he criticized the opportunist Economists who were obsessed with economic struggle and the Mensheviks who advocated anarchism, launching a struggle to defend Party spirit. Faced with disunity and divisive tendencies within the party, Lenin advocated strengthening Party spirit education and discipline construction, implementing strict discipline, and increasing the intensity of intra-party supervision, thereby maintaining Party spirit and enhancing unity.

列宁十分注重党性培养和纪律建设。针对俄工党组织涣散的史实,列宁向全党发起“使小组习气过渡到党性”的呼吁;批评了醉心于经济斗争的机会主义经济派和鼓吹无政府主义的孟什维克派,掀起了捍卫党性的斗争。面对党内的不团结和分裂倾向,列宁主张要加强党性教育和纪律建设,实行严格的纪律,加强党内监督的力度,以此来维护党性、增强团结。

Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, [9]9 The 18th National Congress of the CPC was held in November 2012, marking the beginning of the Xi Jinping era and the launch of an intensive anti-corruption campaign. as of the end of April 2022, national discipline inspection and supervision organs have filed and investigated a total of 4.388 million cases involving 4.709 million people, investigated and dealt with 723,000 cases of violations of the Eight-Point Regulations, and used the “four forms” [10]10 The “four to criticize, educate, assist, and handle 11.344 million person-times. From these shocking sets of data, we can see that our party has the political courage to turn its blade inward, demonstrating our party’s fine style of daring to engage in “self-revolution.” In a certain sense, this is also the greatest confidence of our party in governance. Looking back on the journey, from the “Yan’an Rectification” [11]11 The Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the CPC was held in November 2021, which adopted the third historical resolution of the Party. to “bringing order out of chaos” [12]12 The “ten upholds” are a summary of historical experience from the Party’s century-long struggle, including upholding the Party’s leadership, upholding the people’s supremacy, and others. to “strict governance of the Party,” our party has always been at the forefront of the times, always maintaining a zero-tolerance attitude toward factors affecting the party’s purity, and always adhering to the firm determination to lead great social revolution with the great spirit of “self-revolution.” The Chinese Communist Party in the New Era has not only absorbed the theoretical essence of Lenin’s thought on party building but also inherited the fine qualities of our party since its founding. As long as our party forever maintains the courage to face problems and the boldness to “cut out tumors, remove sources of poison, and purge poisons,” it will surely win one great social revolution after another.

党的十八大以来,截至2022年4月底,全国纪检监察机关共立案审查调查438.8万件、470.9万人,查处违反中央八项规定精神问题72.3万起,运用“四种形态”批评教育帮助和处理1134.4万人次。从这几组震撼的数据当中,可以看出我们党有着刀刃向内的政治魄力,彰显了我们党敢于“自我革命”的优良作风,从一定意义上来说,这也是我们党执政的最大底气。回首来路,从“延安整风”到“拨乱反正”再到“从严治党”,我们党始终走在时代前列,始终保持着对影响党内纯洁性因素零容忍的态度,始终坚持以伟大的“自我革命”精神引领伟大的社会革命的坚定决心。新时代的中国共产党,不仅汲取了列宁关于党建思想的理论精华,而且传承了我们党成立以来的优良品格。只要我们党永葆正视问题的勇气和“割除毒瘤、清除毒源、肃清流毒”的魄力,定能赢得一个又一个伟大社会革命的胜利。

(3) Firmly Adhering to the People’s Standpoint, Correctly Grasping the Course, and Winning Historical Initiative in a Journey That Will Go Down in History

(三)牢守人民立场,正确把握航向,在彪炳史册的征程中赢得历史主动

Lenin emphasized the revolutionary power of the working class and stressed that the proletarian party is the advanced organization of the working class. From the day the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party was founded, Lenin took the realization of the freedom and liberation of the working class as the goal of struggle. To fight for the rights and interests of the working class, in 1905, Lenin called on workers to “arm themselves” in the *Appeal to the People*, launching a large-scale strike movement and winning many political rights for the masses. At the same time, an electoral system was implemented within the party, stipulating that the masses had the right to elect representatives to express their demands and the right to recall incompetent representatives. This safeguarded the interests of the people to a certain extent and also brought enlightening value to our country’s democratic construction.

列宁注重工人阶级所具有的革命力量,并强调无产阶级政党是工人阶级的先进组织。在俄国社会民主工党成立之日起,列宁就把实现工人阶级的自由和解放作为奋斗目标。为了争取工人阶级的权益,1905年,列宁在《告人民书》中号召工人“武装起来”,进行了规模盛大的罢工运动,并为群众争取到了众多政治权益。同时,在党内实行选举制度,规定群众有权利选举代表人表达自己的诉求,且有权罢免不称职的代表人。这在一定程度上维护了人民群众的利益,也对我国的民主建设带来了启示价值。

The “Resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party over the Past Century” adopted at the Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the CPC [11]11 The Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the CPC was held in November 2021, which adopted the third historical resolution of the Party. summarized “upholding the people’s supremacy” as one of the “ten upholds” [12]12 The “ten upholds” are a summary of historical experience from the Party’s century-long struggle, including upholding the Party’s leadership, upholding the people’s supremacy, and others. of historical experience, and pointed out: “The Party’s roots are in the people, its blood is in the people, and its strength is in the people; the people are the greatest source of confidence for the Party in governing and revitalizing the country.” In 1921, the Communist Party of China was proclaimed in the midst of national peril. From the day of its birth, it took Marxist theory as its guiding ideology, aspired to seek well-being for the masses of the people, and regarded the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation as its original aspiration and founding mission. In the red course that has continued for a century, the CPC’s original aspiration of seeking well-being for the people remains unchanged: the warmth of the “half quilt” [13]13 “Half quilt” refers to a story from the Long March where three Red Army female soldiers gave half of their only quilt to a poor old woman, symbolizing the Party’s bond with the people. wraps the fervor of serving the people and reveals the sentiment of putting the people first; the political principle of “being willing to be a public servant of the people and ashamed to be an official” [14]14 “Being willing to be a public servant of the people and ashamed to be an official” is a phrase attributed to the early CPC leader and martyr Yun Daiying, expressing a spirit of selfless service. nourishes the original aspiration of selfless dedication and tempers the soul of sharing life and death; the Huaihai Campaign [15]15 The Huaihai Campaign (1948-1949) was a decisive battle in the Chinese Civil War, where millions of civilians supported the People’s Liberation Army with wheelbarrows, highlighting mass support. “pushed out by wheelbarrows” manifests the deep bond inseparable as flesh and blood and reflects the advantage of military-civilian unity. From these red stories, it can be seen that the “key” to the CPC’s enduring vitality through a century of storms is that our Party has always closely revolved around the epochal issues of “what the people are, what the people need, and what to do for the people,” and has always regarded the people as the fundamental driving force for crossing all Gobi beaches and building a great modern socialist country. At present, it is even more necessary to firmly uphold the people’s standpoint, adhere to the belief in putting the people first, bear in mind the “greatest in the country” [16]16 “The greatest in the country” (国之大者) is a term used by Xi Jinping to refer to the most fundamental interests and major affairs of the state and the Party., and sit on the “same bench” [17]17 “Sitting on the same bench” is a metaphor for sharing the same position or perspective with the masses, emphasizing closeness and solidarity. with the masses, so as to firmly grasp the correct direction of historical progress and win historical initiative on the new journey of realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

党的十九届六中全会通过的《中共中央关于党的百年奋斗重大成就和历史经验的决议》把“坚持人民至上”总结为“十个坚持”的历史经验之一,并指出:“党的根基在人民、血脉在人民、力量在人民,人民是党执政兴国的最大底气。”1921年,中国共产党在民族危难之中宣告成立。自诞生之日起,便就将马克思主义理论作为指导思想,志于为人民群众谋福祉,把实现中华民族伟大复兴视作初心使命。在百年赓续的红色历程中,中国共产党为民谋福的初心亘古不变:“半条被子”的温暖,包裹的是为民服务的热忱,流露的是人民至上的情怀;“甘为民仆耻为官”的从政之道,滋养的是无私奉献的初心,淬炼的是生死与共的灵魂;“独轮车推出来”的淮海战役,彰显的是骨肉难离的情深,折射的是军民团结的优势。从这些红色故事当中可以看出,中国共产党走过了世纪风雨历程却历久弥新的“密钥”,便是我们党紧紧围绕着“人民是什么、人民需要什么、要为人民做什么”的时代议题,始终将人民视为跨越一切戈壁险滩和建设社会主义现代化强国的根本动力。在当下更要牢守人民立场,秉持人民至上的信念,心怀“国之大者”,与群众同坐“一条板凳”,方可把牢历史前进的正确航向,在实现中华民族伟大复兴的新征程中赢得历史主动。

(4) Uphold collective leadership, achieve the Two Upholds, and sing the strong voice of the times that opens the path to national rejuvenation

(四)坚持集体领导,做到两个维护,唱响开创民族复兴之路的时代强音

Lenin early on put forward the ideological proposition of collective leadership, emphasizing that the leading core of the organization should be composed of revolutionaries with high ideological awareness and strong struggle consciousness, and advocated the establishment of a Central Committee on the basis of elections, adhering to the principle of “the minority subordinate to the majority” to collectively decide major affairs within the Party. These ideological implications of collective leadership, as important content of the theory of “democratic centralism,” have important enlightening significance for strengthening our Party’s building.

列宁在早期就提出了集体领导的思想主张,强调由思想觉悟高、斗争意识强的革命家组成组织的领导核心,并倡导在选举的基础上成立中央委员会,秉持“少数服从多数”的原则,集体决定党内的重大事务。这些集体领导的思想意涵作为“民主集中制”理论的重要内容,对加强我们党的建设具有重要的启示意义。

Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, in the process of comprehensively deepening reform and opening up, our Party has always held high the great banner of socialism with Chinese characteristics, actively and steadily promoted political system reform, taken ensuring the people’s role as masters of the country as the foundation, taken enhancing the vitality of the Party and the state and mobilizing the people’s initiative as the goal, deeply advanced the building of socialist political civilization, and opened up a new realm of political development of socialism with Chinese characteristics. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized at the 20th National Congress of the CPC: “The key to comprehensively building a modern socialist country and comprehensively advancing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation lies in the Party.” And he pointed out that “comprehensive and strict governance of the Party is the only way for the Party to maintain its vitality and vitality and take the new road of the examination.” [18]18 “The new road of the examination” (新的赶考之路) is a metaphor used by Xi Jinping, drawing on Mao Zedong’s analogy This major judgment is not only a scientific summary of historical experience but also points out the correct direction for the Party to steer the ship on a long voyage. Accordingly, to take the new road of the examination in the New Era, it is necessary to proceed from the following two aspects: on the one hand, uphold the working method of collective leadership. This working approach can not only guarantee intra-Party democracy, enabling the Party Central Committee to concentrate the wisdom of the entire Party in decision-making and avoid decision-making errors, but also enhance the centripetal force and cohesion of all Party members; on the other hand, while upholding collective leadership, it is also necessary to resolutely achieve the Two Upholds, always closely unite all the people and all Party members around the Party Central Committee, effectively ensure the long-term stability and security of our Party and country, and thus sing the strong voice of the times of national rejuvenation.

党的十八大以来,在全面深化改革进程中,我们党始终高举中国特色社会主义伟大旗帜,积极稳妥地推进政治体制改革,以保障人民当家做主为根本,以增强党和国家活力、调动人民积极性为目标,深入推进社会主义政治文明建设,开辟了中国特色社会主义政治发展的新境界。习近平总书记在党的二十大报告中强调:“全面建设社会主义现代化国家、全面推进中华民族伟大复兴,关键在党。”并指出“全面从严治党是党永葆生机活力、走好新的赶考之路的必由之路。”这一重大判断,既是对历史经验的科学总结,也为党把舵远航指明了正确方向。据此,走好新时代的赶考之路,需要从以下两个方面着手:一方面,坚持集体领导的工作方法。这一工作思路不仅能够保障党内民主,使党中央在工作决策中能集中全党的智慧,避免决策失误,还可提升全体党员的向心力和凝聚力;另一方面,在坚持集体领导的同时,还要坚决做到“两个维护”,始终把全体人民和全体党员紧密团结在党中央周围,切实保障我们党和国家的长治久安,从而唱响民族复兴的时代强音。

In summary, Lenin’s thought on organizational building of “democratic centralism” is a theoretical achievement in the great practical exploration process of Lenin’s founding of the proletarian party. The ideological implications and value charm contained in this achievement not only played an important role in the growth of the Russian proletarian party at that time but also provided experience for promoting the new great project of our Party’s building in the New Era.

综上所述,列宁的“民主集中制”组织建设思想,是列宁在创立无产阶级政党伟大实践探索过程中的理论成果。这一成果所饱含的思想意涵和价值魅力,不仅对当时俄国无产阶级政党的壮大发挥了重要作用,而且为推进新时代下我党建设新的伟大工程提供了经验借鉴。

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑:同心

Notes

  1. The Economists were a trend within the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party in the late 19th and early 20th centuries that argued the working class should focus on economic (trade union) struggles rather than political revolution, downplaying the role of a centralized vanguard party. ↩
  2. The Mensheviks were a faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party that opposed Lenin’s concept of a tightly disciplined, centralized vanguard party, favoring a looser, more democratic party structure. ↩
  3. “Bloody Sunday” refers to 9 January 1905 (Old Style), when Tsarist troops fired on a peaceful procession of workers marching to the Winter Palace to present a petition to the Tsar, triggering the 1905 Russian Revolution. ↩
  4. The *October Manifesto* was issued by Tsar Nicholas II on 17 October 1905 (Old Style) in response to the 1905 Revolution, promising civil liberties and the establishment of an elected legislative body (the Duma). ↩
  5. The Fourth (Unity) Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party was held in Stockholm in April 1906. It formally adopted the principle of democratic centralism into the party’s rules. ↩
  6. The “Economist” faction (经济派) was a trend within the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party in the late 19th and early 20th centuries that prioritized economic struggles over political revolution, which Lenin criticized as a deviation from Marxist revolutionary theory.
  7. “Circle habits” (小组习气) refers to the tendency of early Russian Social Democratic Labour Party members to operate in small, isolated, and factional groups rather than as a unified, disciplined party organization. ↩
  8. The “second centenary goal” (第二个百年奋斗目标) is the goal of building China into a great modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, harmonious, and beautiful by the middle of the 21st century, the centenary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China. ↩
  9. The 18th National Congress of the CPC was held in November 2012, marking the beginning of the Xi Jinping era and the launch of an intensive anti-corruption campaign. ↩
  10. The “four ↩
  11. The Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the CPC was held in November 2021, which adopted the third historical resolution of the Party. ↩
  12. The “ten upholds” are a summary of historical experience from the Party’s century-long struggle, including upholding the Party’s leadership, upholding the people’s supremacy, and others. ↩
  13. “Half quilt” refers to a story from the Long March where three Red Army female soldiers gave half of their only quilt to a poor old woman, symbolizing the Party’s bond with the people. ↩
  14. “Being willing to be a public servant of the people and ashamed to be an official” is a phrase attributed to the early CPC leader and martyr Yun Daiying, expressing a spirit of selfless service. ↩
  15. The Huaihai Campaign (1948-1949) was a decisive battle in the Chinese Civil War, where millions of civilians supported the People’s Liberation Army with wheelbarrows, highlighting mass support. ↩
  16. “The greatest in the country” (国之大者) is a term used by Xi Jinping to refer to the most fundamental interests and major affairs of the state and the Party. ↩
  17. “Sitting on the same bench” is a metaphor for sharing the same position or perspective with the masses, emphasizing closeness and solidarity. ↩
  18. “The new road of the examination” (新的赶考之路) is a metaphor used by Xi Jinping, drawing on Mao Zedong’s analogy ↩