The Socialist Movement in Yucatán, Mexico, and Its Causes (1917–1924)

From 1917 to 1924, a socialist movement took place in the Mexican state of Yucatán. The regime it established was proclaimed “the first socialist government in the Americas.” The movement’s leader, Felipe Carrillo Puerto (or simply “Carrillo”), was called “the red apostle of the Maya,” “the hero of the proletariat,” and Mexico’s “greatest promoter of socialism.” His image was painted by Mexican artists in murals in the Yucatán state government building and in the National Palace in Mexico City. The movement became a significant chapter in Mexican history. However, in Chinese studies of Latin American history, this period is rarely mentioned, and no dedicated research paper has been published to date. This article attempts to introduce the course of this movement and then focus on analyzing the reasons for its emergence.

1917—1924年，在墨西哥尤卡坦州发生了一场社会主义运动，其所建立的政权被宣布为“美洲的第一个社会主义政权”，运动的领导人费利佩·卡里略·普埃尔托（Felipe Carrillo Puerto，或简称“卡里略”）被称为“玛雅人的红色使徒”、“无产阶级的英雄”，墨西哥“社会主义最伟大的推动者”。他的形象被墨西哥画家描绘在了尤卡坦州政府院内和墨西哥国民宫等地的多处壁画上。该运动成为墨西哥历史上浓重的一笔。但是，在国内拉美史研究中，这段历史很少有人提及，至今未见专题论文发表。本文试图在介绍这场运动始末的基础上，就其发生的原因做一重点论述。

I. The Course of the Yucatán Socialist Movement

一、尤卡坦社会主义运动的进程

After the Mexican Revolution, the situation in Yucatán state was one of political chaos. Between 1911 and 1915, fourteen governors were replaced in just over fifty months, with few serving more than three months. Because of the inequality and injustice created by the state’s plantation owners during the Porfirio Díaz era, uprisings against the old Díaz regime had already broken out in the state a few months before the Revolution began. Local groups, seeking a political way out, tried to compete for public power in constitutional elections. But this power had long been controlled by Olegario Molina, a former state governor who later served as Minister of Development in the Díaz government. Together with his son-in-law Avelino Montes and a small oligarchy of wealthy henequen plantation owners, he manipulated the Yucatán government headed by Governor Enrique Muñoz Aristegui.

墨西哥大革命之后，尤卡坦州的情势是政局混乱。1911—1915年期间，在50多个月内更换了14名州长，每位的任期很少有超过三个月的。由于波菲里奥·迪亚斯（Porfirio Díaz）时期该州种植园主所制造的不平等和不公正，在大革命开始前的几个月，该州就发生了反抗迪亚斯旧政权的暴动。地方团体为了寻求政治出路，力图在宪政选举中争夺公共权力。但这一权力一直操纵在奥列加里奥·莫利纳（Olegario Molina）手中，他曾为该州前州长，后又在迪亚斯政府担任发展部长。他和女婿阿维利诺·蒙特斯（Avelino Montes）、少数富有的剑麻种植园主组成的寡头集团操纵着以恩里克·穆尼奥斯·阿里斯特吉（Enrique Muñoz Aristegui）为州长的尤卡坦政府。

After the Revolution began, the new president, Francisco I. Madero, appointed a new governor, but he was quickly replaced. After Venustiano Carranza came to power, he sent Eleuterio Ávila and then Toribio de los Santos to Yucatán to lead the revolution there, but neither could withstand the pressure the oligarchy exerted on the new state government. With the support of the Molina faction of plantation owners, in February 1915 Abel Ortiz Argumedo took up arms against the state government headed by Santos, occupied the state capital Mérida, declared himself governor and military commander of the state, and telegraphed Carranza to explain the reasons for his uprising. Carranza responded by sending the more capable General Salvador Alvarado to suppress the rebellion.

大革命开始之后，新总统弗兰西斯科·马德罗（Francisco I.Madero）虽然任命了新的州长，但很快被更换。维努斯蒂亚诺·卡兰萨（Venustiano Carranza）上台后，先后派埃尔乌特里奥·阿维拉（EleuterioÁvila）和托里比奥·德洛斯·桑托斯（Toribio de los Santos）前往尤卡坦领导那里的革命，但他们都无法抵挡寡头集团对新的州政府所施加的压力。在莫利纳派种植园主的支持下，1915年2月，阿贝尔·奥尔蒂斯·阿古梅多（Abel Ortiz Argumedo）武装反抗以桑托斯为首的州政府，占领了首府梅里达，宣布自己为州长和州军事指挥官，并通电卡兰萨，解释自己起义的原因。卡兰萨的回应是派去了更为得力的将军萨尔瓦多·阿尔瓦拉多（Salvador Alvarado）进行平叛。

During the three years Alvarado served as governor of Yucatán (1915–1917), he stabilized the political situation and carried out some important reforms. When the gubernatorial term ended in 1917, he wanted to remain in office, but according to the 1917 Constitution, candidates had to be Yucatán residents who had lived continuously in the state for more than five years, a qualification he did not meet. He therefore recommended Carlos Castro Morales as the new governor; at the same time, Carrillo, who had risen to prominence in the land reform movement, was elected chairman of the Socialist Party. The Yucatán socialist movement began at this time and can be roughly divided into two stages:

阿尔瓦拉多在1915—1917年担任尤卡坦州长的3年中，稳定了政治局面，并进行了一些重要的改革。1917年州长换届，他想继续留任，但根据《1917年宪法》的规定，候选人必须是在当地连续居住5年以上的尤卡坦居民，而他不具备这一资格。于是，他推荐卡洛斯·卡斯特罗·莫拉莱斯（Carlos Castro Morales）担任新州长；同时，在土地改革运动中脱颖而出的卡里略当选为社会主义党的主席。尤卡坦社会主义运动就是从这个时候开始的，其大致可分为两个阶段：

The first stage, from March 1917, when Carrillo was elected chairman of the Yucatán Socialist Party, to 1922, when he formally assumed the office of governor of Yucatán, was the movement’s gestation period.

第一阶段，从1917年3月卡里略当选为尤卡坦社会主义党主席到1922年他正式担任尤卡坦州州长，是运动的酝酿阶段。

After the 1917 Constitution was promulgated in February of that year, Alvarado’s eligibility for re-election as governor was denied. To launch Morales’s candidacy for governor, he carried out an internal reorganization of the Socialist Workers’ Party (PSO). Carrillo was elected chairman in the internal election on March 16, and the party’s name was changed to the Yucatán Socialist Party (PSY). Under Carrillo’s leadership and impetus, in November the railroad worker Morales was successfully elected the new governor, while Carrillo was elected as a local deputy and president of the legislature.

在《1917年宪法》于当年2月颁布之后，阿尔瓦拉多连选州长的资格被否定，于是，为了启动莫拉莱斯竞选州长的候选人资格，他对社会主义工人党（PSO）进行了内部改组。卡里略在3月16日的内部选举中当选为主席，社会主义工人党的名字则改为尤卡坦社会主义党（PSY）。在卡里略的领导和推动下，11月，铁路工人出身的莫拉莱斯成功当选为新的州长，而卡里略则当选为地方议员和立法机构主席。

In March 1918, Carrillo led the convening of the First Socialist Workers’ Congress in his hometown of Motul. More than 200 delegates attended, representing 26,000 socialists across the region. This meeting was an important marker of the party’s transformation from a previous populist party into a socialist mass party. Although the congress’s slogan was “Freedom and Land,” the language of the proceedings was closer to orthodox communism. The congress also invited the American socialist and Marxist Robert Haberman to give political mobilization speeches to the delegates. He propagated the ideas of scientific socialism to the delegates, mentioning class exploitation and class struggle, advocating the breaking of class conciliation, and directing his attack at U.S. imperialism, sowing seeds of revolution in the hearts of the participants.

1918年3月，卡里略在家乡莫图尔（Motul）领导举行了第一届社会主义工人大会，参加的代表有200多人，代表了全地区26000名社会主义者。这次会议是其党的性质由之前的民众主义政党转变为社会主义大众党的重要标志。尽管大会的口号是“自由与土地”，但会议的用语更靠近正统共产主义。会议还邀请了美国社会党人、马克思主义者罗伯特·哈伯曼（Robert Haberman）对参会代表进行政治动员。他向代表们宣传了科学社会主义思想，提到阶级剥削和阶级斗争，主张打破阶级调和，并将矛头指向美帝国主义，在参会者心中播下了革命的种子。

Haberman spoke plainly and directly: “A henequen worker labors all day and earns only five pesos per person, but this is only a part of what he produces, because statistics show that each worker can produce fifteen pesos’ worth of product per day. The plantation owner spends five of those fifteen pesos each day on streetcars, loaders, machinery, and other things, and every day he also takes five pesos from each of you; for every hundred people working on his farm, he can earn at least five hundred pesos a day, enough to cover his living expenses, travel abroad, and so on.” Haberman seemed to be expounding Marx’s theory of surplus value. He continued: “You build good houses, but you live in houses that even animals would dislike; you cut henequen, but the profits from henequen go to others… When you are sick, you have no doctor, your family often goes hungry, or you have to beg for charity from your comrades.” He pointed out: “There is a remedy for this plight,” and that is socialism. True socialism consists of two parts: economic socialism and political socialism. The activity of the Yucatán Socialist Party is political socialism, but we do not yet have economic socialism. “That is why the merchants, the Zionists, the landlords use every means to exploit you, to support themselves. … Economic socialism means that all public wealth, the railroads, the stores, and even all the henequen fields of Yucatán belong to the workers. When these workers become the masters of the henequen, they will still go to work; if they earn fifteen pesos, they will take them, and they will live a very good life through their own labor.”

哈伯曼用通俗的语言开门见山地说：剑麻工人劳作一天，每人只能挣到5个比索，但这只是他生产所得的一部分，因为有统计表明，每个工人每天能生产15比索的产品。而种植园主每天要花15比索中的5比索用来购买电车、装载机、机器以及其他东西，他们每天还要从你们每个人身上拿走5比索；每100个在他们农场工作的人，可以让他们每天至少赚500比索，这足以供他们生活花销、出国旅游等。哈伯曼似乎是在讲马克思的剩余价值理论。他接着说：你们建造的是好房子，但你们住的却是连动物都不喜欢的房子；你们砍的是剑麻，剑麻的利润却为别人所得……当你生病的时候，你没有医生，你的家人时常会挨饿，或者你不得不向你的同伴们寻求施舍。并指出：“这种困境有一种补救办法”，就是社会主义。真正的社会主义由两部分组成，即经济社会主义和政治社会主义。尤卡坦社会主义党的活动是政治社会主义，但我们还没有经济社会主义。“这就是为什么商人、犹太复国主义者、地主用一切手段来剥削你们，用以供养他们自己。……经济社会主义是指所有的公共财富、铁路、商店，甚至尤卡坦所有的剑麻天地都是属于工人的。当这些工人变成剑麻的主人时，他们仍然会去工作，如果他们赚到15个比索，他们就会去领取，他们将通过他们自己的劳作过上很好的生活。”

Haberman, while pointing out that public ownership was the workers’ way out, also expressed anti-imperialist ideas. He said: “You have heard Carrillo speak of the danger of American capitalism, and that is true. But what you need to do is unite with the socialist movement throughout the world. You do not need cannons to confront the capitalist gringos; that fight is like a lamb against a lion. I will tell you how to deal with the capitalist Americans. The workers of the United States are also slaves; they are as oppressed as you are, and they do not want war with Mexico, because once war breaks out, the workers lose their lives, lose everything. You do not need rifles and cannons, dear comrades; all you need is a good socialist party… If all the workers unite, their strength may be greater than that of the rich who possess rifles and cannons.” In his conclusion he said: “Workers of the world, unite! What have we to lose? Chains. On the contrary, we will win the world.”

哈伯曼在指出公有制是工人出路的同时也表达了反对帝国主义的思想。他说：“你们已经听到卡里略谈到了美国资本主义的危险，这是事实。但你们需要做的是与整个世界的社会主义运动联合起来。你不需要大炮来对抗资本主义的外国佬，那场战斗就像绵羊对抗狮子。我将告诉你们如何对付资本主义的美国人。美国的工人也是奴隶，他们和你们一样受到压迫，他们不想和墨西哥发生战争，因为一旦发生战争，工人就会失去生命，失去一切。你们不需要步枪和大炮，亲爱的同志们，你们所需要的只是一个好的社会主义政党……如果所有的工人都团结起来，可能比拥有步枪和大炮的富人的力量还要大。”他在结语中说道：“全世界的工人，团结起来！我们能失去什么？链条。相反，我们将赢得世界。”

The Motul congress discussed agricultural issues, Party-building issues, the Party’s cooperative issues, Party schools and socialist education issues, and women’s rights issues, and established the organizational system of the “Central League of Resistance,” thereby strengthening the ideological and organizational building of the Socialist Party. It became a milestone in the development of socialism in Yucatán. After this congress, the “Party’s progress became more solid. Every day it contacted more and more workers, developed its leadership groups, persuaded workers with its propaganda, making them feel increasingly united, increasingly identify with their proletarian interests, and increasingly willing to engage in political struggle not only for immediate demands but also for profound social change.”

莫图尔的大会讨论了农业问题、党建问题、党的合作社问题、党校和社会主义教育问题以及妇女权利问题等，确立了“中央抵抗联盟”的组织体系，从而加强了社会主义党的思想和组织建设。它成为尤卡坦社会主义发展的一个里程碑。此次大会之后，该“党的进步更加稳固。它每天都在联系越来越多的工人，发展它的领导团体，用它的宣传说服工人，使他们越来越感到团结，越来越认同他们的无产阶级利益，越来越愿意不仅为眼前的要求而且为深刻的社会变革进行政治斗争”。

Carrillo served as acting governor from November 13 to December 24, 1918, presided over the Henequen Regulatory Commission, and promulgated a new Labor Law for the state of Yucatán, gaining experience in government administration.

卡里略在1918年11月13日至12月24日一度担任代理州长，主持了剑麻监管委员会的工作，颁布了一项新的尤卡坦州的《劳动法》，获得了政府管理的经验。

As the presidential election of the Republic approached, Carranza selected Ignacio Bonillas as his presidential candidate, while the Socialist Party of Yucatán supported Álvaro Obregón. Consequently, Carranza decided to strike at Carrillo’s strength. During the local parliamentary elections in November 1919, Colonel Isaías Zamarripa, acting on Carranza’s orders, went to Yucatán to persecute the socialists there and burned the archives and property of the Socialist Party’s “Central League of Resistance.” Carrillo was arrested and expelled from Yucatán.

随着共和国总统选举时间的临近，卡兰萨选定伊格纳西奥·博尼利亚斯（Ignacio Bonillas）为总统候选人，而尤卡坦社会主义党支持的是阿尔瓦罗·奥夫雷贡（Álvaro Obregón），因此，卡兰萨决定打击卡里略的力量。1919年11月地方议会选举期间，以赛亚斯·萨马里帕（Isaías Zamarripa）上校奉卡兰萨之命前往尤卡坦，对那里的社会主义者进行迫害，并烧毁了社会主义党“中央抵抗联盟”的档案和财产。卡里略遭到逮捕并被驱逐出尤卡坦。

But the political situation soon took a new turn. After Obregón assumed the presidency of the Republic in 1920, Carrillo returned to Yucatán on June 18. That same year, he was elected as a federal deputy. In 1921, after entrusting the office of interim governor to his close friend Manuel Berzunza, Carrillo, as chairman of the Party and the Central League of Resistance, shifted his attention to mobilizing the agricultural regions of Yucatán and reestablishing the leagues of resistance. He recruited socialist allies locally, allied with local caciques, and built a tight-knit system of relatives and friends. This system later became the core of his Party organization and state administrative apparatus. The expansion of the leagues of resistance and the alliance with the caciques enabled Carrillo to implement an extensive revolutionary program.

但政治形势很快就出现了新的转机，1920年奥夫雷贡就任共和国总统之后，卡里略在6月18日重返尤卡坦。同年，他当选为联邦议员。1921年，卡里略在将临时州长的职位委托给密友曼努埃尔·贝尔松萨（Manuel Berzunza）后，自己作为党和中央抵抗联盟的主席，将注意力转移到动员尤卡坦农业地区，重新恢复抵抗联盟上。他在地方上招募社会主义盟友，与当地卡西克结盟，并建立了一个由亲友组成的严密体系。该体系后来成为其党组织和国家行政机构的核心。抵抗联盟的扩大以及与卡西克的结盟，使卡里略能够实施广泛的革命计划。

In August 1921, the Second Congress of the Socialist Party of Yucatán was held in Izamal. After discussion, the congress approved the renaming of the Socialist Party of Yucatán to the “Socialist Party of the Southeast” (PSS) and established a Federal League of Resistance Committee to coordinate and direct the leagues of resistance in Yucatán, Campeche, and Quintana Roo. At the same time, the socialist orientation expressed at the meeting became more explicit, proposing “the uncompensated expropriation of all arable land for collective use, and the nationalization of industry for the benefit of the ‘proletarian state,’ in order to realize the ‘communist objectives’ of the leagues of resistance.” The congress called on the Yucatán government and its branches to intensify efforts to socialize the means of production throughout the state, including all public utilities and services still in private hands, and to strive to implement agricultural and industrial communism. The congress also reminded the government and its branches of Marx’s maxim: “The emancipation of the working class must be the act of the working class itself.” In addition, the congress discussed whether to join the Third International, ultimately deciding not to join the organization but to maintain contact with it. Finally, the congress decided to support Carrillo’s candidacy for governor for the 1922–1926 term. On November 6, 1921, facing a multi-party election contest with the Constitutional Liberal Party, the Liberal Party of Yucatán, and the Democratic Party, Carrillo won the election with 94.6% of the vote and assumed the governorship in February of the following year.

1921年8月，尤卡坦社会主义党第二次代表大会在伊萨马尔（Izamal）举行。大会经讨论批准了尤卡坦社会主义党更名为“东南社会主义党”（PSS），并成立了联邦抵抗联盟委员会，协调和指导包括尤卡坦州、坎佩切州和金塔纳罗奥州的抵抗联盟。同时，会议上表现出的社会主义倾向更加明确了，提出“无偿征用所有可耕地供集体使用，为了‘无产阶级国家’的利益将工业国有化，以实现抵抗联盟的‘共产主义目标’”。大会呼吁尤卡坦政府及其分支机构加紧努力，将全州的生产资料社会化，包括所有仍在私人手中的公共事业和服务项目，并努力实施农业和工业共产主义。大会还提醒政府及其分支机构注意马克思的箴言：“工人阶级的解放只能是工人阶级自身的事业。”此外，大会还讨论了是否加入第三国际的问题，结果是决定不加入该组织，但与之保持联系。最后，大会决定支持卡里略竞选1922—1926年的州长。1921年11月6日，在面对立宪自由党、尤卡坦自由党和民主党多党竞选的局面中，卡里略以94.6%的选票赢得了选举，并于次年2月就任州长。

The second phase ran from Carrillo’s assumption of the governorship in February 1922 to his murder on January 3, 1924. In these brief twenty-two months, Carrillo led what has been called “the most radical social experiment in Latin America in the first half of the 20th century,” embodied in the introduction and implementation of a series of reform policies.

第二阶段，从卡里略1922年2月就任州长到1924年1月3日被谋杀。在这短暂的22个月里，卡里略领导进行了“20世纪上半叶拉美最激进的社会实验”，体现在一系列改革政策的出台和实施中。

First, land reform. This was the focus of Carrillo’s policies. After he took office, land reform progressed rapidly. Nationwide, apart from the state of Morelos, Yucatán distributed more land than any other state. As noted earlier, the Socialist Party’s slogan was the same as that of the Zapatista revolutionaries: “Land and Liberty.” Carrillo’s land distribution included the expropriation of henequen plantation lands. In his inaugural address on February 1, 1922, Carrillo declared to his supporters: “The land is yours. You were born here, grew up here, and will end your lives here, breaking your backs harvesting crops in the fields for the masters who once stole your land. But under the new law, you have the right to reclaim the land; the new law recognizes this legitimate right, and the land should still be yours; you are the ones who labor, and these harvests naturally belong to you as well.”

第一，进行土地改革。这是卡里略政策的重点。他执政之后，土地改革进展迅速。全国除了莫雷洛斯州，尤卡坦州的土地分配比其他任何州都多。如前所述，社会主义党的口号和萨帕塔革命者是一样的，即“土地和自由”。卡里略的土地分配包括了对剑麻种植园土地的征收。在1922年2月1日就职仪式的讲话中，卡里略面对他的支持者宣布：“土地是你们的。你们曾在这里出生，在这里生长，在这里结束一生，为那些曾抢夺你们土地的主人，你们在田野里收割作物而折断了腰。但根据新的法律，你们有权收回土地，新法律承认这一合法的权利，土地仍应是你们的；你们是劳作的人，这些收获自然也属于你们。”

Distributing land to all towns and villages within the state was the goal of the first phase of land reform. From January 1922 to early 1924, more than 23,000 peasants in 78 villages received 438,000 hectares of land. Adding the 150,000 hectares distributed to 26 villages in 1921, when Carrillo served as chairman of the Socialist Party of the Southeast and Berzunza as governor, a total of nearly 600,000 hectares of land was distributed, benefiting more than 30,000 families. Carrillo’s land reform process had become institutionalized; every Thursday was designated as the time for announcing new land grants and their actual delivery, the so-called “Agricultural Thursday,” on which Carrillo or his assistants would travel to the recipient ejidos to participate in colorful delivery ceremonies. During the Obregón administration, one-quarter of all land distribution in Mexico was carried out in Yucatán, making it the largest driving force for national land reform.

将土地分配给所有州内的村镇是土地改革第一阶段的目的。从1922年1月到1924年初，有78个村庄的2.3万多名农民获赠43.8万公顷的土地。加上1921年卡里略担任东南社会主义党主席和贝尔松萨任州长时向26个村庄分配的15万公顷土地，总共分配了近60万公顷土地，有3万多个家庭受益。卡里略的土地改革进程已经制度化，每周四被定为宣布新土地赠予和实际交付的时间，即所谓“农业星期四”，届时卡里略或他的助手会前往获得土地的村社参加内容丰富多彩的交付仪式。在奥夫雷贡政府时期，墨西哥全国四分之一的土地分配是在尤卡坦州实现的，这里成为全国土地改革的最大动力源。

In 1923, land reform entered its second phase, aiming to gradually socialize the henequen plantations, that is, to systematically expropriate existing henequen plantations, convert them into collective farms, and then turn them over to the workers living on or near the plantations. Carrillo issued two important land decrees. The first, the Law on the Expropriation and Confiscation of Abandoned Hacienda Lands, dated November 28, stipulated that lands abandoned by large landowners would be transferred to workers for collective management, with nominal compensation. The second decree, dated December 4, stipulated that the Export Commission would transfer 25% of all henequen revenue it obtained as profits and credit to the workers, in order to stimulate the development of henequen cooperatives. The Carrillo government provided approximately one million pesos in loans to henequen growers, purchased more modern fiber-stripping machines to improve fiber quality, and provided modern agricultural techniques and management methods to henequen workers so that they could successfully manage the henequen farms. In addition, through the Export Commission, he negotiated with American companies and successfully raised the export price of henequen.

1923年土地改革进入第二阶段，是要逐渐让剑麻种植园社会化，即希望系统地征用现有的剑麻种植园，将种植园转化为集体农场，然后交给居住在种植园或附近的工人。卡里略分别颁布了两项重要的土地法令。第一项为11月28日的《没收和征用遗弃庄园土地法》，规定将大庄园主遗弃不用的土地移交给工人集体经营，并给以名义上的补偿。第二项为12月4日的法令，规定出口委员会将获得的所有剑麻收入的25%作为利润和信贷转给工人，以刺激剑麻合作社的发展。卡里略政府向剑麻种植者提供了大约100万元的贷款，通过购买更加现代化的剥纤维机器来提高纤维的质量，同时，为剑麻工人提供现代农业技术和介绍管理方法，以便他们能够顺利管理剑麻农场。另外，他还通过出口委员会与美国公司谈判，成功地提高了剑麻的出口价格。

To restore the diversification of Yucatán’s production and achieve food self-sufficiency, Carrillo also advocated for the establishment of other types of production cooperatives, such as corn, sugar cane, and dairy cooperatives. After distributing land, Carrillo sent agronomists into the corn-growing and cattle-raising areas to introduce strategies and techniques for cooperative planting and marketing of village crops, and to persuade farmers practicing the milpa system to use improved seeds and introduce modern corn-planting systems in order to increase yields.

为恢复尤卡坦生产的多样化，实现粮食的自给自足，卡里略还主张建立其他类型的生产合作社，比如玉米、蔗糖、奶牛等合作社。在分配土地之后，卡里略派出农学家进入玉米区和养牛区，介绍合作种植和销售村社农作物的战略和技术，并说服做“米尔帕”的农民使用改良的种子，引进现代玉米种植系统，以提高产量。

Carrillo’s land reform aimed to “collectivize the operation of estates and ultimately socialize property relations throughout Yucatán.” However, two radical decrees in the second phase of the land reform caused great panic among the large plantation owners, and this may have led to Carrillo’s eventual assassination.

卡里略土地改革的目标是“使农庄的运作集体化，并最终使整个尤卡坦的财产关系社会化”，但是，土地改革第二阶段的两项激进法令引起了大种植园主的极大恐慌，也许因此导致了卡里略最终被刺杀。

Second, the implementation of rationalist education. The new government advocated rationalist education, requiring that all schools be based on freedom, that is, free from control by priests and other religious personnel. Schools were to stop all rewards, punishments, examinations, diplomas, and titles, emphasizing the acquisition of knowledge through manual labor in the fields, shops, laboratories, and school work areas. Influenced by the revolutionary schools of the Soviet Union, Carrillo’s concept of “rational education” linked the educational process to class struggle, envisioning transforming the peasant from a pariah into a class-conscious worker. The “rational school” would cultivate “people fit for life and liberated from all dogma, striving to transform society,” and its educational purpose was to shape a new person for the new society. Carrillo hoped that education would help him build a socialist regime.

第二，实施理性主义教育。新政府倡导理性主义教育，要求所有学校都以自由为基础，即不受牧师和其他宗教人员的控制。学校应该停止所有的奖惩、考试、文凭和头衔，强调从田间、商店、实验室和学校工作区的手工劳动中获得知识。受苏联革命学校的影响，卡里略的“理性教育”概念是将教育过程与阶级斗争相联系的，设想将农民从一个贱民改变成一个有阶级意识的工人。“理性学校”将培养“适合生活并从所有教条中解放出来的人，为改造社会而奋斗”，其教育的目的是为新社会塑造新人。卡里略希望教育能帮助他建立一个社会主义政权。

The new government founded the Southeastern National University (now the Autonomous University of Yucatán), the Vocational School of Arts and Crafts, and the Maya Language Institute. In 1922 alone, 417 public schools opened. At the same time, agricultural schools to train peasants, urban night schools to educate workers, and plans to develop industrial schools were created. Carrillo also placed great importance on Maya-language instruction, giving language teaching (Spanish and Maya) priority in his education policy. At that time, Maya indigenous people made up nearly half of the state’s population, and indigenous participation was indispensable to the Yucatán government.

新政府创办了东南国立大学（即现今的尤卡坦自治大学）、工艺美术职业学院和玛雅语言学院。仅在1922年，就有417所公立学校开业。同时，还创建了培训农民的农业学校，教育工人的城市夜校，并计划发展工业学校。卡里略还十分重视玛雅语教学，将语言教学（西班牙语和玛雅语）置于他的教育政策的优先地位。当时，玛雅土著人占该州人口的近一半，土著人的参与对尤卡坦政府来说是必不可少的。

Third, support for the feminist movement. The new government defended women’s rights. Given that Yucatán society suffered not only class oppression but also gender oppression, the Motul Congress decided that the resistance leagues of the Yucatán Socialist Party should not only accept women but also defend their rights, especially political rights. Carrillo’s sister Elvia was a feminist, and Carrillo strongly supported her feminist initiatives. By 1923, there were at least 49 feminist leagues in Yucatán. They worked to eliminate alcoholism, drug abuse, and prostitution; established community kitchens; taught women to read and write and prepared them for new occupations; promoted methods of managing household economies and hygiene practices; and became an indispensable part of the resistance leagues of the Southeastern Socialist Party. Elvia, as Mexico’s first female state legislator, attended the Pan-American Women’s Congress and led the radical faction in advocating resolutions on birth control, establishing childcare centers, supporting single mothers, and increasing vocational training for women. Carrillo also supported family planning, legal divorce, sex education courses in schools, and the establishment of mobile health brigades. In 1922, Yucatán’s feminists, in cooperation with the state government, promoted the use of contraceptives by publishing articles in *El Tierra* and *El Pueblo*, giving speeches at socialist congresses, and printing and distributing at least 5,000 copies of Margaret Sanger’s pamphlet *Regulation of Birth or the Family Bride: Safe and Scientific Means of Preventing Pregnancy*. The new government also established socialist baptisms and community weddings, replacing the Catholic versions of these sacraments with red floral arrangements and orchestral renditions of “La Marseillaise” and “The Internationale.”

第三，支持女权主义运动。新政府维护妇女权利。鉴于尤卡坦社会不仅存在阶级压迫，而且存在性别压迫，因此，莫图尔大会决定，尤卡坦社会主义党的抵抗联盟不仅要接受妇女，而且要维护她们的权利，尤其是政治权。卡里略的姐姐艾尔维亚（Elvia）就是一位女权主义者，卡里略十分支持她的女权主义倡议。到1923年，尤卡坦州已经有至少49个女权主义联盟。它们努力消除酗酒、吸毒和卖淫；建立社区厨房；教妇女读写，为新的职业做好准备；促进管理家庭经济的方法和卫生实践，成为东南社会主义党抵抗联盟中不可或缺的部分。艾尔维亚作为墨西哥第一位女州议员，参加了泛美妇女大会，并领导激进派拥护关于节育、建立儿童保育中心、支持单身母亲和增加妇女职业培训的决议。卡里略还支持计划生育、合法离婚、在学校开设性教育课程以及建立流动卫生队。1922年，尤卡坦的女权主义者与州政府合作，通过在《土地报》和《人民报》上发表文章，在社会主义大会上发表演讲，以及印刷和分发至少5000份玛格丽特·桑格（Margarita Sanger）的《生育或家庭新娘的规定：预防怀孕的安全和科学手段》小册子，来推广使用避孕药具。新政府还建立了社会主义洗礼和社区婚礼，用红色插花和《马赛曲》《国际歌》的管弦乐取代这些圣礼的天主教旧版本。

Fourth, advocacy for a cultural renaissance movement. Given that Yucatán’s art had long merely imitated European art, “falling into the erroneous path Europe had laid for it,” Carrillo hoped to create an art accessible to the people. No one understood more clearly than he the need to awaken the indigenous people from ignorance, providing them with an art they could understand, one that told of their customs, religion, homeland, and race. Carrillo gathered artists together and preached socialism and democracy to them, saying: “The peninsula has admirable Maya ruins; artists should draw inspiration from them and create an art that serves the people.” He invited writers who championed Maya culture to teach in the resistance leagues, and published works written in Maya, such as *Journey to Yucatán* and *Popol Vuh* or *The Maya Genesis*, striving to shape a Maya, popular culture and art on the peninsula. On January 25, 1923, he signed an agreement to establish the Yucatán Archaeological Museum; in its first year after completion, 17,000 people visited. He also ordered that all buildings under construction in Mérida and other cities in the state incorporate Maya motifs, and that Maya become the official language of Yucatán. With the help of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, the new government surveyed Chichén Itzá and established an archaeological center there, the first of its kind in Mexico. To facilitate access to the largest archaeological site, a highway connecting Dzitas and the ruins of Chichén Itzá was opened in July 1923. At the opening ceremony, Carrillo said: “For me, this event is of vital importance to the socialist movement, and I believe the moral impact it will have on the progress of our agenda will be very beneficial.” Enslaved Maya people could also actively participate in social construction like anyone else; “the most powerful means of reawakening this idea… is to elevate the past greatness of the Maya race, making widely known their civilization, progress, art, and everything in history that represents true and positive value.” He also said: “The revolution in Yucatán has one main goal: to free the Maya Indians from the status of serfs, to free them from the evils of personal servitude and the cultural and spiritual stagnation that servitude gradually imposed on them. The success or failure of the revolution here must ultimately be measured by this standard.” In this way, Carrillo linked socialism with the revival of Maya civilization, endowing socialism with a distinctive local character.

第四，倡导文化复兴运动。鉴于尤卡坦的艺术长期以来都只是在效仿欧洲艺术，“陷入了欧洲为其铺设的错误道路”，卡里略希望创造一种人民可以接受的艺术。没有人比他更清楚地认识到，需要有人将印第安人从无知中唤醒，提供一种他们可以理解的艺术，讲述他们的习俗、宗教、家园和种族。卡里略将艺术家们聚集到一起，向他们宣讲社会主义与民主，并说道：“半岛上有令人钦佩的玛雅遗址，艺术家应该从那里获得灵感，并创造一种为人民服务的艺术。”他邀请拥护玛雅文化的作家在抵抗联盟中授课，出版了《尤卡坦之旅》和《波波尔乌》或《玛雅创世纪》等以玛雅语撰写的作品，努力在半岛上塑造一种玛雅的、大众的文化艺术。1923年1月25日，他签署了一项建立尤卡坦考古博物馆的协议，博物馆建成后的第一年就有17000人前来参观。他还指示在梅里达市和州内其他城市正在建造的所有建筑都要有玛雅图案，玛雅语要成为尤卡坦州的官方语言。在美国卡内基研究所的帮助下，新政府对奇琴伊察（Chichen Itza）进行了勘察，并建立了在此处的考古中心，这是墨西哥首个该类中心。为了便于人们进入最大的考古遗迹群，1923年7月，一条连接吉塔斯（Dzitas）和奇琴伊察遗址的高速公路顺利通车。卡里略在开通仪式上说：“对我来说，这一事件对社会主义运动有着至关重要的意义，我相信它对我们议程的进展所产生的道德影响将是非常有益的”，被奴役的玛雅人也可以像其他人一样积极地参与社会建设，“重新唤醒这一想法的最有力手段……是提高玛雅种族过去的伟大，使人们广泛了解他们的文明、进步、艺术，以及历史上所有代表真正和积极价值的东西”。他还曾说：“尤卡坦的革命有一个主要目标，即使玛雅印第安人获得自由人的地位，使他们摆脱人身奴役的恶果，摆脱奴役逐渐强加给他们的文化和精神停滞。这里的革命成功与否，最终必须以这个标准来衡量。”卡里略由此将社会主义与玛雅文明的复兴连接在一起，赋予了社会主义以鲜明的本土特色。

Fifth, emphasis on the construction of a legal system. Carrillo’s greatest concern was to seek intellectual and legal advice in order to carry out institutional reform and economic restructuring for the collective interest within the framework of state governance and law. In 1904, Argentine law professor Alfredo L. Palacios proposed and passed some laws improving workers’ working conditions; in 1913, Argentina’s first socialist senator, Enrique del Valle Iberlucea, drafted a labor code favorable to workers. Carrillo learned of these through correspondence with his Argentine socialist friends. During his administration, many reforms were carried out through legal means. The new government enacted a series of laws, including the Social Security Law, the Divorce Law, the Family Relations Law, the Labor Law, the Tenant Law, the Public Utility Expropriation Law, the Law on Public Orders for the Recall of Elected Officials, and a new Prison Code. Among them, the Divorce Law and the Family Relations Law aimed to protect children born out of wedlock and promote family planning; the new Prison Code required more humane treatment of prisoners. In addition, the first Environmental Pollution Law was enacted. The main thrust of the new government’s legal system was to appeal for the public interest.

第五，注重法律体系的建设。卡里略最注重的是寻求思想和法律上的建议，以便从国家治理结构和法律框架中为集体利益进行体制改革和经济重组。1904年阿根廷法律教授阿尔弗雷多·帕拉西奥斯（Alfredo L.Palacios）提出并通过了一些改善工人工作条件的法律，1913年阿根廷第一位社会党参议员恩里克·德尔·巴列·伊贝卢塞亚（）起草了有利于工人的《劳动法》。卡里略在与阿根廷社会党朋友的通信中对这些均有所了解。在他执政期间，许多改革是通过法律途径完成的。新政府颁布了一系列法律，包括《社会保障法》《离婚法》《家庭关系法》《劳动法》《租户法》《公用事业征用法》《撤销民选官员的公共命令法》以及新《监狱条例》等。其中，《离婚法》和《家庭关系法》旨在保护非婚生子女，促进计划生育；新《监狱条例》要求给予囚犯更人道的待遇。另外，还颁布了第一个《环境污染法》。新政府法律体系的主旨是为公共利益呼吁。

Thus it can be seen that the Carrillo government carried out relatively extensive economic and social reforms under the guidance of socialist ideas. In particular, its economic reforms attempted to change private ownership, opposed the control of foreign capital, and emphasized class struggle and the leadership of the working class, representing a major step forward compared with the reforms of previous governments. However, because the land reform was too radical, it encroached on the interests of the plantation oligarchy and foreign monopoly capital, who were determined to destroy Carrillo at all costs. In November 1923, the coup of Adolfo de la Huerta took place, and his subordinate Juan Ricárdez Broca dissolved the Carrillo revolutionary government in early December 1923. On December 21, Carrillo was arrested on the coast of Quintana Roo. In the early morning of January 3, 1924, he and twelve assistants (including his three brothers) were shot dead in Mérida. The Yucatán socialist movement was forcibly interrupted.

可见，卡里略政府在社会主义理念指导下进行了较为广泛的经济和社会改革。特别是其经济改革，试图改变私有制，反对外国资本的控制，强调阶级斗争和工人阶级的领导，比之前政府的改革迈进了一大步。然而，由于土地改革过于激进，触犯了种植园寡头阶层和外国垄断资本的利益，他们对卡里略必欲置之死地而后快。1923年11月阿道夫·德拉·韦尔塔（Adolfo de la Huerta）政变，其部下胡安·里卡德斯·布罗卡（Juan Ricárdez Broca）在1923年12月初解散了卡里略革命政府。12月21日卡里略在金塔纳罗奥海岸被捕。1924年1月3日凌晨，他和12名助手（包括他的三个亲兄弟）在梅里达被枪杀。尤卡坦社会主义运动被迫中断。

II. Why Did the Yucatán Socialist Movement Occur?

二、尤卡坦社会主义运动为何会发生？

The timing of the Yucatán socialist movement coincided with the Mexican Revolution and the Soviet "October Revolution," and these two major backgrounds undoubtedly influenced it. But we are very curious: how was this influence exerted? Why did "the first socialist government in the Americas" emerge in Yucatán? Research shows that there were roughly the following specific reasons:

尤卡坦社会主义运动发生的时间恰好与墨西哥革命和苏联“十月革命”有重合，这两大背景无疑会对其产生影响。但我们非常好奇，这种影响是怎样施加的？为什么“美洲的第一个社会主义政府”会在尤卡坦产生？研究表明，大致有以下几方面的具体原因：

1. The Spread of Socialist Ideas in Mexico

1. 社会主义思想在墨西哥的传播

As early as 1828, Robert Owen, a major representative of European utopian socialism, wrote to the Mexican government requesting permission to conduct a utopian experiment in what was then Mexican Texas and Coahuila. Under the influence of the 1848 European revolutions, the term "socialism" and related concepts spread widely in Mexico. After the Italian immigrant Plotino Rhodakanaty arrived in Mexico in 1861, he published a work titled *Socialist Manual or Essentials of Fourier's Doctrine*; his important contribution was to promote the transformation of mutual-aid organizations into economic struggle organizations with trade-union characteristics. In 1862, the Mexican ambassador to Washington, Matías Romero, translated Marx's article "The Confusion in Mexico," becoming the country's first translator of Marx's works. In 1869, Santiago Villanueva, a supporter of the First International in Mexico, distributed pamphlets of the *Rules of the International Workingmen's Association* among workers; under his impetus, in 1871 the first proletarian organization in the country aimed at defending the interests of the working class, "The Great Circle of Mexican Workers" (El Gran Círculo de Obreros de México), was founded, and the newspaper *The Socialist* was launched. This newspaper, along with subsequent ones such as *The Social Revolution*, *Son of Labor*, and *The International*, publicized social news about the Paris Commune, the First International, and strike movements. In 1876, the first Mexican Workers' Congress was held; after a heated debate among 135 delegates over whether to uphold the position of class struggle, a ten-point petition for improving workers' working conditions was put forward. In 1874, a branch of the First International appeared in Mexico. In 1878, the first Socialist Party was founded in the city of Puebla; the following year, seventeen political organizations of varying sizes joined it. The party's chairman, Alberto Santa Fe, had a profound analysis of the national situation; he believed that the root of Mexico's suffering lay not in politics but in society, and that the way out was land reform and industrialization. He led a peasant uprising but was defeated. In 1881, the Socialist Party was shut down by the authorities. Subsequently, Mexican socialism temporarily fell into a low ebb. In 1884, the *Communist Manifesto* was published for the first time in Mexico.

早在1828年，欧洲空想社会主义的主要代表人物罗伯特·欧文（Robert Owen）曾致函墨西哥政府，要求在当时属于墨西哥的得克萨斯州和科阿韦拉州进行乌托邦实验。在1848年欧洲革命的影响下，“社会主义”一词和一些相关概念在墨西哥广为传播。意大利移民普洛蒂诺·罗达卡纳蒂（plotino Rhodakanaty)1861年到墨西哥后，出版了一本《社会主义手册或傅立叶学说要义》的著作，他的重要贡献是推动了互助组织向带有工会性质的经济斗争组织的转变。1862年，墨西哥驻华盛顿大使马蒂亚斯·罗梅罗（Matías Romero）翻译了马克思的文章《墨西哥的混乱》，成为该国第一位马克思著作的翻译家。1869年第一国际在墨西哥的支持者圣地亚哥·比利亚努埃瓦（Santiago Villanueva）在工人中散发了《国际工人协会章程》的小册子，在他的推动下，1871年成立了该国第一个旨在维护工人阶级利益的无产阶级组织“墨西哥工人大团结”（El Gran Círculo de Obreros de México），并创办了《社会主义者》报，该报和随后的《社会革命报》《劳动之子报》《国际报》等宣传了巴黎公社、第一国际、罢工运动等社会新闻。1876年墨西哥第一届工人大会召开，135位代表在对是否坚持阶级斗争立场进行激烈辩论之后，提出了改善工人劳动条件的10条请愿。1874年墨西哥出现了第一国际的支部。1878年在普埃布拉市成立了第一个社会党，次年有17个大小不一的政治组织加入社会党，该党的主席阿尔贝托·圣菲（Alberto Santa Fe）对国家局势有着深刻分析，他认为墨西哥的苦难根源不在政治而在社会，出路是土地改革和工业化。他领导了一次农民起义，但遭到失败。1881年社会党被当局查封。随后墨西哥社会主义暂时陷于低潮。1884年墨西哥首次出版《共产党宣言》。

By the end of the 19th century, Ricardo Flores Magón became an important figure in spreading socialist ideas. As early as 1892, he participated in the student movement against the Díaz dictatorship. In 1900, he founded the newspaper *Regeneration* in Mexico City, criticizing the Díaz government and propagating anarchism and socialism; in 1906, he presided over the founding of the Mexican Liberal Party. However, when Francisco I. Madero invited him in 1910 to join the plan to overthrow the Díaz government, he refused. He believed that Madero's political revolution alone was insufficient and lacked social construction; an economic revolution should be carried out simultaneously, abolishing the state and private property. According to research by García Cantú, Ricardo Flores Magón and Héctor Victoria represented the continuation of the two major trends of 19th-century socialism. The latter was the Yucatán delegate to the 1917 Constituent Congress, who extended the ideas proposed by the Great Circle of Mexican Workers regarding improving workers' working conditions and increasing workers' welfare into the Constitution of 1917. The former, however, was the only true revolutionary in 19th-century Mexico. Magón is considered one of the important figures who promoted the social transformation of the Mexican Revolution. Borrowing the Russian populist concept of "Land and Freedom," he raised the slogan "Long live Land and Freedom" and sent his Liberal Party members José Guerra, Antonio Díaz Soto y Gama, and others to the state of Morelos, bringing this slogan to Zapata's insurgent ranks. At that time, Carrillo was precisely working in Zapata's ranks, serving as a commissioner of the agricultural committee. Influenced by Gama, he extensively read works on socialist ideas. Later, Carrillo brought the experience of Zapata's ranks to Yucatán.

到19世纪末，里卡多·弗洛雷斯·马贡（Ricardo Flores Magón）成为传播社会主义思想的重要人物，他在1892年就参加了反对迪亚斯独裁的学生运动。他1900年在墨西哥城创办《再生报》，批评迪亚斯政府，宣传无政府主义和社会主义；1906年主持创建了墨西哥自由党。但当1910年弗朗西斯科·马德罗（Francisco I.Madero）邀请他加入推翻迪亚斯政府的计划时，被他拒绝。他认为马德罗只进行政治革命是不够的，缺乏社会建设，应该同时进行经济革命，废除国家和私人财产。根据加西亚·坎图的研究，里卡多·弗洛雷斯·马贡和赫克托·维多利亚（Héctor Victoria）代表了19世纪社会主义两大趋势的延续，后者是1916年制宪会议的尤卡坦代表，他将“墨西哥工人大团结”提出的关于改善工人劳动条件和增加工人福利待遇的思想延伸到了《1917年宪法》中。而前者是19世纪墨西哥唯一真正的革命者。马贡被认为是促成墨西哥革命社会变革的重要人物之一，他借用俄国民粹派的“土地与自由”的概念，喊出了“土地与自由万岁”的口号，并派他的自由党人何塞·格拉（JoséGuerra）、索托·伽马（Antonio Diaz Soto y Gama）等人到莫雷洛斯州，将这一口号带到萨帕塔的起义队伍中。当时，卡里略正好在萨帕塔的队伍里工作，担任农业委员会的专员，受到伽马的影响，大量阅读了有关社会主义思想方面的著作。后来，卡里略便将萨帕塔队伍的经验带到了尤卡坦。

2. The Maya Communal Tradition Was Conducive to the Settlement of Socialist Ideas

2. 玛雅人的村社传统有利于社会主义思想的安家

Before the arrival of the Spanish, the Yucatán Peninsula was the homeland of the Maya. However, due to the hot, dry climate, poor soil, and lack of gold and silver mines, the colonists paid little attention to the area after their arrival, and few places were developed. Although some large estates (haciendas) producing corn and raising cattle emerged in certain areas, as late as 1800, traditional indigenous communes (ejidos) were still preserved in most parts of the peninsula, with the Maya constituting two-thirds of the peninsula's population. This unique demographic characteristic made the region particularly strong in indigenous character.

西班牙人到来之前，尤卡坦半岛是玛雅人的所在地。但由于这里气候炎热、干燥，土壤贫瘠，又没有金银矿山，殖民者到来之后对这里并未给予太多重视，开发的地方并不多。虽然一些地方出现了以生产玉米和养牛为主的大庄园，但直到1800年，在半岛的大多数地方仍然保留了传统的印第安人村社，玛雅人占半岛人口的三分之二。这种人口的独特特征使该地区的土著色彩特别浓厚。

The Maya once possessed a splendid culture during the Classic period. The customs, farming techniques, prayers, hymns, rituals, reading, and mystical expressions of the Maya were transmitted to the Maya of their era before the conquest. The Maya commune was formed on the basis of "primitive communism"; each had its own communal land. To ensure the collection of tribute from the Indians, the Spanish king, through legal provisions, required the Spanish to live separately from the Indians, preserving the original Maya communes, thereby allowing the Maya to continue living in collectivist communes.

玛雅人在古典时期曾经具有辉煌的文化。玛雅人的风俗习惯、耕作技术、祈祷、圣歌、仪式、阅读和神秘的表达方式，在被征服前就传到了他们那个时代的玛雅人身上。玛雅人的村社是在“原始共产主义”基础上形成的，每个都有自己的公共土地。西班牙国王为了确保收取印第安人的贡税，通过法律规定让西班牙人与印第安人分开居住，保留了玛雅人的原始村社，从而使玛雅人继续生活在集体主义的村社中。

However, with the rise of the great estates, and especially after the post-independence government ceased to legally protect communal lands, the Maya’s land was steadily encroached upon. In the first half of the nineteenth century, Yucatán’s agriculture began a commercial transformation, first with the development of sugar plantations and later, in the late nineteenth century, with a boom in henequen fiber production. In this process, the Maya’s situation deteriorated steadily. They demanded the return of expropriated lands and respect for their autonomous rights, but they were defeated in the “Caste War” [9]9 The Caste War (Guerra de Castas, 1847–1901) was a prolonged uprising of the Maya peoples of the Yucatán Peninsula against the Hispanic-descended ruling class, marked by fierce racial and class conflict., either driven into remote communities or bound as debt peons on the henequen plantations, living a life of misery. Yet the Maya’s collective memory and genes were not lost with the expropriation of communal lands; once the authorities’ political and military repressive power was removed and a new popular political mobilization revived, the Maya actively participated in building a new society.

但是，随着大庄园的兴起，特别是独立后的政府不再从法律上保护村社的土地，玛雅人的土地不断被蚕食。19世纪上半期尤卡坦农业开始了商业化转型，先是发展糖业种植园，到19世纪后期又出现了剑麻纤维生产的繁荣。在这一过程中，玛雅人的处境每况愈下。他们要求归还被侵占的土地和尊重他们的自治权利，但他们在“种姓战争”中被打败，或被赶到偏远的社区，或被当作债役农束缚在剑麻种植园中，过着苦难的生活。然而，玛雅人的集体主义记忆和基因并没有随着村社土地的被剥夺而丧失，一旦当局的政治和军事镇压力量被移除，新的民众政治动员复活，玛雅人就会积极地参与到新社会的建设中。

Therefore, Maya society had a natural bond with the socialism that Carrillo sought to establish. As Carrillo stated in his speech at the inauguration ceremony of the Chichén Itzá highway, “The particularity of Yucatecan socialism lies in the renaissance of the Maya nation,” and “the road to Chichén Itzá is like a symbolic bridge connecting the past greatness of this race, whose monuments have stood for generations, while its new glory now flies under the banner of the socialist triangle, so that the descendants of the Maya may enjoy a human status equal to that of all others.” In the ancient civilization of the Maya, the seeds of socialism were already present; the Maya commune was the cultural foundation for the socialist choice.

因此，玛雅人社会与卡里略要建立的社会主义有着天然纽带。正如卡里略在奇琴伊察公路开通仪式上的讲话中提到的，“尤卡坦社会主义的特殊性在于玛雅民族的复兴”，“奇琴伊察之路如同一座象征性的桥梁，连接着这个种族昔日的伟大，这个种族的遗迹历代屹立不倒，而它现在新的荣耀在社会主义三角旗下飘扬，这是为了让玛雅人的后代享有与所有其他人平等的人类地位”。在玛雅人的古老文明中已经具备了社会主义的萌芽，玛雅村社是社会主义选择的文化基础。

3. Yucatán’s economic and social structure harbored demands for change

3. 尤卡坦的经济和社会结构潜藏着变革要求

Before the revolution, Yucatán had formed an economic structure dominated by henequen cultivation and export. Yucatán’s geographical conditions favored the growth of henequen, whose fibers had long been used by locals to make rope and other handicrafts. In the 1850s, commercial production of henequen gradually expanded, especially after the appearance of the automatic knotting harvester (the McCormick reaper) in the United States, which greatly increased demand for henequen fiber. To meet the expanding market demand in North America, the peninsula’s existing great estates were transformed into henequen plantations, equipped with new fiber-stripping machines. By 1881, the area under henequen cultivation had reached 46,000 hectares, accounting for 72.6 percent of the state’s total arable land. By the 1890s, seven-eighths of the state’s population was involved to some degree in planting, processing, or selling agave fiber. According to research by the noted American historian Frank Tannenbaum, by 1900 at least 75 percent of all rural residents in Yucatán were inhabitants of the great estates. The expansion of the great estates led to “the near-complete disintegration of the original communes … and the almost total concentration of property in the hands of a few large plantation owners.” Corn, once self-sufficient, now had to be imported. On the other hand, in 1900 the export value of henequen fiber reached 22.5 million pesos, and the railways, ports, telegraph and telephone systems, and urban public utilities serving henequen production all developed. The trust group led by the International Harvester Company of the United States, through its agents on the peninsula, achieved control over the capital and market for henequen production, reinforcing the peninsula’s economic dependency.

革命前尤卡坦形成了以剑麻种植和出口为主导的经济结构。尤卡坦的地理条件有利于剑麻的生长，剑麻纤维很早就被当地人用来制作绳索和其他手工制品。19世纪50年代，剑麻的商业性生产逐渐扩大，特别是在美国出现了能够自动打结的收割机（即麦考密克[Mc Cormick]收割机）之后，对剑麻纤维的需求大增。为满足北美不断扩大的市场需求，半岛上原有的大庄园纷纷转变为剑麻种植园，并使用上了新式剥纤维机。到1881年，剑麻的种植面积已经达到46000公顷，占该州总耕地面积的72.6%。到19世纪90年代，该州八分之七的人口在某种程度上参与了种植、加工或销售龙舌兰纤维的活动。据美国著名历史学家弗兰克·坦南鲍姆研究，到1900年，在尤卡坦的所有农村居民中，至少有75%是大地产上的居民。大地产的扩张导致“原始村社的几近完全解体……以及财产几乎完全集中在少数大种植园主手中”。曾经能够自给自足的玉米，现在也依赖进口。另一方面，1900年剑麻纤维的出口价值就达到了2250万比索，服务于剑麻生产的铁路、港口、电报电话、城市公用设施都得到了发展。以美国国际收割机公司为首的托拉斯集团，通过其在半岛上的代理商，实现了对剑麻生产的资本和市场的控制，强化了半岛经济的依附性。

The commercial transformation of henequen production on the peninsula also brought changes to the social structure. By 1915, Yucatán society was basically divided into two extreme social strata: the planter class on one side and the debt-peon class on the other. But the former was not a unified entity; it was subdivided into the few families of the so-called “divine caste” (casta divina), as sarcastically dubbed by Alvarado, and other ordinary planter families. The “divine caste” referred to twenty to thirty families allied with political officials and foreign capital; at any given time they controlled about 50 percent of henequen fiber production and, through foreign trade and finance, ultimately controlled 80 to 90 percent of the state’s henequen output. They also invested in urban commerce, real estate, and small-scale industry, forming a true regional oligarchy. The latter group consisted of more than 370 other medium and small plantation owners; although they too belonged to the wealthy entrepreneurial class, they were often in debt or in an unstable operational state due to fluctuations in henequen market prices and insufficient capital. Nonetheless, together with the former, they constituted Yucatán’s ruling class.

半岛剑麻生产的商业化转型也带来了社会结构的改变。到1915年，尤卡坦社会基本分化为两个极端的社会阶层，一是种植园主阶级，二是债役农阶级。但前者并非统一的实体，又分为被阿尔瓦拉多讽刺的所谓“神圣种姓”（casta divina）的少数家庭和其他一般种植园主家庭。“神圣种姓”是指与政界官员和外国资本结盟的20至30个家庭，他们在任何特定时间都能控制大约50%的剑麻纤维生产，并能通过外贸和金融最终控制全州剑麻生产的80%至90%。他们还投资于城市商业、房地产业和小型工业，是一个真正的地区寡头集团。后者由其他370多家中小型种植园主组成，尽管他们也属于富有的企业家阶层，但由于剑麻市场价格的波动和资本的不足，经常处于负债或经营不稳定状态。不过，他们与前者一起构成了尤卡坦的统治阶级。

Henequen plantations required a large agricultural workforce, drawn from two main sources: first, externally imported “deportees” (including Yaquis from northern Mexico, political dissidents, criminals, and vagrants from central Mexico, and Maya rebels from Quintana Roo) and contract workers (conscripted peasants from central Mexico, proletarians from Mexico City, Puerto Ricans, and even Chinese and Koreans); second, local Maya laborers and communal peasants who had been dispossessed of their land. Once these people entered the henequen plantations, they became virtual prisoners; the planters would induce them into debt through various means, turning them into debt peons. The labor intensity for debt peons was extremely high, and workers who failed to meet production quotas were often subjected to whipping or fines. Henequen workers had become de facto slaves. According to Turner’s research, about two-thirds of the Yaquis who came to Yucatán died within a year. Among the state’s total population of 300,000, there were 250 slave owners, but most slaves belonged to fifty henequen planters, who held over 100,000 slaves. Henequen laborers were confined to the plantations, forbidden from contact with the outside world; the planters, through the federal, state, and private police systems, and their monopoly of power over local government and the judiciary, effectively suppressed organized resistance and escape by the laborers. Given the monocrop nature of henequen production, henequen workers were in fact doubly exploited by the planters and foreign capital. Besides rural henequen workers, Yucatán also had a smaller number of urban workers, railway workers, and dockworkers.

剑麻种植园需要大量的农业工人，他们的主要来源有两个：一是从外部输入的“被驱逐者”（包括来自墨西哥北方的雅基人，来自中部的政治异见者、罪犯和流浪者，来自金塔纳罗奥的玛雅反叛者）和合同工（来自墨西哥中部被征用的农民、来自墨西哥城的无产者、波多黎各人，甚至中国人、朝鲜人）；二是本地的玛雅劳工和被剥夺土地的村社农民。这些人一旦进入剑麻种植园，就变成实际上的囚犯，种植园主会通过种种方法诱使他们负债，将他们变为债役农。债役农的劳动强度非常大，完不成劳动定额的工人经常会遭受鞭打或罚款。剑麻工人已经成为实际上的奴隶。根据特纳研究，来到尤卡坦的雅基人大约有三分之二会在一年内死亡。在全州30万人口中，有250个奴隶主，但大多数奴隶属于50个剑麻种植园主，他们的奴隶超过了10万人。剑麻劳工被限制在种植园内，不允许与外界接触，种植园主通过联邦、州和私人警察体系，以及对当地政府和司法部门的权力垄断，有效抑制了劳工的有组织反抗和逃跑。鉴于剑麻生产的单一产品性质，剑麻工人实际上处于种植园主和外国资本的双重压榨之下。除了农村的剑麻工人之外，尤卡坦还有数量较少的城市工人、铁路工人和码头工人。

In addition, on the eve of the revolution Yucatán also had a middle class, comprising 3 to 5 percent of the population, made up of intellectuals, journalists, professionals, small merchants, and small rural producers, most of whom served the agricultural commercial elite. The rural petty bourgeoisie was a group of small henequen and grain producers; they had no political influence and were vulnerable to taxation or economic crises. Rural caciques often came from this class.

另外，革命前夕尤卡坦也有了中产阶级，占人口的3%至5%，由知识分子、记者、专业人士、小商人和农村小生产者组成，大多为农业商业精英服务。农村小资产阶级是一个由小型剑麻和粮食生产者组成的群体，他们没有政治影响力，容易受到税收或经济危机的伤害。农村卡西克（caciques）往往来自这个阶级。

The polarization of social strata, extreme forced labor and debt servitude had already turned the Yucatán Peninsula into a “social hell,” urgently requiring a revolution. In 1909, Francisco Madero, after visiting the henequen plantations of Yucatán, said, “If Mexico has a social revolution, it will begin in Yucatán.” Yucatán, relatively closed and possessing a multi-layered police system, now urgently needed an external shock. Only when most of the old regime’s political and repressive power was neutralized by an outside force would the Maya’s tradition of struggle be awakened, thereby forming a genuine popular political mobilization.

社会阶层的两极分化，极端的强迫劳动和债务奴役，已经使得尤卡坦半岛成为“社会地狱”，迫切需要一场革命。1909年弗兰西斯科·马德罗在参观了尤卡坦剑麻种植园之后说，“如果墨西哥有一场社会革命，它将从尤卡坦开始”。相对封闭和拥有多层次警察体系的尤卡坦，这时亟须一种外力的冲击。只有当旧政权的大部分政治和镇压权力被外部力量遏制之后，玛雅人的斗争传统才会被唤醒，从而形成真正的民众政治动员。

4. Alvarado’s earlier reforms laid the foundation

4. 阿尔瓦拉多的前期改革奠定了基础

The reforms of Alvarado from 1915 to 1917 were a “top-down” bourgeois revolution that abolished oligarchic rule and its armed forces. Given that Yucatán was then the richest state in Mexico, President Carranza regarded it as a major source of revenue for the central government, and therefore sent Alvarado to lead troops into the city of Mérida on March 19, 1915. He quickly abolished the old repressive mechanisms that supported the oligarchic regime and established a local committee composed of planters, merchants, the middle class, and workers—a multi-class alliance populist government. This new government initiated the process of popular political mobilization in Yucatán in a moderate manner. To increase pressure on the planters and the export bourgeoisie in negotiations, Alvarado founded the Socialist Workers’ Party on June 2, 1916, and simultaneously carried out a series of economic and social reforms.

1915至1917年阿尔瓦拉多的改革便是一场废除寡头统治及其武装力量的“自上而下”的资产阶级革命。鉴于尤卡坦是当时墨西哥最富有的州，卡兰萨总统把尤卡坦当作中央政府的重要财源之一，因此，派阿尔瓦拉多1915年3月19日率军进入梅里达市。他很快就废除了支持寡头政权的旧的镇压机制，并成立了一个由种植园主、商人、中产阶级和工人组成的地方委员会，这是一个多阶级联盟的民众主义政府。新政府以一种温和的方式开启了尤卡坦民众的政治动员进程。为了在谈判中增加对种植园主和出口资产阶级的压力，阿尔瓦拉多1916年6月2日成立了社会主义工人党，同时，进行了一系列经济和社会改革。

In economic reform, the debt-peonage system was abolished, liberating approximately 100,000 laborers; negotiations with international monopoly capital raised the price of henequen; to reduce export costs, the first Yucatán merchant fleet was established; the Yucatán railway system was expanded; the rope industry was revived and modernized; a market regulatory commission was set up to import and sell basic necessities at cost; land reform was initiated, and in accordance with the federal government’s 1915 Land Law, the Agricultural Commission led by Carrillo was charged with implementing land distribution, allocating several thousand hectares to twelve villages and distributing many additional hectares to individuals in the form of smallholdings.

在经济改革方面，废除了债役农制度，解放了大约10万名劳工；与国际垄断资本谈判，提高了剑麻的价格；为了降低出口成本，建立了第一支尤卡坦商船队；扩建了尤卡坦铁路系统；恢复了绳索工业并使之现代化；设立了一个市场监管委员会，负责按成本价进口和销售基本必需品；开启了土地改革，根据联邦政府1915年的《土地法》，责成卡里略领导的农业委员会实施土地分配，将几千公顷的土地分配给12个村庄，还将许多公顷的土地以份地形式分配给个人。

In educational reform, the new government promulgated the General Public Education Law, established rural schools, and stipulated that education must be secular, free, compulsory, and comprehensive. In 1916, an education congress was convened, agricultural and fine arts schools were founded, and a conservatory of music and the Peninsula Literary and Arts Association—one of the most renowned cultural institutions of the time—were created. Libraries, numbering over one hundred, were set up in every municipality and on many plantations. By 1918, more than 1,000 schools had been established, staffed by 2,000 teachers, with a budget of 2.5 million pesos, equivalent to 40 percent of the state government’s total expenditure; schools were regarded as the lever to rescue the indigenous people from ignorance—the very people who had once possessed one of the most wondrous cultures of antiquity.

在教育改革方面，新政府颁布了《普通公共教育法》，设立了农村学校，规定教育必须是世俗的、免费的、义务的和全面的。1916年，召开了一次教育大会，创办了农业和美术学校，成立了音乐学院和半岛文艺协会——当时最著名的文化机构之一。在每个市镇和一些种植园都设立了图书馆，达100多个。到1918年，已经建立1000多所学校，由2000名教师提供服务，预算为250万比索，相当于州政府总支出预算的40%;学校被认为是从无知中拯救土著民众的杠杆，而这些土著民众曾经拥有古代最神奇的文化。

In women’s emancipation, Alvarado prohibited patriarchal authority, advocated equality between men and women, cracked down on alcoholism, abolished brothels, implemented coeducation, and opened government positions to women. He promoted the First Feminist Congress of Mexico, held in Yucatán on January 13, 1916, which passed decrees advancing progressive proposals to guarantee women’s livelihood and voting rights.

在妇女解放方面，阿尔瓦拉多禁止夫权主义，倡导男女平等，打击酗酒，废除妓院，实行男女同校教育，并向妇女开放政府职位。他推动了1916年1月13日在尤卡坦举行的墨西哥第一届女权主义大会，会议通过法令，提出了保障妇女生活和投票权的先进提议。

In legislation, the new government promulgated the Agricultural Law, the Labor Law, the Fiscal Law, the Land Registration Law, and the Law on Municipal Organization of the State—the so-called “Five Sisters Laws.” Among them, the Agricultural Law provided for the establishment of an agricultural bank; the Labor Law set up conciliation and arbitration committees to resolve labor-capital disputes and stipulated maximum working hours and minimum wages for both rural and urban areas; the Fiscal Law established a single consumption tax; and the Land Registration Law incorporated the concept of registering public property with the Land Administration Bureau. With the exception of the last, all the “Five Sisters Laws” were enacted before the 1917 Constitution and exerted significant influence on the drafting of the new national constitution. In three years, the new government issued a total of 753 decrees, building a genuine legal structure.

在立法方面，新政府颁布了《农业法》《劳动法》《财政法》《土地登记法》《州的市政组织法》，即所谓“五姊妹法”。其中，《农业法》规定成立农业银行；《劳动法》设立调解和仲裁委员会，以解决劳资纠纷，还规定了农村和城市的最高工作日和最低工资；《财政法》规定了单一消费税；《土地登记法》包含了将公共财产登记纳入土地管理局的概念。 “五姊妹法”除最后一个外，其余都是在《1917年宪法》之前颁布的，对国家新宪法的制定发挥了重要影响。新政府在三年中共颁布了753项法令，建成了一个真正的法律结构。

The Alvarado government designed and implemented a relatively comprehensive reform, hoping it would help end feudalism in Yucatán and serve as a model for all of Mexico. However, this reform was not aimed at eliminating the large estates, nor did it seek to alter the agricultural structure in favor of the peasants; rather, its purpose was to obtain greater fiscal revenue. During Alvarado’s tenure, almost no land on the henequen plantations was distributed; most of the land that was allocated consisted of uncultivated land or land planted with other crops. His priority was to abolish the debt-peonage system, establish rural schools, and create healthcare services for the peasants, with the goal of turning those he regarded as “new feudal lords” into modern capitalists and transforming semi-slave debt peons into workers or genuine proletarians. To increase henequen plantation output, he specifically recruited 21,136 workers from other parts of Mexico, and in 1916 expanded the henequen cultivation area to 338,552 hectares, double the 1910 figure. During his term, the funds provided to the Carranza government in taxes alone amounted to 12 million pesos (approximately 6 million U.S. dollars). Evidence indicates that he sent at least 20 million pesos from the regulatory commission’s fund to Mexico City, along with another 30 million pesos forcibly imposed on the plantation owners as an interest-free loan, also delivered to Carranza. Alvarado’s thought was not based on Marxist ideology; he defended the right to private property, did not oppose U.S. imperialism, emphasized class conciliation, did not recognize workers’ right to strike, and believed only in state interventionism.

阿尔瓦拉多政府设计和实施了一个较为全面的改革，希望有助于结束尤卡坦的封建主义，并成为整个墨西哥的榜样。但是，这一改革并不是为了消灭大地产，也不想改变农业结构以利于农民，而是为了获得更多的财政收入。在阿尔瓦拉多任内，剑麻种植园的土地几乎没有被分配，大部分被分配的土地都是未开垦的或种有其他产品的土地。他优先考虑的是废除债役农制度，建立农村学校，为农民建立医疗保健服务，目标是把他认为的“新封建主”变成现代资本家，把半奴隶的债役农变成工人或真正的无产者。为了提高剑麻种植园的产量，他专门从墨西哥其他地区雇用了21136名工人，1916年将剑麻种植面积扩大到338552公顷，是1910年的两倍。在他任期内，仅以税收的形式给卡兰萨政府提供的资金就达1200万比索（约600万美元）。有证据表明，他将至少2000万比索的监管委员会基金送到了墨西哥城，另外还有一笔通过对种植园主强制施加的3000万比索的无息贷款也送给了卡兰萨。阿尔瓦拉多的思想并非基于马克思主义意识形态，他维护私有财产权，不反对美帝国主义，强调阶级调和，不承认工人罢工的权利，只相信国家干预主义。

Alvarado was indeed able to strike a balance between the interests of capitalists and workers and to maintain the state’s economic prosperity. This was due not only to the 7,000-strong army he commanded and his organizational capacity, but also to the timing of his arrival in Yucatán. It was a period of strong world demand for henequen and the golden age of Yucatán’s henequen production; the massive income from henequen made class conciliation possible. At the same time, the 1917 Constitution had not yet been enacted, and he enjoyed a degree of autonomy in this relatively isolated region, free from central constraints. But by the second half of 1917, President Carranza nevertheless blocked his reforms; the president only wanted this region to be integrated with the rest of the country and did not wish Alvarado to pursue genuinely radical reforms. Alvarado left Yucatán in 1918.

阿尔瓦拉多确实能够在资本家和工人的利益之间取得平衡，并保持了该州的经济繁荣。这不仅得益于他率领的7000人的军队和他的组织能力，还在于他到达尤卡坦的时机。当时正是世界剑麻市场需求旺盛期，也是尤卡坦剑麻生产的黄金期，大量的剑麻收入使得阶级调和成为可能。同时，《1917年宪法》尚未出台，他在这个相对孤立的地区有一定的自治权，不受中央束缚。但到1917年下半年，卡兰萨总统还是阻止了他的改革，总统只想让这个地区与全国其他地区结合起来，并不想让阿尔瓦拉多推行真正的激进改革。阿尔瓦拉多于1918年离开尤卡坦。

The “top-down” reform implemented by Alvarado set in motion the sociopolitical mobilization of the Yucatán Peninsula, awakened the revolutionary consciousness of the lower classes, and to a great extent laid the foundation for Carrillo’s “bottom-up” socialist revolution.

阿尔瓦拉多实施的“自上而下”的改革，启动了尤卡坦半岛的社会政治动员，唤醒了下层民众的革命意识，在很大程度上为卡里略“自下而上”的社会主义革命奠定了基础。

5. The Socialist Party and the Resistance Leagues Played an Important Role

5. 社会主义党与抵抗联盟发挥了重要作用

The Yucatán socialist movement made full use of the role of the political party. The Socialist Party of Yucatán had its predecessor in the Socialist Workers’ Party founded by Alvarado; after Carrillo assumed the party chairmanship, he reorganized it and expanded its scope to two other states, renaming it the Socialist Party of the Southeast, with an equilateral red triangle as its party emblem. The party’s distinctive features were: first, it named its local grassroots organizations “Resistance Leagues” (liga de resistencia)—revolutionary leagues to resist the threat of retaliation from the oligarchy and its allies—composed of urban and rural revolutionary organizations. Urban trade unions, after Alvarado’s departure, were renamed Resistance Leagues; rural Resistance Leagues began to be organized under Carrillo’s leadership from mid-1917. Local Resistance Leagues were unified under the leadership of the “Central Resistance League.” Second, during Carrillo’s tenure as governor, the governor was simultaneously the party leader and the chairman of the Central Resistance League; locally, the Resistance Leagues served as both constituent units and instruments of the party and government, forming an organizational framework of party-government integration, thereby enabling the party’s vanguard role to be exercised efficiently.

尤卡坦社会主义运动充分发挥了政党的作用。尤卡坦社会主义党的前身是阿尔瓦拉多建立的社会主义工人党，卡里略担任党主席之后对其进行了改组，并将范围扩大到另外两个州，更名为东南社会主义党，党徽是红色等边三角形。该党的独特之处在于：一是它将在各地的党的基层组织命名为“抵抗联盟”（liga de resistencia），即抵抗寡头及其盟友报复威胁的革命联盟，由城市和农村的革命组织组成。城市工会在阿尔瓦拉多离开后改名为抵抗联盟，农村抵抗联盟是1917年中期开始由卡里略领导组建的。地方抵抗联盟由“中央抵抗联盟”统一领导。二是在卡里略担任州长期间，州长既是党的领袖又是中央抵抗联盟的主席，地方上的抵抗联盟则是党和政府的组成单位和工具，形成了一种党政合一的组织构架，从而使党的先锋队作用得到了高效发挥。

In April 1918, the local legislature granted legal personality to the Resistance Leagues of the Socialist Party of Yucatán, enabling their members to exercise civil rights and pursue labor demands. The Resistance Leagues were somewhat akin to local “soviets,” serving as media for the development of sociopolitical life in small communities. They penetrated every town, village, and even plantation; political elections, land distribution, women’s equal rights, school construction, urban beautification, and anti-alcohol campaigns were all advanced through the Resistance Leagues. The Resistance Leagues held a meeting every Monday, known as “Red Monday,” whose thematic activities included education, music, poetry, dance, theater, and sports competitions; their members also discussed economic issues, land distribution, labor-capital conflicts, and other matters of direct concern to their own interests, and sought solutions. The Resistance Leagues provided genuine social security for their members: when a party comrade encountered difficulties, the league would raise funds to alleviate his or her hardship. Peasants also obtained much useful information and political inspiration at the gatherings. The Resistance Leagues became an organization that genuinely promoted class consciousness and self-development.

1918年4月，地方立法机构授予尤卡坦社会主义党的抵抗联盟以法人资格，以便其成员能够行使公民权利和劳工诉求。抵抗联盟有点类似地方的“苏维埃”，是小社区社会政治生活发展的媒介。它深入每个城镇、村庄甚至种植园，政治选举、土地分配、妇女平权、学校建造、城市美化以及反酗酒宣传等活动都是通过抵抗联盟来推进的。抵抗联盟每周一都会举行一次集会，被称为“红色星期一”，主题活动的内容包括教育、音乐、诗歌、舞蹈、戏剧、体育比赛等项目；其成员们还讨论经济问题、土地分配、劳资矛盾等与自身利益攸关的问题，并寻找解决方案。抵抗联盟为成员提供了真正的社会保障，当一个党员出现困难时，联盟会为其募捐以缓解其困难境况。农民在集会中也得到了很多有用信息和政治激励。抵抗联盟成了一个真正促进阶级意识和自我发展的组织。

The organization of the Resistance Leagues had clear features of democratic centralism. The Central Resistance League held significant control over the local Resistance Leagues, collecting membership dues paid by the local leagues and dispatching technical representatives to guide or promote the work of the local leagues. The Central Resistance League possessed enormous political power, able to modify government resolutions through the application of pressure; at the same time, it also wielded considerable economic strength, able to implement its actions through its budget—it owned an oil enterprise with a capital of 500,000 pesos, and the Party’s subordinate organizations had established multiple cooperatives. When problems arose in villages and towns—whether labor-capital issues, disputes over land, or demands for improved services—as long as a Party member petitioned, the local Resistance League would accept the case and report it to the Central Resistance League according to its importance, and the Central Resistance League would arrange for a swift resolution. The result was usually heavily favorable to the workers.

抵抗联盟的组织有明显的民主集中制特征。中央抵抗联盟对地方抵抗联盟有重要的控制权，会收取地方抵抗联盟缴纳的会费，并派出技术代表指导或促进地方抵抗联盟的工作。中央抵抗联盟拥有巨大的政治权力，可以通过施加压力来修改政府决议；同时，它也拥有不小的经济力量，可以通过它的预算来实施其行动——它拥有一个资本为50万比索的石油企业，党的下属组织成立了多个合作社。当村镇出现问题的时候，无论是劳资问题，争夺土地，或者要求改善服务，只要是党员请愿，当地的抵抗联盟都会接受，并根据案件的重要程度向中央抵抗联盟上报，而中央抵抗联盟会安排迅速解决。其结果通常在很大程度上是有利于工人的。

Carrillo once commented: “The Resistance League is not merely a political party or an educational institution, nor is it merely an instrument of local government; it is a combination of all these functions. It is an instrument for the Maya and the revival of their culture, giving them the power they need to carry out a broad social program… The Resistance League is Yucatán’s… It is an instrument of spiritual growth.” During Carrillo’s tenure as governor, the number of Resistance League members rose sharply. At the end of 1922, there were approximately 73,000 league members in 417 Resistance Leagues. A year later, membership had already far exceeded 80,000.

卡里略曾评论：“抵抗联盟不仅仅是一个政党或一个教育机构，也不仅仅是一个地方政府的工具，它是所有这些功能的结合体。它是玛雅人及其文化复兴的工具，它给予他们所需的权力，以执行广泛的社会计划……抵抗联盟是尤卡坦的……它是精神成长的工具。”在卡里略担任州长期间，抵抗联盟人数急剧上升。在1922年底，417个抵抗联盟中大约有73000名联盟成员。而一年之后，其成员人数已经远远超过80000人。

6. Carrillo’s Personal Factors Were Crucial

6. 卡里略的个人因素至关重要

Carrillo was a tall, handsome man with fair skin and green eyes, a typical criollo of the Yucatán Peninsula. He was born in 1874 in the henequen-producing region of Motul, Yucatán, the second of fourteen children in his family. His father had followed Juárez in the war against the French intervention and later made a living running a general store. Forced by circumstances from childhood, Carrillo took up many occupations, including farmer, cattle herder, lumberjack, blacksmith, circus performer, rural cart driver, muleteer, butcher, train ticket inspector, retailer, stevedore, journalist, agronomist, revolutionary, and legislator. His turbulent life and checkered experiences gave him broad exposure to the sufferings of Maya peasants, workers, and marginalized social strata, stirring his dissatisfaction with the existing social order. His leadership qualities manifested before he came of age: he once incited indigenous people to tear down barriers that prevented them from entering their own cornfields, for which he was accused by the plantation owners who had erected the barriers and was imprisoned. At every stage of his life, he resisted injustice. In every instance of encountering setbacks, he forged a profound ideological conviction, determined to change his surroundings and yearning to build a just new society.

卡里略是个身材高大、英俊的男子，有着白皙的皮肤和绿色的眼睛，是尤卡坦半岛典型的克里奥尔人。他1874年生于尤卡坦剑麻产区的莫图尔市，是家里14个孩子中的老二。他父亲曾经跟随华雷斯参加过反法战争，后来以开杂货店为生。他自小为生活所迫，从事了许多职业，包括农民、牧牛人、伐木者、铁匠、马戏团员、乡间车夫、骡夫、屠夫、火车检票员、零售商、装卸工、记者、农学家、革命家、立法者等。动荡的生活和坎坷的经历使他广泛了解到玛雅农民、工人和社会边缘阶层的疾苦，激发了他对社会现状的不满。他的领袖素质在未成年的时候就得以显露，他曾鼓动印第安人拆除阻止他们进入自己玉米地的路障，为此遭到设置路障的种植园主的指控而进入监狱。在他生命的每一个阶段，他都反抗不公正。在每一次遭遇挫折的情况下，他都建立了深刻的思想信念，决心改变周围的环境，渴望构建一个公正的新社会。

Carrillo completed only primary school; his socialist ideas were formed more through the “university of society.” In his daily life he consciously engaged with various political doctrines, seeking an ideology to guide his actions. His initial understanding of socialist principles may have been introduced in childhood by the village priest, a Spanish refugee with an anarcho-syndicalist background. As a young man, he read a chapter of Marx’s *Capital*, as well as works by Proudhon and other European leftist figures. However, before joining the Zapatista organization, his thinking still fell within the liberal spectrum. He had attacked Porfirismo in the press, and while serving a prison sentence in 1911 he translated the Constitution of 1857 into the Maya language. In 1913 he was briefly exiled in New Orleans, where, working as a stevedore, he befriended radical American workers and his political consciousness was raised. It was only after entering the ranks of the Zapatistas in 1914 that he learned more about socialist doctrine. In the Zapatista ranks he quickly earned the title of “cavalry colonel” and became a member of the Third Agricultural Commission of the Cuitláhuac District, responsible for land reform. Through his interactions with the Mexican liberal Soto y Gama, and through reading and discussing anarchist and socialist works with other agronomists, he gradually formed a Marxist worldview. When he heard in 1915 that General Alvarado had arrived in Yucatán, he resolutely returned to his hometown, joined the Agricultural Commission established by Alvarado, and soon demonstrated exceptional organizational and mobilizational abilities. As mentioned earlier, at the Motul Congress held in 1918, Carrillo invited the Romanian-American Marxist Robert Haberman to provide political consultation to the Socialist Party of Yucatán; Haberman introduced the history and organizational methods of the European and American working-class movements, giving Carrillo and key Party members a profound education in Marxist thought. By 1920, when Carrillo returned from a brief exile in the United States, he considered himself a Marxist and a communist. From 1921 to 1923, Carrillo also maintained a close correspondence with the Argentine socialist José Ingenieros, which greatly enriched his socialist thinking. From Ingenieros he acquired a Latin American anti-imperialist consciousness and engaged in political reflection on the world political situation transformed by the First World War and the Russian Revolution. Ingenieros advised him to maintain revolutionary solidarity with the Soviet Union, but also believed that Latin American social processes would not necessarily lead to the paradigm of the Russian Revolution. He preferred to speak of Mexico’s agrarian socialism.

卡里略只完成了小学的学习，他的社会主义思想的形成更多来源于“社会大学”。他在生活中自觉接触各种政治学说，寻求指导他行动的意识形态。他最初对社会主义原则的了解也许是小时候由村里的牧师介绍的，这个牧师是个西班牙难民，有无政府主义—工联主义的背景。作为一个年轻人，他阅读过马克思《资本论》的一个章节，以及普鲁东和其他欧洲左派人物的书。然而，在加入萨帕塔组织之前，他的思想仍属于自由主义的范围。他曾在报刊上攻击波菲里奥主义，1911年在监狱服刑期间将《1857年宪法》翻译成玛雅语。1913年他一度在新奥尔良流亡，作为码头装卸工与美国的激进工人交朋友，政治觉悟得到提高。只是在1914年进入萨帕塔的队伍之后，他才更多地了解到社会主义学说。他在萨帕塔的队伍中很快获得了“骑兵上校”的头衔，并成为库特拉区第三农业委员会的成员，负责土改工作。他在与墨西哥自由党人索托·伽马的交往中，在与其他农学家一起阅读和讨论无政府主义和社会主义作品的过程中，逐渐形成了马克思主义的世界观。当他1915年听说阿尔瓦拉多将军抵达尤卡坦后，便毅然回到家乡，参加了阿尔瓦拉多成立的农业委员会，并很快表现出了独特的组织和动员能力。如前所述，在1918年召开的莫图尔大会上，卡里略邀请罗马尼亚裔的美国马克思主义者罗伯特·哈伯曼为尤卡坦社会主义党提供政治咨询，后者介绍了欧洲和美国工人阶级运动的历史和组织方式，让卡里略和社会主义党的重要成员都受到了一次深刻的马克思主义思想教育。1920年，当卡里略经历短暂流亡从美国回来的时候，他自认为已经是一名马克思主义者和共产主义者了。1921—1923年，卡里略还与阿根廷社会党人何塞·恩戈内罗斯（JoséIngenieros）建立了密切的书信往来，这对丰富他的社会主义思想帮助很大。他从恩戈内罗斯那里获得了拉美反帝国主义的意识，并对第一次世界大战和俄罗斯革命改变的世界政治局势进行了政治思考。恩戈内罗斯建议他与苏联保持革命团结的联系，但同时认为，拉美社会进程不一定导致俄罗斯革命的范式。他更喜欢谈论墨西哥的农业社会主义。

Carrillo’s Socialist Party established ties with the Soviet Union. The Party’s placards carried quotations from the *Communist Manifesto*, the *Internationale* was sung at the close of all political meetings, and the Party’s letterhead bore the resolutions of the Third International. On February 1, 1922, the Soviet envoy of the Leninist faction, David Dubrowski, attended Carrillo’s inauguration as governor. In 1923, the Carrillo government supported the Soviet government with a shipment of medicines and other goods, receiving a reply from Lenin along with political advice on handling agricultural issues. The Carrillo government was particularly impressed by the Soviet school system and adopted it as a reference model for educational reform in Yucatán. Nevertheless, from the outset of his administration, Carrillo emphasized building his government as an independent socialist regime: “We do not intend to imitate Soviet Bolshevism. But we will certainly establish a system in which only workers have the right to distribute and receive justice.” Carrillo proudly proclaimed his government “the first socialist government in the Americas.” Yet his socialism was not a dogmatic copy, but a pragmatic socialism suited to local social conditions.

卡里略的社会主义党与苏联建立了联系。社会主义党的标语牌上贴着《共产党宣言》中的语录，在所有政治会议结束时都唱《国际歌》，党的信纸上印有第三国际的决议。1922年2月1日，列宁派的苏联特使大卫·杜布罗夫斯基（David Dubrowski）出席了卡里略的州长就职仪式。1923年，卡里略政府用一批药品和其他物品支持苏联政府，获得了列宁的答复，并得到了列宁对处理农业问题的政治建议。卡里略政府对苏联的学校体系印象特别深刻，把该体系作为尤卡坦教育改革的一个参考模式。尽管如此，卡里略在执政之初就强调要将他的政府建成一个独立的社会主义政权：“我们不打算模仿苏联的布尔什维克主义。但我们肯定会建立一个只有工人才有权利分配和接受正义的制度。”卡里略自豪地宣称他的政府是“美洲第一个社会主义政府”。但他的社会主义并非一种教条主义的照搬，而是一种适合本地社会状况的务实的社会主义。

Carrillo not only possessed firm socialist convictions but also demonstrated extraordinary organizational and leadership abilities. Given the cultural particularities of the Yucatán Peninsula, he focused his work on the countryside, especially the plantations. Having learned Maya history and language in primary school, and having changed jobs one after another, he was intimately familiar with the peninsula’s popular conditions; thus, he could skillfully employ the vernacular language and expressions favored by the Maya in propaganda and agitation among the local peasants. He was an outstanding orator with immense charisma, affectionately called “Green Eyes” by the peasants of the local villages and towns.

卡里略不仅具有坚定的社会主义信念，而且具备超强的组织能力和领导能力。鉴于尤卡坦半岛的文化特性，他将工作的重心放在农村，特别是种植园。他在小学时就学习了玛雅人的历史和语言，接二连三地更换职业更使他熟知半岛的民情，因此，他能够巧妙地运用玛雅人喜欢的大众语言和表达方式在当地农民中进行宣传和鼓动。他是一位具有极强感染力的出色演讲者，被当地村镇的农民亲切地称为“绿眼睛”。

As a shrewd politician, he recognized that the realization of the socialist program required not only the political mobilization of peasants and workers but also powerful allies at both the regional and federal levels.

作为一个精明的政治家，他认识到社会主义计划的实现不仅要对农民和工人进行政治动员，而且在地区和联邦层面都要有强大的盟友。

At the regional level, he recognized that the road to liberation for the Maya was long, while the time he had was very short. Therefore, in his political mobilization he chose to ally with the *caciques*, [21]21 *Caciques*: local political bosses or strongmen, often of indigenous origin, who exercised power through patronage and control over land and labor in rural Mexico. using them as political cadres and granting them preferential treatment in tax reduction, land distribution, wage increases, and increased employment on the haciendas; the latter, in turn, acknowledged his absolute authority within the state. The *caciques* not only selectively employed violence against opponents of the current regime, ensuring the Socialist Party’s political monopoly in the region, but also served as informal community chiefs, using various drastic and coercive means to guarantee that local peasants joined the Resistance Leagues, [22]22 Resistance Leagues (*Ligas de Resistencia*): organizations of peasants and workers formed by the Socialist Party of Yucatán to mobilize support and enforce party policies. sometimes even organizing the Leagues themselves. In this way, Carrillo skillfully used the existing power base of the rural gentry to serve the Socialist Party. Of course, this also laid the groundwork for the subsequent failure of the revolution.

在地区层面，他意识到玛雅人的解放之路很长，而他拥有的时间却很短，因此，他在政治动员中选择了与卡西克结盟，将他们作为政治骨干，在减免税收、分配土地、增加工资、增加种植园就业等方面给予他们优惠；而后者承认他在州内的绝对权威。卡西克不仅有选择地对现政权的反对者实施暴力，确保社会主义党在该地区的政治垄断地位，而且兼任非正式的社区长，通过各种激烈和强制手段保证当地的农民加入抵抗联盟行列，有时甚至亲自组建抵抗联盟。由此，卡里略实现了巧妙地利用现有乡绅权力基础为社会主义党服务的目的。当然，这也给后来的革命失败埋下了伏笔。

At the federal level, he managed relations with the federal government relatively well. During the Porfiriato, [23]23 Porfiriato: the period of rule by Porfirio Díaz (1876–1911), characterized by authoritarianism, foreign investment, and economic growth at the expense of the poor and indigenous. Yucatán had been the federal government’s “cash cow.” After the revolution began, political chaos broke out there. President Carranza, [24]24 Venustiano Carranza: a leader of the Mexican Revolution, president of Mexico from 1917 to 1920. seeking funds to support the revolution, sent Alvarado [25]25 Salvador Alvarado: a general in the Mexican Revolution, appointed military governor of Yucatán by Carranza in 1915, where he implemented progressive reforms. to suppress the rebellion, and the latter launched a populist revolution there. However, Carranza subsequently shifted to the right in his struggle with Obregón [26]26 Álvaro Obregón: a general in the Mexican Revolution, president of Mexico from 1920 to 1924. for central power. Carrillo had the foresight to side with the Obregón faction, becoming the first regional leader to declare support for Obregón. Although his bold action temporarily drew Carranza’s crackdown, the situation quickly reversed after Obregón came to power in 1920, allowing Carrillo to stage a comeback. Obregón was a relatively radical president, and it was with the support of the Obregón government that Carrillo was able to carry out socialist reforms with bold strokes. He once wrote to Obregón, saying: “The people of Yucatán truly love you, because during your administration, the progress of the workers is guaranteed.” But his final defeat also came from supporting Obregón. In December 1923, former acting president Adolfo de la Huerta [27]27 Adolfo de la Huerta: acting president of Mexico in 1920, later led a failed rebellion against Obregón in 1923–1924. launched a rebellion against Obregón. Faced with a severe political crisis, President Obregón was unable to extend a helping hand to Carrillo. Carrillo was arrested while evacuating and was later shot dead by de la Huerta’s subordinates.

在联邦层面，他较好地协调了与联邦政府的关系。尤卡坦在波菲里奥时期一直是联邦政府的“摇钱树”。革命开始之后这里一度出现政局混乱，卡兰萨总统为获得支持革命的资金，派阿尔瓦拉多前往平叛，后者在那里发动了民众主义革命。但随后卡兰萨在与奥夫雷贡争夺中央权力的斗争中立场向右转。卡里略富有远见地站在奥夫雷贡派一边，成为第一个宣布支持奥夫雷贡的地区领导人。他的大胆行动虽然暂时遭到卡兰萨的打击，但在1920年奥夫雷贡上台后便很快扭转了局面，得以东山再起。奥夫雷贡是较为激进的总统，正是在奥夫雷贡政府的支持下，卡里略才得以大刀阔斧地实行社会主义改革。他曾给奥夫雷贡写信说：“尤卡坦人民真正地爱戴您，因为在您的政府任期内，工人的进步是有保证的。”但他的最后失败也是由于支持奥夫雷贡。1923年12月，前代理总统阿道夫·德拉·韦尔塔发动了反对奥夫雷贡的叛乱，在严峻的政治危机面前奥夫雷贡总统未能对卡里略施加援手，他在撤离的途中遭到逮捕，后被韦尔塔部下枪杀。

III. Conclusion

三、结 语

Marked by the shooting of Carrillo and his twelve revolutionary comrades, the Yucatán socialist movement ended in defeat. The reasons for the defeat are manifold. Compared with the Alvarado government, the Carrillo government was based only on civilian rule and lacked the military support of the federal government. His power base relied mainly on the agricultural sector, but during his tenure the international price of henequen [28]28 Henequen: a type of agave plant cultivated in Yucatán for its fiber, used to make rope and twine; the region’s dominant export crop. fell and the henequen industry declined, so his government could not obtain sufficient budget revenue, leaving most reform policies unimplemented. In the process of political mobilization, he made use of the *caciques*, but the *caciques* often engaged in repression, threats, and even kidnapping through nepotism, clientelism, and informal political networks, causing political corruption and doing nothing to help genuine political mobilization. The goals of his socialist movement were too radical, running counter to the general direction of the federal government. After all, the Mexican Revolution was a bourgeois revolution. Although some radical cases could be found during the great revolution and national reconstruction, the politicians of the federal government were not Marxists, nor did they genuinely want an excessively radical movement in any particular region. Moreover, as a regional leader, Carrillo was too strong-willed. In the 1920s, as the national revolutionary movement gradually subsided, the federal government was seeking to build an integrated state through a corporatist [29]29 Corporatist: referring to a system of state-organized interest representation, where the government co-opts labor, peasant, and business groups into official structures to control and integrate them. approach that brought together the industrial and agricultural sectors. In this situation, a radical regional strongman like Carrillo was unwelcome. Only when the actions of a local government were consistent with or conformed to the intentions of the central government could it accomplish something; otherwise, it was difficult to survive for long.

以卡里略和他的12个革命同伴被枪杀为标志，尤卡坦社会主义运动遭到了失败。失败的原因是多方面的。与阿尔瓦拉多政府相比，卡里略政府只建立在文职统治基础上，缺乏联邦政府的军事支持。他的权力基础主要依托于农业部门，但在他任内恰逢国际剑麻价格下跌和剑麻工业衰落，他的政府无法获得足够的预算，从而使大多数改革政策不能落实。他在政治动员过程中利用了卡西克，但卡西克往往通过裙带关系、庇护制、非正式政治网络从事镇压、威胁甚至绑架等，造成政治腐败，无助于真正的政治动员。他的社会主义运动目标过于激进，有违联邦政府总的发展方向。墨西哥革命毕竟是一场资产阶级革命，尽管在大革命和国家重建中可以找到一些激进的案例，但联邦政府的政治家们并不是马克思主义者，他们也并不真心希望某一个地区出现过激的运动。再者，作为地区领导人，卡里略太强势了。在20世纪20年代，随着全国革命运动的逐渐平息，联邦政府正在寻求一种通过凝聚工业部门和农业部门的职团主义的方式构建一体化的国家，在这种局势面前，像卡里略这样激进的地区强人是不受欢迎的。当地方政府的行为与中央政府一致或符合中央意图的时候，才能有所作为，否则很难长久存在。

Although this movement failed, it had a profound impact. First, there was the impact on Yucatán society during the movement itself. Carrillo’s economic reforms achieved land distribution and labor emancipation for a time, encouraged production diversification, and promoted changes in the monoculture structure. Politically, they struck at the oligarchic rule of the hacienda owners and raised the political consciousness and social status of peasants and workers. In the socio-cultural sphere, thousands of new schools were created, a secular education system was established, and the health, hygiene, and other social welfare of the local population were greatly improved. Strengthening the teaching of the Maya language, building museums, and constructing roads to Maya archaeological sites promoted the cultural revival of the Maya Indians.

尽管这场运动失败了，但它却产生了深远的影响。首先是运动开展期间对尤卡坦社会的影响。卡里略的经济改革一度实现了土地分配和劳动力解放，鼓励了生产多样化，促进了单一产品制结构的改变。在政治上，打击了种植园寡头统治，提高了农民和工人的政治觉悟和社会地位。在社会文化方面，创建了数以千计的新学校，建立了世俗教育体系，大大增加了本地人口的健康、卫生和其他社会福利。加强玛雅语教学、修建博物馆和前往玛雅遗址的道路等，则促进了玛雅印第安人的文化复兴。

Second, the movement influenced national reconstruction during the Cárdenas period. [30]30 Lázaro Cárdenas: president of Mexico from 1934 to 1940, known for radical land reform, oil nationalization, and socialist-oriented policies. President Cárdenas’s tenure was a radical phase of Mexican national reconstruction. He was undoubtedly influenced by the Yucatán socialist movement. During his presidential campaign, he declared: “The basic action of the Mexican Revolution in its new phase is to move toward socialism. It is different both from anachronistic classical liberalism and from the communism being experimented with in the Soviet Union. People do not want individualistic liberalism, because it can only produce the exploitation of man by man, consecrating natural wealth and the means of production to selfish individuals. Nor do they want communism, because our people are unwilling to share the fruits of labor collectively, unwilling to replace a private boss with a state boss.” The socialism he envisioned was one in which the workers control all the means of production and wealth is distributed fairly among the factors of production, eliminating all unearned income. But he did not believe the state would become an exploiter; rather, he considered it necessary for the state to act as a regulator of production and distribution. Specifically in agriculture, his goal was to establish collective *ejidos*. [31]31 *Ejidos*: communally held agricultural land, granted to peasant communities under Mexican land reform. In 1937, Cárdenas himself came to Yucatán to preside over land reform in the henequen-producing region. He chose Yucatán and the cotton-producing Laguna region in the north as demonstration windows for building a collective economy. The land of hundreds of haciendas there was merged into 272 collective farms, managed and cultivated collectively by the peasants, while a series of large collective processing plants were established. Carrillo’s idea of collectivizing the haciendas was put into concrete practice in this land reform. Of course, due to factors such as the disconnect between the supply of henequen from the haciendas and the processing by the collective plants, this reform did not produce the desired results. In addition, the socialist education advocated during the Cárdenas period was also inspired by the experience of Yucatán’s rationalist education. The Southeastern Socialist Party led by Carrillo was absorbed when the official National Revolutionary Party (PNR) [32]32 National Revolutionary Party (PNR): the ruling party founded in 1929, later renamed the Party of the Mexican Revolution (PRM) and then the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). was founded in 1929, and his experience in party building was promoted from Yucatán to the whole country. Carrillo’s use of archaeological remains, ancient architecture, and forms of folk art expression to awaken and cultivate the Maya’s pride in their great cultural tradition became an important component of Mexican cultural nationalism, promoting national integration and state reconstruction.

其次是该运动对卡德纳斯时期国家重建的影响。卡德纳斯总统执政期间是墨西哥国家重建的激进阶段。他无疑受到了尤卡坦社会主义运动的影响。他在竞选总统的时候曾宣称：“墨西哥革命在新阶段的基本行动就是向社会主义迈进。它既有别于不合时宜的古典自由主义，也不同于苏联正在实验的共产主义。人们不想要个人的自由主义，因为它只能产生人对人的剥削、把自然财富和生产资料奉献给自私自利的个人。大家也不想要共产主义，因为我们的人民不愿意共同分享劳动成果，不愿意由一个国家老板来代替私人老板。”他所设想的社会主义就是由劳动者掌握一切生产资料以及财富在各生产要素之间的公平分配，消灭一切不劳而获的现象。但他不认为国家会充当剥削者，而认为国家有必要做生产和分配的调控者。具体到农业，他的目标就是建立集体村社。卡德纳斯1937年亲自来到尤卡坦，主持了剑麻产区的土地改革，他选择尤卡坦地区和北方的拉古纳产棉区一起作为建设集体经济的示范窗口。这里的数百个种植园土地被合并到272个集体农庄中，由农民集体管理和耕种，同时建立了一系列大型的集体加工厂。卡里略将种植园集体化的想法在这次土地改革中得到了具体实践。当然，由于种植园的剑麻供给与集体加工厂加工的脱节等原因，这种改革并未产生理想的效果。另外，卡德纳斯时期倡导的社会主义教育也受到尤卡坦理性主义教育经验的启发。卡里略领导的东南社会主义党在1929年官方国民革命党（PNR）建立时被收编，他的建党经验被从尤卡坦推广到全国。卡里略利用考古遗迹、古代建筑、民间艺术表现形式等唤醒和培养玛雅人对其伟大文化传统的自豪感，成为墨西哥文化民族主义的重要组成部分，促进了民族一体化和国家的重建。

Third, the Yucatán socialist movement, as a legacy, has been preserved in various forms in the long-term memory of the peoples of Mexico and Latin America. In November 1921, the great painter Diego Rivera and Education Minister José Vasconcelos and their delegation visited Yucatán, where they were warmly received by the indigenous masses led by Carrillo. The local cities, plantations and the Chichén Itzá ruins left a deep impression on them. Shortly after returning, Rivera painted Carrillo’s image on the murals of the National Palace, standing together with Zapata under a red flag inscribed with “Land and Liberty.” On October 24, 1924, the 31st legislative session of the Yucatán State Congress passed a resolution conferring on Carrillo the title “Meritorious Proletarian” and having his name inscribed in gold letters on the wall of the congressional hall. The resolution stated that Carrillo “organized all the workers and peasants of Yucatán into resistance leagues for the purpose of improving their economic conditions; strove to organize all the workers and peasants of the Republic; at the workers’ congresses of Motul and Izamal, they adopted very advanced socialist norms, which constituted the pride of the workers’ congresses; his most outstanding characteristic was that, in order to realize his social ideals, his governmental activities were always full of vitality, energy and upright sincerity.” In Mexico’s historical museums, films and various artistic creations, the Yucatán socialist movement has been represented.

再次，尤卡坦社会主义运动作为一项遗产被通过各种形式长期留在了墨西哥和拉美人民的记忆中。1921年11月大画家迭戈·里维拉与教育部长何塞·巴斯孔塞洛斯一行访问尤卡坦，受到了卡里略率领的土著群众的热情接待。当地的城市、种植园和奇琴伊察遗址给他们留下了深刻印象。里维拉回去不久之后就将卡里略的形象画在了国民宫的壁画上，与萨帕塔一起站在写着“自由与土地”的红旗下。1924年10月24日，尤卡坦州议会第31届立法会议通过决议，授予卡里略“无产阶级功臣”的称号，并将他的名字用金字刻在议会大厅的墙上。决议中写到，卡里略“将尤卡坦州的所有工人和农民组织在抵抗联盟中，目的是改善他们的经济状况；努力组织共和国的所有工人和农民；在莫图尔和伊萨马尔的工人代表大会上，他们采用了非常先进的社会主义准则，构成了工人代表大会的骄傲；他最突出的特点是，为了实现他的社会理想，他的政府活动总是充满活力、能量满满且正直诚恳”。在墨西哥的历史博物馆、电影和各种艺术创作中，尤卡坦社会主义运动都得到了体现。

Entering the 21st century, the socialist movement in Latin America revived once again, and people naturally thought again of Carrillo and his socialism. On January 3, 2012, Dr. Marcos Alejandro Celis Quintal, President of the Yucatán State High Court, said in a speech commemorating the 88th anniversary of Carrillo’s death: “In recent years, Carrillo’s social model has inspired government action. The people of Yucatán have once again set out on the road to building a more just and free society. … Maya justice is established by rescuing their dignity and improving their living conditions … Carrillo is more than ever the link between our Maya ancestors and 21st-century Yucatán.”

进入21世纪，拉丁美洲的社会主义运动再度复兴，人们自然又想到了卡里略和他的社会主义。2012年1月3日，尤卡坦州高等法院院长马尔科斯·亚历杭德罗·塞利斯·昆塔尔（Marcos Alejandro Celis Quintal）博士在纪念卡里略逝世88周年之际的致辞中说：“近年来，卡里略的社会模式激发了政府的行动。尤卡坦人重新走上了建设一个更加公正和自由的社会的道路。……玛雅人的正义是通过拯救他们的尊严和改善他们的生活条件来建立的……卡里略比以往任何时候都更是我们玛雅人祖先和21世纪尤卡坦之间的纽带。”

The Mexican sociologist Armando Bartra, in his work *The Age of Myth and Carnival: Indians, Peasants and Revolution from Felipe Carrillo to Evo Morales*, separately studied the early-20th-century Yucatán socialist movement and the early-21st-century communitarian socialism of Bolivia. He argues that the Yucatán socialist movement fused Maya civilization with socialism, and that the two leaders “Carrillo and Evo Morales have an obvious political connection. If we restore the communitarian proposal of the Peruvian José Mariátegui, the connection between the two becomes even more evident,” and “what happened in Yucatán less than a hundred years ago foreshadowed the Andean-Amazonian revolution of the early 21st century.” There is a bridge between Maya socialism and Bolivia’s “communitarian socialism.”

墨西哥社会学家阿曼多·巴特拉（Armando Bartra）在他的著作《神话与狂欢节的时代：从费利佩·卡里略到埃沃·莫拉莱斯（Evo Morales）的印第安人、农民和革命》中，分别研究了20世纪初的尤卡坦社会主义运动和21世纪初玻利维亚的社群社会主义。他认为，尤卡坦社会主义运动将玛雅文明与社会主义融合在一起，而两位领袖“卡里略与埃沃·莫拉莱斯之间有着明显的政治联系。如果我们恢复秘鲁人何塞·马里亚特吉的村社主义建议，两者之间的联系就更加明显了”，“不到一百年前在尤卡坦发生的事情预示了21世纪初的安第斯—亚马孙革命”。玛雅社会主义与玻利维亚的“社群社会主义”之间有着一座桥梁。

The shockwaves of the Yucatán socialist movement still echo across the American continent a century later! (Notes omitted)

尤卡坦社会主义运动的震荡在一个世纪之后仍然在美洲大陆发出回响！（注释略）

(Authors’ biographies: Han Qi, Professor at the Center for Modern World History and the Center for Latin American Studies, Nankai University; Jiang Yuyan, Doctoral Candidate at the Center for Latin American Studies, Nankai University)

（作者简介：韩琦，南开大学世界近现代史研究中心和拉丁美洲研究中心教授；姜玉妍，南开大学拉丁美洲研究中心博士研究生）

Online editor: Zhang Jian

网络编辑：张剑