The Dilemmas Facing the CPN (Maoist Centre) and Their Resolution

The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre) is today one of the two largest communist parties in Nepal and the third-largest political party in the country’s political arena. Although the CPN (Maoist Centre) remains an important political force in Nepal, the party faces numerous long-term dilemmas. Whether it can overcome these difficulties and challenges will determine the development direction of the CPN (Maoist Centre) and even of the communist movement in Nepal.

尼泊尔共产党（毛主义中心）是如今尼泊尔最大的两个共产党之一，也是目前尼泊尔政坛的第三大政党。虽然尼共（毛主义中心）目前仍然是尼泊尔一支重要的政治力量，但该党面临着诸多长期性困境，能否克服这些困难和挑战，决定着尼共（毛主义中心）甚至是尼泊尔共产主义运动的发展方向。

The CPN (Maoist Centre) was once regarded as a political force capable of fundamentally transforming the face of the Nepali state. However, after the establishment of the republic in 2008, the CPN (Maoist Centre) began to lose its advantage overall and entered a downward trajectory. At present, the CPN (Maoist Centre) faces problems and challenges such as an identity dilemma, an organisational dilemma, a mass-base dilemma, and an external-pressure dilemma.

尼共（毛主义中心）曾被认为是能够根本改变尼泊尔国家面貌的政治力量，但2008年共和国建立以后，尼共（毛主义中心）总体上开始丧失优势，走上了下坡路。当前，尼共（毛主义中心）面临着身份困境、组织困境、群众基础困境和外部压力困境等问题和挑战。

(I) Identity Dilemma

（一）身份困境

The identity dilemma refers to the fact that the CPN (Maoist Centre) is increasingly losing its distinctiveness from other parties, especially from the two major parties, the Nepali Congress and the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist).

身份困境，指的是尼共（毛主义中心）越来越丧失其区别于其他政党，尤其是同尼泊尔大会党和尼泊尔共产党（联合马列）这两大主要政党相比的独特性。

First, the revolutionary colour of the CPN (Maoist Centre) has gradually faded. For the UCPN (Maoist), after the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Accord in 2006, the party gradually participated in constructing the new state system and became part of it. Moreover, it no longer controlled armed forces and even effectively negated the justice of the “people’s war.” Having undergone this transformation, the CPN (Maoist Centre) lost its “anti-system” character and gradually became an “electoral-type” party that upholds the current system. The party’s entire activity basically revolves around attaining ruling status through participation in elections or parliamentary struggle, indicating that the CPN (Maoist Centre) has essentially become a “system-inside” party operating according to the rules of parliamentary power struggle.

第一，尼共（毛主义中心）的革命色彩逐渐淡化。对于尼联共（毛主义）而言，2006年《全面和平协议》签署之后，该党逐渐参与构建国家新体制并成为其一部分，并且不再掌握武装力量，甚至在事实上否定了“人民战争”的正义性。经历蜕变后的尼共（毛主义中心）失去了其“反体制”特征，逐渐成为一个维护当前体制的“选举型”政党，党的全部活动基本上围绕着通过参加选举或议会斗争取得执政地位来展开，说明尼共（毛主义中心）基本成为一个遵循议会权力斗争规则运行的“体制内”政党。

Second, the patriotic character of the CPN (Maoist Centre) has been widely called into question. After the establishment of the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal, in the process of adapting to a peaceful environment, the CPN (Maoist Centre) adopted some actions that were considered to violate patriotism or even to betray national interests. For example, regarding the controversial Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) aid agreement with the United States, the CPN (Maoist Centre)’s verbal stance was to strive to obtain aid, but without harming national sovereignty and without dragging Nepal into global power struggles. However, on 14 September 2017, the Nepali government led by the Nepali Congress formally signed the agreement with the US Millennium Challenge Corporation. The CPN (Maoist Centre), as the second-largest party in the participating government, not only failed to take effective measures to resist the agreement despite knowing that its terms were controversial, but actually consented to its signing. On 20 February 2022, the coalition government submitted the agreement to the House of Representatives, and it was passed. The text was not amended, only accompanied by a non-binding “explanatory statement” expressing views on certain clauses of the agreement. As a member of the coalition government, the CPN (Maoist Centre) effectively agreed to the demands of the Nepali Congress.

第二，尼共（毛主义中心）的爱国主义特征备受怀疑。尼泊尔联邦民主共和国成立后，尼共（毛主义中心）在适应和平环境的过程中，采取了一些被认为是违背爱国主义、甚至出卖国家利益的行动。例如，尼共（毛主义中心）对备受争议的美国千年挑战公司援助协议（Millennium Challenge Corporation,MCC）的口头态度是争取获得援助，但不能损害国家主权，不能将尼泊尔拉入世界争霸。然而，2017年9月14日，大会党领导的尼泊尔政府正式同美国千年挑战公司签署了协议，尼共（毛主义中心）作为参与政府的第二大政党，在明知条款存在争议的情况下，不仅没有采取有效抵制举措，反而同意了协议的签署；2022年2月20日，联合政府将协议提交众议院且该协议被通过，正文并未被修改，只是附上了一份没有实际约束力、表达针对协议有关条款的“解释性声明”。作为联合政府成员的尼共（毛主义中心）事实同意了大会党的要求。

Third, the “Maoist” character of the CPN (Maoist Centre) is also disappearing. After the establishment of the republic, the UCPN (Maoist) step by step relinquished the party’s control over armed forces and returned assets confiscated from landlords and capitalists. At the Seventh Congress of the UCPN (Maoist), the party’s line underwent a major shift: it no longer mentioned “protracted people’s war” or “new democratic revolution.” After this major turn, the “Maoist” theoretical colour of the CPN (Maoist Centre) was greatly diluted. In May 2018, when the CPN (Maoist Centre) merged with the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist) to form the Nepal Communist Party (NCP), the guiding ideology was set as Marxism–Leninism, which objectively further weakened the “Maoist” identity. When the CPN (Maoist Centre) was restored in March 2021 after a Supreme Court ruling, it already faced a very severe identity crisis.

第三，尼共（毛主义中心）的“毛泽东主义”特征也正在消失。共和国成立后，尼联共（毛主义）一步步放弃了党对武装力量的控制，归还了没收地主、资本家的资产；在尼联共（毛主义）第七次代表大会上，党的路线发生重大转变，不再提及“持久的人民战争”和“新民主主义革命”；经过这次重大转向，尼共（毛主义中心）的“毛泽东主义”理论色彩被极大淡化。2018年5月，尼共（毛主义中心）与尼共（联合马列）合并成立的尼泊尔共产党（Nepal Communist Party,NCP），将指导思想确定为马克思列宁主义，客观上进一步削弱了“毛泽东主义”的身份。2021年3月尼共（毛主义中心）经最高法院判决后恢复时，已面临十分严峻的身份危机。

(II) Organisational Dilemma

（二）组织困境

The organisational dilemma refers to the fact that the CPN (Maoist Centre) has undergone splits that severely damaged its vitality, the role of party organisations has been weakened, and the principle of democratic centralism has often been violated.

组织困境，指的是尼共（毛主义中心）经历了元气大伤的分裂，党组织的作用被削弱，民主集中原则时常遭到破坏。

During the “people’s war,” the CPN (Maoist) exerted unprecedented leadership and cohesion, attracting various left-wing progressive forces and national liberation movements in Nepal to its side and becoming the revolutionary leading core. After 2008, the UCPN (Maoist)—that is, the renamed CPN (Maoist Centre)—continually encountered troubles, suffering multiple splits that seriously affected the party’s strength and organisational integrity.

尼共（毛）在“人民战争”期间，发挥了空前的领导力和凝聚力，将尼泊尔各类左翼进步势力和民族解放运动吸引到了它的周围，成为了革命的领导核心。2008年以后，尼联共（毛主义）即改名后的尼共（毛主义中心）不断遭遇麻烦，经受多次分裂，严重影响了党的力量和组织的完整。

First, due to fundamental line differences, the contradictions and conflicts between the side led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda and Baburam Bhattarai, on the one hand, and the side led by Mohan Baidhya Kiran, Ram Bahadur Thapa-Badal, and others, on the other, continuously intensified. Baidhya, Thapa, and other intra-party opponents accused Prachanda, Bhattarai, and others of taking the “revisionist” road, advocating instead for continuing the new democratic revolution, launching urban armed uprisings, and establishing a People’s Republic of Nepal. The side led by Prachanda and Bhattarai, by contrast, insisted on advancing along the line of completing the peaceful constitution-making process and building the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal. From 16 to 18 June 2012, the opposition led by Baidhya decided to establish a separate Communist Party of Nepal–Maoist (CPN-M), causing the UCPN (Maoist) to lose at least one-third of its strength.

一是由于根本路线分歧，普拉昌达（Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda）、巴布拉姆·巴特拉伊（Baburam Bhattarai）领导的一方同莫汉·拜迪亚（Mohan Baidhya Kiran）、拉姆·巴哈杜尔·塔帕（Ram Bahadur Thapa-Badal）等领导的另一方的矛盾冲突不断激化。拜迪亚、塔帕等党内反对派指责普拉昌达、巴特拉伊等人走上了“修正主义”道路，主张继续推进新民主主义革命，发动城市武装起义，建立尼泊尔人民共和国；而普拉昌达、巴特拉伊为首的一方则坚持沿着完成和平制宪进程，建设尼泊尔联邦民主共和国的路线前进。2012年6月16日至18日，拜迪亚领导的反对派决定另建尼泊尔共产党—毛泽东主义(Communist Party of Nepa·Maoist,CPN-M)，使尼联共（毛主义）至少损失了三分之一的力量。

Second, Bhattarai, long regarded as the “number-two figure,” announced his withdrawal from the UCPN (Maoist), which was another blow to the party. On 26 September 2015, due to differing views on the provisions concerning the rights of the Madhesi ethnic groups in the new constitution drafted by the Constituent Assembly, Bhattarai announced his withdrawal from the UCPN (Maoist), simultaneously resigning his parliamentary seat, and soon after formed a new party. Bhattarai had been a key ally of Prachanda and an important theoretician within the party; his departure further weakened the party’s strength and prestige.

二是长期以来被视为“第二号人物”的巴特拉伊宣布退出尼联共（毛主义），是对该党的又一次打击。2015年9月26日，由于对制宪会议制定的新宪法中关于马德西民族权益的规定持有不同看法，巴特拉伊宣布退出尼联共（毛主义），同时辞去议员职务，不久后另组新政党。巴特拉伊曾是普拉昌达的关键盟友和该党党内的重要理论家，他的离开进一步削弱了该党的力量和声望。

Third, the failure of the NCP merger and integration had a significant impact on the CPN (Maoist Centre). On 17 May 2018, the CPN (Maoist Centre) and the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist) merged to form the NCP, becoming the most powerful communist political force in Nepal’s history. However, because the NCP found it difficult to break the deadlock over power-sharing, guiding ideology, state governance, and other issues, factional struggles intensified and the party effectively split. Moreover, due to the dramatic ruling of the Supreme Court of Nepal on 7 March 2021 on the case concerning the ownership of the party name, the merger was formally declared invalid in legal terms. Facing the chaotic political situation caused by the dissolution of the NCP, the restored CPN (Maoist Centre) maintained its overall integrity, but some important leaders of the party, such as Ram Bahadur Thapa, and their followers chose to join the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist). The work of restoring and rebuilding the party’s organisations at all levels and its affiliated organisations also troubled the party.

三是尼共（NCP）合并整合的失败，对尼共（毛主义中心）造成较大影响。2018年5月17日，尼共（毛主义中心）与尼共（联合马列）合并组建尼共（NCP），成为尼泊尔有史以来最强大的共产主义政治力量；但是，尼共（NCP）由于难以打破权力分配、指导思想、国家治理等方面形成的僵局，导致派系斗争激化和该党的实质分裂，又由于2021年3月7日尼泊尔最高法院对政党名称归属案件的戏剧性判决而在法理上正式宣布无效。面对尼共（NCP）被废除造成的混乱政局，恢复组建的尼共（毛主义中心）虽然整体上保持了完整性，但拉姆·巴哈杜尔·塔帕等部分该党的重要领导人及其追随者选择加入尼共（联合马列），该党各级组织及侧翼组织的恢复重建工作也困扰着该党。

The CPN (Maoist Centre) has also failed to implement democratic centralism adequately. After entering the peace period, the UCPN (Maoist) and later the CPN (Maoist Centre) did not properly implement collective leadership and democratic centralism; their party meetings became rubber stamps for confirming results rather than venues for frank discussion, replaced instead by bargaining among individual leaders and various “small circles.” In March 2021, after the CPN (Maoist Centre) was restored, the Central Committee led by Prachanda made some self-criticism, but still did not fundamentally resolve the problem; after the party’s Eighth National Congress concluded, the Central Committee vice-chairman, Central Committee general secretary, and Central Political Bureau fell into a state of “difficult birth,” the Central Committee could not effectively exercise collective leadership and implement democratic centralism, and this gave rise to concerns within the party about Prachanda’s “arbitrary and autocratic decision-making.” [6]6 “Arbitrary and autocratic decision-making” (乾纲独断, qiangang duanduan): A Chinese four-character idiom originally referring to the emperor exercising absolute power alone; here used critically to describe Prachanda’s leadership style within the party.

尼共（毛主义中心）贯彻落实民主集中制也做得不够好。进入和平时期以后，尼联共（毛主义）和后来的尼共（毛主义中心）没有很好贯彻集体领导和民主集中制，其党的会议成了确认结果的图章，而不是展开坦率讨论的场所，取而代之的是个别领导人之间的讨价还价和各种“小圈子”。2021年3月，尼共（毛主义中心）被恢复后，普拉昌达领导的党中央虽然作了一定的自我批评，但仍没有根本解决问题；该党的八大闭幕后，党中央副主席、中央总书记、中央政治局等陷于“难产”，中央不能有效进行集体领导和贯彻民主集中制，其党内引起对普拉昌达“乾纲独断”的担忧。

(3) The Dilemma of the Mass Base

（三）群众基础困境

The dilemma of the mass base refers to the fact that the CPN (Maoist Centre) has problems in governing the party and governing it strictly, its electoral performance has been steadily declining, its mass base has been continuously eroding, and there is a real danger of it becoming detached from the masses.

群众基础困境，是指尼共（毛主义中心）管党治党出现问题，选举表现不断下滑，群众基础持续流失，存在着脱离群众的现实危险。

On the one hand, the CPN (Maoist Centre)’s mass base shows a trend of increasing erosion. In 2008, the CPN (Maoist Centre) participated in the first Constituent Assembly election, winning 37% of the 601 seats in the Constituent Assembly, reflecting the full trust and strong expectations of the Nepalese people in the party. In the 2013 second Constituent Assembly election, the UCPN (Maoist) suffered a major setback, falling to become the third-largest party; in the 2017 first national legislative election after the promulgation of the new constitution, the CPN (Maoist Centre) won 53 of the 275 seats in the House of Representatives (19.3%). Although its seat share increased somewhat, the votes it received did not grow, and coupled with the fact that the party formed an electoral alliance with the CPN (UML), the actual results were very limited. As can be seen from Table 1, the number of votes received by the CPN (Maoist Centre) has been steadily declining, and this reflects its mass base and changing trends more accurately than the actual seats it has won.

一方面，尼共（毛主义中心）的群众基础呈现日益流失的趋势。2008年，尼共（毛主义中心）参加了首次制宪会议选举，赢得制宪会议601个席位中的37%，体现出尼泊尔人民对该党的充分信任和强烈期望。2013年第二届制宪会议选举时，尼联共（毛主义）遭遇巨大挫折，滑落为第三大党；2017年新宪法颁布后的首次全国立法选举中，尼共（毛主义中心）赢得众议院275个席位中的53个席位（19.3%），虽然议席比例有所提升，但所获选票却没有增长，再加上该党同尼共（联合马列）组建了选举联盟，实际成果十分有限。从表1中可看出，尼共（毛主义中心）所获票数不断下滑，这比该党实际所获席位更能反映其群众基础和变化趋势。

On the other hand, the various problems that have emerged in the CPN (Maoist Centre)’s governance of the party and strict party governance have exacerbated the danger of the party becoming detached from the masses. Loss of ideals and convictions, bureaucratic style, individual opportunism, and degenerate and corrupt practices are eroding the party’s organism. In February 2013, the UCPN (Maoist), after experiencing an open split, convened its Seventh National Congress, where delegates demanded an investigation into the corruption of the leadership, criticized the luxurious lifestyles of some senior leaders, and expressed concern about the danger of the party’s degeneration and transformation. In order to win more votes and seats in elections, the party to a certain extent relaxed its theoretical education and training and quality management of party cadres and members, recruiting “political stars” through job assignments and promises of power, allowing some opportunists to sneak into the party, while also stirring up struggles and speculative activities within the party for political power such as seats or positions.

另一方面，尼共（毛主义中心）管党治党之中出现的种种问题，加剧了党脱离群众的危险。理想信念丧失、官僚主义作风、个人投机主义、堕落腐化风气正在侵蚀党的肌体。2013年2月，经历公开分裂后的尼联共（毛主义）召开第七次代表大会，代表们要求调查领导层的腐败状况，批评一些高级领导的奢侈生活方式，对党面临的腐化蜕变危险表示担忧。为了在选举中获得更多选票和席位，该党一定程度放松了对党员干部的理论教育培训和质量管理，通过职务安排和权力许诺招揽“政治明星”，一些机会主义者乘机混入党内，同时激起了其党内为席位或职务等政治权力而进行的斗争与投机活动。

(4) The Dilemma of External Pressure

（四）外部压力困境

The dilemma of external pressure mainly refers to the fact that the CPN (Maoist Centre) faces competition from the two mainstream political parties, the Nepali Congress and the CPN (UML), and there is a danger of it losing political influence.

外部压力困境，主要是尼共（毛主义中心）面临尼泊尔大会党和尼共（联合马列）两大主流政党的竞争，存在着失去政治影响力的危险。

On the one hand, the CPN (Maoist Centre) is at a disadvantage in its competition with the Nepali Congress and the CPN (UML). The Nepali Congress and the CPN (UML) are the two main political parties that have been active in Nepalese politics since the 1990s, with a relatively broad voter base and rich experience in parliamentary competition. The UCPN (Maoist) originally emerged as a political force for revolutionary change in the country, adding a new option to Nepalese politics and once inspiring the political enthusiasm of the broad working masses; but as the political situation developed, the CPN (Maoist Centre), in the process of integrating into “mainstream politics,” saw its political status continuously decline and its distinctiveness increasingly fade. As a left-wing party, the CPN (Maoist Centre) has gradually lost ground to the CPN (UML) in the struggle for leadership; and due to fundamental differences in theoretical line, it is also difficult for it to compete with the Nepali Congress for voters on its own. Under these circumstances, achieving left-wing unity is the most realistic strategic choice for the CPN (Maoist Centre). However, the failure of the merger attempt of the NCP and the approach of the 2022 general election forced the CPN (Maoist Centre) to continue its game with the two major parties.

一方面，尼共（毛主义中心）在同大会党和尼共（联合马列）的竞争中处于劣势。尼泊尔大会党和尼共（联合马列）是20世纪90年代以来活跃于尼泊尔政坛的两大主要政党，具有比较广泛的选民基础和丰富的议会竞争经验。尼联共（毛主义）本是作为对国家进行革命性变革的政治力量出现的，为尼泊尔政治增加了新的选择，一度激发起广大劳动人民的政治热情；但随着政局发展，尼共（毛主义中心）在融入“主流政治”的过程中，政治地位不断下降，独特性日益淡化。作为左翼政党，尼共（毛主义中心）同尼共（联合马列）在争夺领导权的问题上逐渐处于下风；而由于根本理论路线的不同，该党也难以单独同大会党争夺选民。这种情况下，实现左翼团结是尼共（毛主义中心）在战略上的最现实选择。然而，尼共（NCP）合并尝试的失败与2022年大选的临近，使尼共（毛主义中心）不得不继续同两大政党展开博弈。

On the other hand, the “three-legged” political situation in Nepal is not in the long-term interest of the CPN (Maoist Centre)’s development. After 2008, the UCPN (Maoist) and later the CPN (Maoist Centre) became the third important political force; due to the weakening of its strength after 2013, the CPN (Maoist Centre) often functions as a “key third party,” that is, it uses changes in the political situation to choose to support the right-wing Nepali Congress or the left-wing CPN (UML), obtaining political benefits through bargaining. In other words, the current CPN (Maoist Centre) can no longer play a major role in the basic strategy of national development, but is in a tactical position of a “political speculator.” The political spectrum of the CPN (Maoist Centre) belongs to the left wing, and it should be more radical than the CPN (UML). But a contradiction has arisen between the party’s actual political status and its theoretical political identity: the CPN (Maoist Centre) often breaks its promises; when allied with the CPN (UML), it may submit to its moderate ideas, further losing its revolutionary character; when allied with the Nepali Congress, it objectively weakens left-wing forces and becomes an assistant to pro-Western policies, dealing a blow to its revolutionary left-wing identity.

另一方面，尼泊尔“三足鼎立”政局长远上不符合尼共（毛主义中心）的发展。2008年以后，尼联共（毛主义）和之后的尼共（毛主义中心）成为第三支重要政治力量；由于2013年以后的力量削弱，尼共（毛主义中心）往往作为“关键第三党”发挥作用，即利用政局变化，选择支持右翼的尼泊尔大会党或左翼的尼共（联合马列），通过讨价还价获得政治利益，也就是说，当前的尼共（毛主义中心）已难以在国家发展的基本战略方面发挥主要作用，而是处于一种“政治投机者”的策略地位。尼共（毛主义中心）的政治光谱属于左翼，且应比尼共（联合马列）更加激进。但该党的现实政治地位与其理论政治身份发生了矛盾，尼共（毛主义中心）时常违背承诺，与尼共（联合马列）结盟时可能服膺于其温和思想，进一步丢失革命性；与大会党结盟时会在客观上削弱左翼力量，并成为亲西方政策的协助者，使该党的革命左翼身份遭到打击。

II. The CPN (Maoist Centre)’s Analysis of and Response to the Problems

二、尼共（毛主义中心）对问题的分析与应对

From December 26, 2021, to January 2, 2022, the CPN (Maoist Centre) convened its Eighth National Congress. This congress was held under the turbulent political situation caused by the failure of the NCP merger and when the party was beset with difficulties both internally and externally. In the political report adopted by the congress, it analyzed and responded to the problems currently facing the party, proposed a series of countermeasures, and charted the direction for the party’s actions in the next period.

2021年12月26日至2022年1月2日，尼共（毛主义中心）召开了第八次代表大会。这次大会是在尼共合并失败造成的动荡政局下，以及其处于内外交困时召开的。在大会通过的政治报告中，对该党当前面临的问题作了分析和回应，提出了一系列应对措施，并对该党在下一个时期的行动规划了方向。

(1) Analysis of the Domestic and International Situation

（一）分析国内国际形势

Regarding the international situation, the CPN (Maoist Centre) believes that the current period is in the stage of globalized financial monopoly capitalism. The characteristic of financial capitalism is that it invests surplus capital concentrated in the hands of capitalists in the financial sector rather than the productive sector, obtaining huge profits in a short period of time. The profit-making method of investment, profit, and reinvestment in the production sector has been replaced by a method of obtaining profits through direct investment. Developed capitalist countries develop their own economies under the guise of “protectionism,” while demanding that the least developed countries implement “privatization” and “liberalization” in order to exploit their natural resources and cheap labor. The capitalist mode of production is the main cause of the increasing problems facing nature and human society today, and the intensification of the movement of the basic contradiction of capitalism has plunged the world into crisis. As communists, we should adhere to the guidance of Marxism, resolutely expose and criticize the essence of globalized imperialism and financial capitalism, effectively safeguard and protect the rights of the people, and push the struggle for national independence to a new height.

对于国际形势，尼共（毛主义中心）认为当前处在全球化的金融垄断资本主义阶段。金融资本主义的特点是将集中在资本家手中的过剩资本投资于金融部门而非生产部门，在短时间内获得巨额利润。生产领域的投资、获利、再投资的盈利方式已被通过直接投资获利的方式取代。发达资本主义国家以“保护主义”为幌子发展本国经济，而要求最不发达国家实行“私有化”“自由化”，以便榨取其自然资源和廉价劳动力。资本主义生产方式是造成如今自然界和人类社会面临越来越多问题的主要原因，资本主义基本矛盾运动的激化使世界遭遇危机。作为共产主义者，应坚持以马克思主义为指导，坚决揭露和批判全球化的帝国主义和金融资本主义的本质，切实维护和保障人民的权利，将争取民族独立的斗争推向新高度。

Regarding the domestic situation, the CPN (Maoist Centre) believes that the main task at present is to defend the constitution and consolidate the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal. The report reviewed Nepal’s natural and historical conditions, affirmed the historical progressive significance of the Nepalese national democratic revolution in opposing imperialism and feudalism and establishing the federal democratic republic, and the important leading role played by the Nepalese communists in the revolutionary process. The CPN (Maoist Centre) believes that the current political situation is unfolding around defending and overthrowing the progressive achievements confirmed by the constitution. The party must strengthen its own construction, resist interference from external forces, form a united front with all forces that defend the constitution, the federal democratic system, and national independence, and formulate socialist-oriented economic and social development policies.

对于国内形势，尼共（毛主义中心）认为当前的主要任务是捍卫宪法和巩固尼泊尔联邦民主共和国。报告回顾了尼泊尔的自然和历史条件，肯定了尼泊尔民族民主革命对反对帝国主义、封建主义，建立联邦民主共和国的历史进步意义和尼泊尔共产党人在革命进程中发挥的重要领导作用。尼共（毛主义中心）认为，当前的政治形势是围绕着捍卫和推翻宪法所确认的进步成果而展开的，党要加强自身建设，抵御外部势力干涉，同一切捍卫宪法、联邦民主制度和民族独立的力量组成统一战线，制定社会主义导向的经济社会发展政策。

(2) Analysis of the Development of the Socialist Cause in Nepal

（二）分析尼泊尔社会主义事业的发展

The CPN (Maoist Centre) holds that productive forces, driven by advances in science and technology, continuously develop, leading to the intensification of capitalism’s inherent contradictions and the formation of the objective material base for socialism. At present, progress in science and technology has spurred great development of productive forces, and a deeper understanding of the world confirms the correctness of dialectical materialism and historical materialism. However, science and technology are now used as tools for capital to extract profit, rather than directly serving human civilisation. A stark contrast has formed between the poverty of the majority and the sudden wealth of a tiny minority, and between developed countries and the vast number of least developed and developing countries, while the material base for socialism is gradually maturing. Communists must formulate a revolutionary ideological, political and action line, and advance the socialist cause from the perspective of protecting nature, society and the interests of all humanity.

尼共（毛主义中心）认为，生产力在科学技术的推动下不断发展，促使资本主义固有矛盾的激化和社会主义客观物质基础的形成。当前，科学技术的进步促进了生产力的大发展，对世界的深入了解印证了辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义的正确性；不过，科学技术如今被作为资本赚取利润的工具，而不是直接地服务于人类文明，大多数人的贫困和极少数人的暴富之间、发达国家和广大最不发达国家及发展中国家之间形成鲜明对比，社会主义的物质基础日渐成熟。共产党人要制定革命的思想政治行动路线，从保护自然、社会和全人类利益的角度出发来推进社会主义事业。

The CPN (Maoist Centre) has summarised the historical process and lessons of Nepal’s communist movement. The report affirms the Party’s positive contributions during Nepal’s democratic revolution and peacetime period, and offers self-criticism on issues since the signing of the peace agreement. The main points are: first, the Party’s democratic centralism was not well implemented, lacking clear political direction. Second, because the political line was not clarified, factionalism and anarchism emerged within the Party, along with attempts to undermine the peace agreement; pushing forward the completion of the constitution-drafting and the remaining work of the peace process was the Party’s only choice at the time. Third, theoretical propositions such as the “Prachanda Path” were not seriously discussed at Party meetings after the peace process began, causing ideological disunity within the Party. Fourth, during the merger and integration process of the CPN (NCP), [7]7 The CPN (NCP) refers to the Nepal Communist Party (Nepal Communist Party) formed in 2018 through the merger of the CPN (Maoist Centre) and the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist), led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal (Prachanda) and Khadga Prasad Oli respectively; the merger collapsed in 2021. lax and undisciplined thinking provided an opportunity for the Oli faction to implement its “conspiracies and intrigues.”

尼共（毛主义中心）对尼泊尔共产主义运动的历史进程和经验教训进行了总结。报告肯定了党在尼泊尔民主革命与和平时期的积极贡献，并对和平协议签署以来的问题作了自我批评，主要有：一是党的民主集中制没有很好落实，缺乏明确的政治方向指引。二是由于未能明确政治路线，导致党内出现派系主义和无政府主义，以及破坏和平协定的企图；而推动完成宪法起草与和平进程的剩余工作，是党当时的唯一选择。三是对于“普拉昌达道路”等理论主张，在和平进程开始后没有在党的会议上认真讨论，引起了党内的思想不统一。四是在尼共（NCP）合并整合进程中，自由散漫思想为奥利派系实行其“阴谋诡计”提供了机会。

The CPN (Maoist Centre) has elaborated on Nepal’s future revolutionary strategy.

尼共（毛主义中心）对尼泊尔未来的革命战略作了阐述。

First, the Constituent Assembly and the formulation of a new constitution are both important components of Nepal’s peace process. The achievements of Nepal’s national democratic revolution are concentratedly embodied in the democratic constitution completed in 2015. For the first time, the Nepalese people were able to exercise their rights and genuinely participate in the constitution-drafting process. The revolution ended the monarchy, which represented the feudal system, and established a republican form of government. An institutionalised federal structure replaced the highly centralised political system, and institutionalised, secular democratic spirit replaced religious theocracy. The revolution promoted the formulation of a democratic constitution with room for development, advanced land reform, ensured basic civil rights such as education, healthcare, housing and food, established an inclusive democratic system, and clearly stipulated a political system based on popular elections and multiparty competition, as well as socialism built on this foundation. The revolution redefined the Nepalese state, declaring that Nepal would uphold a foreign policy of freedom on the basis of defending its sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, and safeguarding its national interests.

首先，制宪会议和制定新宪法都是尼泊尔和平进程的重要组成部分，尼泊尔民族民主革命的成果集中体现为2015年制定完成的民主宪法，尼泊尔人民第一次能够行使自己的权利，切实参与到宪法起草的过程中；革命结束了作为封建制度代表的君主制，建立起共和政体，制度化的联邦制结构取代了高度集中的政治体制，制度化、世俗化的民主精神取代了宗教神权；革命推动制定了具有发展空间的民主宪法，推动了土地改革，教育、医疗、居住、食物等公民基本权利得到应有保障，包容性民主制度得以建立，明确规定了人民选举及多党竞争的政治体制和发展以此为基础的社会主义；革命对尼泊尔国家作出了新的定义，宣布尼泊尔将在捍卫本国主权、独立和领土完整以及维护本国利益的基础上，秉持自由的外交政策。

Second, Nepal’s national democratic revolution has two limitations: first, the revolution did not eradicate feudal remnants at their roots; second, the revolution was inevitably subject to interference from bureaucratic capitalism and external forces. The state did not establish a corresponding electoral system and governance model in line with the people’s expectations and historical necessity, nor did it complete the definition of oppressed classes, nationalities, regions and communities, or establish a rights protection mechanism. Therefore, the Party must, under the guidance of socialist revolutionary policy, complete the remaining tasks of the people’s democratic revolution.

其次，尼泊尔民族民主革命具有两方面局限性，一是革命并没有从根源上铲除封建残余势力，二是革命不可避免地受到官僚资本主义和外部势力干涉。国家并未根据人民期望和历史必要性建立健全相应选举体系和治理方式，也没有完成对被压迫阶级、民族、地区和社群的界定以及建立权利保护机制。因此，党必须要在社会主义革命政策的引领下完成人民民主革命的剩余任务。

Third, because the Nepalese bourgeoisie was also granted partial leadership in the revolution, it has always hoped to confine the revolution within bourgeois bounds. As the bourgeois revolution is basically completed, one part of the bourgeoisie has differentiated into a progressive faction that is patriotic, democratic and upholds the constitution, while the other part has differentiated into a reactionary faction of bureaucratic capitalists and right-wing elements funded by external forces. The contradiction between the Nepalese people, on the one hand, and bureaucratic capitalism supported by external forces and feudal remnants, on the other, has become the current principal contradiction.

再次，由于尼泊尔资产阶级在革命中也被赋予部分领导权，它始终希望将革命限制在资产阶级范畴内，而随着资产阶级革命基本完成，资产阶级一部分分化为爱国、民主、维护宪法的进步一方，另一部分分化为官僚资产阶级和外部势力资助的右翼分子反动一方。尼泊尔人民同外部势力扶持的官僚资本主义和封建残余之间的矛盾已成为当前的主要矛盾。

Finally, the report points out the principles, policies, strategy and development direction of Nepal’s socialist revolution. The main points are: first, taking Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought as the Party’s guiding ideology; second, clarifying that Nepal is at a specific stage of capitalist development, and the Party must take the establishment of scientific socialism as its direction; third, under conditions where class struggle is deepening and political forces tend toward balance, the Party must formulate a strategy serving the socialist revolution, committed to achieving socialist-oriented social justice and prosperous development; fourth, by strengthening the Party’s ideological, political, organisational, mass-relations and development-building work, resolutely smashing all conspiracies and intrigues of reactionary forces, and thereby resolutely and systematically completing all preparatory work for socialist construction.

最后，报告指出了尼泊尔社会主义革命的原则、政策、战略和发展方向，主要有：一是以马克思列宁主义毛泽东思想作为党的指导思想；二是明确尼泊尔处于特定的资本主义发展阶段，党要将建立科学社会主义作为方向；三是在阶级斗争深入发展、政治力量趋向平衡的条件下，党要制定服务于社会主义革命的战略，致力于实现社会主义导向的社会正义和繁荣发展；四是通过加强党的思想、政治、组织、群众关系和发展建设等有关工作，坚决捣毁反动势力的一切阴谋诡计，从而坚决地、有计划地完成社会主义建设的所有准备工作。

(3) Responding to Theoretical Issues and Formulating the Party’s Policies

（三）回应理论问题与制定党的方针政策

The political report of the Eighth Congress of the CPN (Maoist Centre) devotes an entire chapter to responding to seven theoretical issues of concern within the Party. First, from historical experience, it is impossible to establish a socialist base through immediately holding elections; the establishment in Nepal of an inclusive, proportionally balanced federal democratic republic, with the Communist Party as the main leading force, constitutes a political system oriented toward socialism. The basic nature of this transformation makes it possible to prepare for socialist construction through peaceful competition and the rule of law, but flexibility to adjust as circumstances change must also be maintained. Second, it is necessary to build a communist revolutionary party led by a high-quality leadership collective, uphold the proletarian world outlook, resolutely combat any counter-revolutionary ideology, ensure the entire Party understands the established development plan and key nodes, conduct intra-Party discussions on how to advance ideological, cultural and socialist construction, and point the direction for the Party’s next steps. Third, Marxism determines, based on the situation of struggle and the balance of political forces, when to adopt peaceful action and when to adopt armed struggle. At present, the transition to socialism may adopt a combination of both methods. The Party currently advocates establishing a united front through peaceful means, taking the first step in socialist construction well, and constantly monitoring changes in the situation. Fourth, Communists should uphold proletarian internationalism, but the possibility and necessity of establishing a revolutionary international organisation of communism ultimately depend on the specific stance of the communist movement and the specific circumstances of international class struggle. At present, countries have not yet prepared for the establishment of a revolutionary international organisation acceptable to the people of the world. The Party must continue to advance the joint struggle against globalised imperialism, deeply study the positive and negative experiences of the international communist movement, and attach importance to drawing wisdom from the communist theory and practice of other countries. Fifth, the foundation for socialism cannot be achieved without scientific and technological progress and the development of productive forces, but this cannot replace the fundamental role of human labour. Scientific and technological development is itself a product of human labour and will continue to serve the requirements of human civilisation’s development. Sixth, in the process of building the socialist base, it is necessary to broadly unite all social classes, mass organisations and any parties that can be united, through different forms, and to attach importance to and consolidate the level of development of the united front. Seventh, although the bourgeois democratic revolution has basically ended, Nepal has still not resolved the problems of external interference and national independence. The Party must implement the policies of the socialist revolution and the guidelines for building a prosperous socialism, resolutely sweep away feudal remnants and oppose external interference, and safeguard national independence.

尼共（毛主义中心）的八大政治报告用了一整章的篇幅，回应了党内关心的七个理论问题。第一，从历史经验看，通过立刻举行选举来建立社会主义基础是不可能的；基于尼泊尔建立包容性的、各比例均衡配置的联邦民主共和国是在共产党作为主要领导下建立的、面向社会主义的政治体系，其变革的基本性质使得通过和平竞争和法制为建设社会主义做好准备成为可能，但也要保持随形势变化进行调整的灵活性。第二，要建设一个由高素质领导集体带领下的共产主义革命政党，坚持无产阶级世界观，坚决同任何反革命思想作斗争，使全党了解既定发展计划和关键节点，在党内对如何推进思想、文化和社会主义建设问题展开讨论，为党的下一步工作指明方向。第三，马克思主义是根据斗争形势和政治力量对比的情况，来具体决定何时采取和平行动和武装斗争的；目前来看，向社会主义过渡期间可能会采取二者相结合的方式。党当前主张以和平方式建立统一战线，走好社会主义建设的第一步，并时刻注意形势的变化发展。第四，共产党人应坚持无产阶级国际主义，但建立共产主义的革命国际组织的可能性和必要性最终取决于共产主义运动的具体立场和国际阶级斗争的具体情况；当前，各国尚未为建立起一个能被全世界人民所接受的革命国际组织进行准备工作，党要持续推进反对全球化帝国主义的联合斗争，深入学习国际共产主义运动的正反两方面经验，重视从别国共产主义理论和实践中汲取智慧。第五，社会主义基础的具备离不开科学技术进步与生产力发展，但并不能取代人类劳动的根本地位，科技发展本身就是人类劳动的产物，也将继续服务于人类文明发展的要求。第六，在建立社会主义基础的进程中，有必要通过不同形式来广泛联合各社会阶级、群众组织和一切有可能联合的政党，重视和巩固统一战线的发展水平。第七，虽然资产阶级民主革命已基本结束，但尼泊尔仍然没有解决外部势力干涉和国家独立问题，党要执行社会主义革命的政策和建设繁荣的社会主义的方针，坚决扫清封建残余势力和反对外部势力干涉，维护国家独立。

The report stipulates the policies, plans, and work outlines the Party will adopt. In Party affairs, it is necessary to conduct theoretical study and training across the entire Party to ensure the correct implementation of the line, principles, and policies adopted by the congress; to improve the Party’s organisational work, highlighting the principle of democratic centralism; to restore the mechanism of criticism and self-criticism in Party committees at all levels from the Central Committee down to the grassroots; all levels of Party committees should formulate, implement, and carry out specific work plans, promoting the full integration of Party cadres with social production labour and the masses; all Party organisations and all Party cadres and members should pay special attention to financial discipline and maintain transparency in financial affairs; to strengthen the improvement of cadres’ cultural quality and the standardisation of their conduct and lifestyle. In terms of the establishment of departments and institutions and the formation of the united front, the Party must strengthen the guiding role of ideological and political work over Party institutions and the united front; to inherit revolutionary spirit and thought by commemorating revolutionary martyrs and providing care for the families of martyrs; to establish specialised institutions to pay attention to and properly handle the subsequent resettlement of former People’s Liberation Army soldiers; to thoroughly complete the peace process in accordance with the spirit of the peace agreement; Party organisations at all levels should promote the efficient operation of parliaments and governments at all levels, enhancing the quality and level of the Party’s work. In production development and construction, the economy must be liberated from the hands of the bureaucratic comprador class, with the fundamental goal of firmly grasping economic development in the hands of the people, promoting production and carrying out construction through the development of an independent and self-reliant state-owned economy; to formulate a new land use policy, emphasising the achievement of self-reliance in the supply of agricultural products; to launch social production and development movements, creating a favourable atmosphere for generating more employment opportunities, and extricating the country from the predicament of labour outflow and reliance on foreign remittances to sustain state operations. In people’s education, health, and social security, the Party must clarify that education is the foundation of civilisational progress and social prosperity, and will formulate a scientific national education policy as the primary task for promoting educational reform; should adhere to a materialist stance and viewpoint in formulating national health and hygiene policies to protect the people’s health rights and interests; to attach importance to natural disaster prevention and control, formulate scientific land use policies and implement long-term disaster management plans; the Party, affiliated departments, and the united front should establish disaster prevention and reduction management departments, adopt specific policies, plans, and measures, and promote the construction of a disaster prevention and reduction system.

报告对党将要采取的政策、计划和工作大纲作了规定。党务方面，要在全党开展理论学习和培训，确保代表大会通过的路线方针政策得到正确贯彻；要改善党的组织工作，突出民主集中原则；要在党中央到基层的各级党委恢复批评与自我批评机制；各级党委应制定、贯彻、落实具体工作计划，推动党的干部充分同社会生产劳动和人民群众相结合；党的各级组织和所有党员干部应特别注意财务纪律，保持财政事务公开透明；加强党员干部的文化素质提升和生活作风的规范。部门机构设置和统一战线组建方面，党要强化思想政治工作对党的机构和统一战线的引领作用；通过缅怀革命先烈、抚恤烈士家属等方式，传承革命精神和思想；要设立专门机构，关注并做好前人民解放军战士的后续安置工作；要根据和平协定的精神，彻底完成和平进程；各级党组织应推动各级议会、政府高效运作，提升党的工作质量与水平。生产发展建设方面，要将经济从官僚买办手中解放出来，把发展经济牢牢掌握在人民手中作为根本目标，通过发展独立自主的国有经济来推动生产和开展建设；要制定全新的土地利用政策，重视在农产品供给领域实现自力更生；开展社会生产和发展运动，为创造更多就业岗位营造良好氛围，摆脱劳动力外流和靠国外汇款支撑国家运作的窘境。人民教育、健康和社会保障方面，党要明确教育是文明进步和社会繁荣的基础，将制定科学的国家教育政策作为促进教育改革的首要任务；应坚持从唯物主义立场和观点出发，制定国家卫生和健康政策，保护人民的健康权益；要重视自然灾害防控，制定科学的土地利用政策和实施长期的灾害管理计划，党、联营部门和统一战线要成立防灾减灾管理部门，采取具体的政策、计划和措施，推动构建防灾减灾制度。

III. Preliminary Effects and Prospects of the CPN (Maoist Centre) Overcoming Its Dilemmas

三、尼共（毛主义中心）克服困境的初步效果和展望

Facing the test of the 2022 general election, can the CPN (Maoist Centre) maintain and restore its political influence, advance the communist movement in Nepal, defend Nepal’s sovereignty and independence, and achieve economic and social prosperity and development? This depends on how the CPN (Maoist Centre) responds to the imminent difficulties and challenges.

面对2022年全国大选的考验，尼共（毛主义中心）能否保持并恢复政治影响力，推进尼泊尔共产主义运动，捍卫尼泊尔的主权独立和实现经济社会繁荣发展？这取决于尼共（毛主义中心）如何应对即将到来的困难和挑战。

(I) Maintaining Political Influence Is the Primary Task of the CPN (Maoist Centre)

（一）维持政治影响力是尼共（毛主义中心）的首要任务

In 2022, Nepal will hold local, provincial, and central-level elections, the second general election since the promulgation of the new constitution. Resolving the existential crisis and maintaining political influence is the primary task of the CPN (Maoist Centre).

2022年，尼泊尔将举行地方、省级和中央三级选举，这也是新宪法颁布以来的第二次大选。解决生存危机、维持政治影响力是尼共（毛主义中心）的首要任务。

The victory of the left-wing alliance and the merger to form the CPN (NCP) rescued the CPN (Maoist Centre) from its increasingly marginalised predicament. In the 2017 general election, the CPN (Maoist Centre) formed a left-wing alliance with the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist), winning by an overwhelming majority. After the merger to form the CPN (NCP) in 2018, CPN (Maoist Centre) Chairman Prachanda became one of the co-chairs of that party, and important party leaders Ram Bahadur Thapa and Narayan Kaji Shrestha became members of the Central Secretariat, also securing positions in the Central Standing Committee, the Central Committee, and other bodies. As the political situation changed, the CPN (NCP) formed two major factions: the Prachanda–Nepal faction and the Oli faction. The former gradually gained a majority advantage within the party, demanding that the Oli faction make concessions in power-sharing and state governance, and the contradictions between the two sides intensified day by day.

左翼联盟的获胜和尼共（NCP）的合并成立，将尼共（毛主义中心）从日益边缘化的困境中拯救了出来。尼共（毛主义中心）在2017年大选中同尼共（联合马列）组成了左翼联盟，以压倒多数赢得选举。2018年尼共（NCP）合并成立后，尼共（毛主义中心）主席普拉昌达成为该党共同主席之一，党的重要领导人拉姆·巴哈杜尔·塔帕、纳拉扬·卡吉·什雷斯塔成为中央书记处成员，在中央常务委员会、中央委员会等机构中也占有一席之地。随着政治形势的变化，尼共（NCP）形成了普拉昌达—尼泊尔派系和奥利派系两大势力，前者逐渐在党内取得了多数优势，要求奥利派系在权力分配和国家治理方面作出让步，双方的矛盾日益激化。

Due to the dissolution of the CPN (NCP), the CPN (Maoist Centre) once again faced an existential crisis of losing political influence. In December 2020, after learning that the Prachanda–Nepal faction was preparing to take action through party and parliamentary procedures, the Oli faction decided to dissolve the House of Representatives, leading to the de facto split of the CPN (NCP); and due to the Supreme Court’s ruling in March 2021, the CPN (NCP) was declared invalid, the CPN (Maoist Centre) and the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist) were restored, and both parties subsequently fell into difficulty. The Nepal faction decided to return to the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist), and Prachanda lost an important ally. Although the CPN (Maoist Centre) did not trigger further factional struggles, it had to once again face the possibility of losing political influence in the 2022 general election. To resolve the existential crisis, the CPN (Maoist Centre) moved closer to the Nepali Congress, aiming to overthrow the Oli government, with the condition that Nepali Congress President Deuba become Prime Minister, while also allying with the Nepal faction of the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist) and the Yadav faction of the Janata Samajwadi Party, forming a political coalition and successfully coming to power.

由于尼共（NCP）的解散，尼共（毛主义中心）重新面临失去政治影响力的生存危机。2020年12月，在得知普拉昌达—尼泊尔派系准备通过党和议会程序采取行动后，奥利派系决定解散众议院，导致尼共（NCP）的实际分裂；又由于2021年3月最高法院的判决，尼共（NCP）被宣布无效，尼共（毛主义中心）和尼共（联合马列）被恢复，此后两党都陷入窘境。尼泊尔派系决定回到尼共（联合马列），普拉昌达失去了重要盟友，尼共（毛主义中心）虽然没有进一步引发派别斗争，但它不得不重新面对在2022年大选中失去政治影响力的可能性。为解决生存危机，尼共（毛主义中心）向大会党靠拢，以推翻奥利政府为目标，以大会党主席德乌帕担任总理为条件，同时联合尼共（联合马列）尼泊尔派系和人民社会主义党（Janata Samajwadi Party）的亚达夫派系，形成了政治联盟，成功上台执政。

The governing coalition formed from opposition to the Oli government is highly tactical. It can be said that the governing coalition is a tactical alliance formed under the special political conditions arising after the abolition of the CPN (NCP), aimed at the 2022 general election. The Nepali Congress holds a dominant position in the alliance, taking the initiative in policy formulation, with the aim of using left-wing divisions and the opportunity of coming to power to strike at the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist), making as many achievements as possible favourable to itself to win the general election; the CPN (Maoist Centre), by supporting the Nepali Congress, maintains its political status as a major party in Nepal, gains an advantage in the struggle for left-wing leadership, and can exert a certain influence on the government’s policy direction. In the local elections on 13 May 2022, the CPN (Maoist Centre) participated as a member of the governing coalition, winning 121 mayoral positions and 126 deputy mayoral positions nationwide, securing its position as the third-largest party. It can be foreseen that although the CPN (Maoist Centre) has not fundamentally reversed the trend of declining influence, it should be able to continue to occupy a place in Nepalese politics in the 2022 general election.

由反对奥利政府而产生的执政联盟具有很强的策略性。可以说，执政联盟是一个在尼共（NCP）被废除之后引起的特殊政治条件下的，瞄准2022年大选的战术联盟。大会党在同盟中居主导地位，掌握着政策制定主动权，其目的是利用左翼分歧和上台执政的机会打击尼共（联合马列），尽可能多地做出有利于该党的政绩，从而赢得大选；尼共（毛主义中心）则通过支持大会党，维持其作为尼泊尔主要政党的政治地位，在争夺左翼领导权的斗争中取得优势，对政府施政方针能够产生一定影响力。2022年5月13日的地方选举中，尼共（毛主义中心）作为执政联盟成员参选，获得了全国121个市长职位和126个副市长职位，保住了第三大党的地位，可以预见尼共（毛主义中心）虽然还没有根本扭转影响力下降趋势，但在2022年的全国大选中应该可以继续在尼泊尔政坛占有一席之地。

(II) Promoting Theoretical Innovation Is an Inevitable Choice for the CPN (Maoist Centre) to Escape Its Identity Crisis

（二）推动理论创新是尼共（毛主义中心）摆脱身份危机的必然选择

The issue of guiding ideology and fundamental line is the fundamental way out for the CPN (Maoist Centre) to escape its crisis and predicament, and it is also a basic issue that the continued development of the communist movement in Nepal must confront.

指导思想和根本路线问题是尼共（毛主义中心）摆脱危机和困境的根本出路，同时也是尼泊尔共产主义运动继续发展必须面对的基础问题。

On the one hand, the comparative advantage of the CPN (Maoist Centre) in organisational terms provides a foundation for promoting theoretical innovation. After the CPN (NCP) was dissolved, the Nepalese political scene fell into chaos and turmoil, with all major parties running into trouble. Although the CPN (Maoist Centre) experienced defections by some leaders, the Party’s organisation was generally intact, without serious factional struggles or differences of opinion. It can be seen that the CPN (Maoist Centre) has a certain comparative advantage in party organisation, which creates relatively favourable conditions for the entire Party to seriously consider theoretical and line issues.

一方面，尼共（毛主义中心）在组织方面的比较优势为推动理论创新提供了基础。尼共（NCP）被取消后，尼泊尔政坛陷入混乱和动荡，各主要政党纷纷陷入麻烦。尼共（毛主义中心）虽然发生某些领导人的跳反，但党的组织总体上是完整的，没有发生严重的派系斗争和意见分歧。可见，尼共（毛主义中心）在党的组织上具有一定的比较优势，这为全党认真思考理论路线问题创造了比较良好的条件。

On the other hand, the CPN (Maoist Centre) has already recognised the importance and urgency of resolving theoretical and line-related issues. The party’s Eighth Congress centred its agenda on theoretical questions. The congress’s political report explicitly states that Nepal is in a special form of capitalist society, a specificity arising from the inherent characteristics and achievements of the Nepalese national-democratic revolution, in which the Communist Party plays the leading role – namely, the new constitution and the federal democratic republican system it establishes. It confirms that Nepal has now entered the stage of socialist revolution, that the contradiction between the Nepalese people and the bureaucratic capitalism and feudal remnants backed by external forces is the current principal social contradiction, primarily manifested in the struggle to defend the new constitution and the new system and to oppose restoration and regression. The party’s main task at the present stage is to complete the remaining work of the peace process and the democratic revolution, and, guided by the strategy of socialist revolution, to lay the foundations for building socialism. The party may adopt a combination of armed struggle and peaceful struggle during the period of socialist revolution; at present it adopts peaceful struggle, retaining flexibility to evolve as circumstances change. The party’s goal is to achieve scientific socialism in Nepal.

另一方面，尼共（毛主义中心）已经意识到解决理论和路线问题的重要性和紧迫性。该党的八大将中心议题确定在了理论问题上，大会的政治报告明确尼泊尔处于一种特殊的资本主义社会，这种特殊性源于共产党发挥主要领导作用的尼泊尔民族民主革命的固有特点及其成果——新宪法及其所确立的联邦民主共和制度；确认了当前尼泊尔已进入社会主义革命阶段，尼泊尔人民同外部势力扶持的官僚资本主义和封建残余之间的矛盾是当前社会主要矛盾，主要体现为捍卫新宪法和新制度、反对复辟和倒退的斗争；党在现阶段的主要任务是完成和平进程和民主革命的剩余工作，在社会主义革命方略引领下，为建设社会主义建立基础；党在社会主义革命时期可能采取武装斗争与和平斗争相结合的形式，目前采取和平斗争，保留随形式变化发展的灵活性；党的目标是在尼泊尔实现科学社会主义。

At present, the CPN (Maoist Centre) still needs to further promote theoretical innovation. The Eighth Congress of the CPN (Maoist Centre) clarified basic theoretical questions such as Nepal’s current social nature, principal contradiction, revolutionary nature, revolutionary form, revolutionary tasks, and revolutionary prospects. However, there remain many important areas requiring further elucidation. For example, although the CPN (Maoist Centre) and the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist) hold different judgements on Nepal’s social nature, principal contradiction, and revolutionary prospects, the theoretical content put forward in the Eighth Congress report of the CPN (Maoist Centre) does not distinctly demonstrate its uniqueness. The report does not elaborate on the goal of “establishing scientific socialism”, does not clarify the steps to be taken to achieve this goal, and does not answer whether it is necessary to establish a people’s democratic system led by the Communist Party, whether to establish a socialist economic system based on public ownership of the means of production and distribution according to work, whether to achieve planned and proportionate development of the economy, or whether to establish the guiding position of Marxism in ideology. In contrast, the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist)’s theory of “people’s multi-party democracy” provides clearer answers to these questions. The report’s analysis of Nepal’s current class situation, basic characteristics, and principal contradictions still requires rigorous examination and verification. The specific policies and measures proposed in the report also fail to demonstrate their distinctiveness.

当前，尼共（毛主义中心）仍需进一步推动理论创新。尼共（毛主义中心）八大明确了尼泊尔当前的社会性质、主要矛盾、革命性质、革命形式、革命任务、革命前途等基本理论问题，但依然有许多需要进一步阐明的重要内容。例如，尼共（毛主义中心）和尼共（联合马列）在尼泊尔社会性质、主要矛盾、革命前途等方面虽然有不同判断，但尼共（毛主义中心）八大报告所提出的理论内容并没有鲜明体现出独特性，报告没有展开论述“建立科学社会主义”的目标，没有明确要经过哪些步骤达到目标，也没有解答是否要建立共产党领导的人民民主制度，是否要建立以生产资料公有制和按劳分配为主体的社会主义经济制度，是否要实现经济的有计划按比例发展，是否要确立马克思主义在意识形态的指导地位等问题，而尼共（联合马列）的“人民多党民主”理论则有着更清楚的回答；报告对尼泊尔当前社会阶级状况、基本特点和主要矛盾的分析，仍需加以严谨分析检验；报告提出的具体方针政策也没有展现出其独到之处。

(III) Promoting broad unity within the Nepalese communist movement is a necessary measure for the CPN (Maoist Centre) to restore its vitality

（三）推动尼泊尔共产主义运动的广泛团结是尼共（毛主义中心）恢复生机活力的必要举措

As one of the largest parties in the Nepalese communist movement, the CPN (Maoist Centre) bears a major responsibility and obligation to achieve unity. When the Nepal Communist Party (NCP) was formed through merger on 17 May 2018, there was a widespread belief that unprecedented unity in the Nepalese communist movement would soon become a reality. However, this unity was beset by difficulties almost from the start. The failure of the NCP brought great turmoil to Nepal’s political situation, severely damaged the development of the Nepalese communist movement, and deeply disappointed the people. The historical experience of the Nepalese communist movement, the failure of the NCP, and all the facts that have occurred since repeatedly prove that only by forming and consolidating unity among Nepal’s various communist parties and political groups can substantial progress be made in the Nepalese communist movement.

作为尼泊尔共产主义运动的最大政党之一，尼共（毛主义中心）承担着实现团结的重大责任和义务。2018年5月17日尼共（NCP）合并成立时，人们一度认为尼泊尔共产主义运动的空前团结很快会变成现实；然而，这种团结几乎从一开始就陷入了困境，尼共（NCP）的失败为尼泊尔政局带来了巨大动荡，严重挫伤了尼泊尔共产主义运动的发展，令民众倍感失望。尼泊尔共产主义运动的历史经验、尼共（NCP）的失败及其后所发生的全部事实反复证明，只有形成并巩固尼泊尔各共产主义政党和政治团体的团结，才能使尼泊尔共产党运动取得实质进展。

At present, the Nepalese communist movement also faces many problems.

当前，尼泊尔共产主义运动同样面临着许多问题。

First, fundamental theoretical divergences. These are represented by the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist)’s theory of “people’s multi-party democracy” and the CPN (Maoist Centre)’s “21st-century Nepal’s path to socialism” proposition. They involve major theoretical and practical questions such as whether Nepal is a capitalist society, how to understand Nepal’s current federal democratic republican system, what is Nepal’s current principal social contradiction, what are the main tasks of communists at the present stage, and what forms of struggle should be adopted. However, these divergences are not irreconcilable. The CPN (Maoist Centre) must not only clearly put forward its own theoretical views but should also actively build a platform for theoretical discussion among communist parties, make a scientific judgement on Nepal’s current society and revolutionary strategy, and develop a Marxist theory suited to Nepal’s national conditions.

一是根本理论分歧。以尼共（联合马列）提出的“人民多党民主”理论和尼共（毛主义中心）的“21世纪尼泊尔通向社会主义之路”主张为代表，涉及到尼泊尔是否为资本主义社会，如何认识当前尼泊尔的联邦民主共和制度，何为尼泊尔当前社会的主要矛盾，共产党人现阶段的主要任务，采取怎样的斗争形式等重大理论和实践问题。然而，这些分歧并非不能弥合。尼共（毛主义中心）既要鲜明地提出自己的理论观点，同时应积极搭建共产主义党派的理论研讨平台，对尼泊尔当前社会与革命方略作出科学判断，发展出符合尼泊尔国情的马克思主义理论。

Second, factional struggles both among Nepal’s communist parties and within them. The tradition of factionalism in the Nepalese communist movement is by no means something that can be resolved by any single party or overnight; it can only be overcome through the sincere efforts of dialogue and cooperation among all parties and factions. The CPN (Maoist Centre) needs to sum up both positive and negative experiences in handling factional struggles within its own party, implement the principle of democratic centralism, uphold the mass viewpoint and the mass line, and thereby equip itself with the capacity to become the advocate and organiser of unity in the Nepalese communist movement. It should also engage extensively with all communist parties, including the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist), striving first to achieve cooperation on specific issues, establish a united front, reasonably manage differences, and gradually realise the integration and unity of the various parties.

二是尼泊尔各共产党之间和党内的派系斗争。尼泊尔共产主义运动存在派系传统，绝非是个别政党和朝夕之间能够解决的，只能在各党各派的真诚对话合作的努力之中克服。尼共（毛主义中心）需要总结本党处理派系斗争的正反两方面经验，贯彻民主集中原则，坚持群众观点和群众路线，使其具备成为尼泊尔共产主义运动团结的倡导者、组织者的能力；并同包括尼共（联合马列）在内的各共产党广泛接触，致力于首先在一些具体问题上达成协作，建立统一战线，合理管控分歧，逐步实现各党派的整合团结。

Third, the strength needed to safeguard national sovereignty and defend national independence still requires enhancement. After the disintegration of the NCP, right-wing forces represented by the Nepali Congress Party used the split among the left to lead the formation of a coalition government, displaying a pro-US, pro-Western orientation. Even in the face of difficult circumstances, the CPN (Maoist Centre) should clearly and firmly uphold the position of patriotism. On major principled issues concerning national sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity, it should unite communists across the country in resolute defence and oppose all actions and propositions that harm Nepal’s national independence.

三是维护国家主权和捍卫民族独立的力度仍需加强。尼共（NCP）瓦解以后，大会党为代表的右翼利用左翼的分裂领导组建了联合政府，体现出亲美、亲西方倾向。即使面临艰难困境，尼共（毛主义中心）也应鲜明地站稳爱国主义立场，在涉及国家主权独立和领土完整的重大原则问题上，联合全国共产党人进行坚决维护，反对一切有损尼泊尔民族独立的行为主张。

Fourth, continue to uphold and develop proletarian internationalism. Internationalism is an inherent attribute of Marxism; the cause of communism is a cause concerning the liberation of all humanity. Upholding the spirit of proletarian internationalism is an inevitable requirement for being a communist. Nepal’s unique natural geographical and geopolitical conditions, as well as the fact that the country has not yet completely shaken off poverty and backwardness, also impose an objective demand on Nepalese communists to participate in the international communist movement and to win support from all progressive forces in the world. The CPN (Maoist Centre) should strengthen ties with communist parties and socialist countries around the world, especially expand cooperation and exchange with the Communist Party of China and the People’s Republic of China, and jointly promote the international communist movement and the cause of Nepal’s socialist revolution.

四是继续坚持和发扬无产阶级国际主义。国际性是马克思主义的固有属性，共产主义事业是关乎全人类解放的事业，发扬无产阶级国际主义精神是作为共产党人的必然要求。尼泊尔的独特自然地理和地缘政治条件，以及国家仍未彻底摆脱贫穷落后面貌的现状，也为尼泊尔共产党人通过参与国际共产主义运动，争取世界一切进步力量支持提出了客观要求。尼共（毛主义中心）应加强同世界各国共产党和社会主义国家的联络，特别是扩展同中国共产党和中华人民共和国的合作交流，共同推动国际共产主义运动和尼泊尔社会主义革命事业。

(Author’s biography: Tang Xin, Lecturer, School of Marxism, Beijing Jiaotong University)

（作者简介：唐鑫，北京交通大学马克思主义学院讲师）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心