Between Nationalism and Internationalism: The Development, Evolution and Political Participation of the Communist Party of Israel

I. The Difficult Exploration of the Palestine Communist Party during the Mandate Period

一、委任统治时期巴勒斯坦共产党的艰难探索

The communist movement in the Palestine region was closely linked with the Zionist movement. The early members of the Palestine Communist Party were all Jews from Russia and Eastern Europe who opposed tsarist autocratic rule, fought for freedom and liberation, and actively threw themselves into the Bolshevik revolution. In March 1919, the Socialist Workers Party of Palestine was founded. This party was the predecessor of the Palestine Communist Party and one of the earliest Marxist parties established in the Middle East. Its early theoretical propositions and political practice had a strong Zionist coloring. In October of the same year, when the party held its first national congress, it stated: “Our party openly declares that proletarian Zionism closely links the realization of the Zionist ideal with the success of the socialist revolution… Our party is convinced that Zionism will either be realized in a socialist form or not at all. Our party will oppose all other forms of Zionism, opposing both bourgeois Zionism and compromising proletarian Zionism.” The pronounced Jewish nationalist character of the Socialist Workers Party of Palestine laid the groundwork for its subsequent tortuous development.

巴勒斯坦地区的共产主义运动与犹太复国主义运动联系密切，早期巴勒斯坦共产党成员都是来自俄国和东欧地区的犹太人，他们反对沙皇专制统治，争取自由解放，积极投身到布尔什维克主义革命中。1919年3月，巴勒斯坦社会主义工人党(Socialist Workers Party)成立，该党系巴勒斯坦共产党的前身，是中东地区最早成立的马克思主义政党之一，其早期理论主张和政治实践有着浓厚的犹太复国主义色彩。同年10月，该党召开第一次全国代表大会时便提出：“我们党公开宣称无产阶级犹太复国主义将犹太复国主义理想的实现与社会主义革命的成功紧密联系在一起……我们党确信，犹太复国主义将以社会主义的形式实现，要么根本就不会实现。我们党将反对一切其他形式的犹太复国主义，既反对资产阶级的犹太复国主义，也反对妥协的无产阶级的犹太复国主义”。巴勒斯坦社会主义工人党鲜明的犹太民族主义特点，为其日后的曲折发展埋下了伏笔。

In April 1921, the Socialist Workers Party of Palestine was renamed the Palestine Communist Party (hereinafter referred to as the “PCP”). The Jewish nationalist thought within the PCP’s revolutionary theory ran counter to the concept of proletarian internationalism, drawing criticism and questioning from the Comintern. To practice the internationalist principles of the communist movement and also to gain the support of the numerous Arabs in the Palestine region, after careful consideration, the PCP agreed at its Fourth Congress in July 1923 to the Comintern’s demand for “indigenization,” recognizing the right of Arabs to participate in all agendas and in intra-party discussions, and no longer pursuing Zionism. This had far-reaching significance in the history of the PCP. This shift in the PCP’s political thought paved the way for its alignment with the Comintern. In March 1924, the PCP formally joined the Comintern, becoming a member of the international communist movement. Thereafter, the PCP’s political stance remained highly consistent with that of the Soviet Union, openly opposing the Zionist movement, supporting the struggle of Arabs for their rights, and establishing a “Jewish-Arab” anti-imperialist united front. Throughout the 1920s, although the PCP held many meetings, implemented an Arabization policy, and drew closer to the Arabs, the results were minimal. In mid-August 1929, an anti-Jewish uprising broke out in Palestine, resulting in over 130 Jewish deaths and more than 300 injuries. After the uprising, the Executive Committee of the Comintern, in a resolution, believed that the errors of the PCP exposed by the uprising were “due to the PCP’s failure to boldly and clearly implement Arabization from top to bottom.” Under heavy pressure from Stalin and the Comintern, the focus of the PCP’s work throughout the 1930s gradually shifted from the previous Jewish line to an Arab line. Its main measures were:

1921年4月，巴勒斯坦社会主义工人党更名为巴勒斯坦共产党(简称“巴共”)。巴共革命理论中的犹太民族主义思想与无产阶级国际主义理念背道而驰，遭到共产国际的质疑与批评。为践行共产主义运动的国际主义理念，同时也为了获得巴勒斯坦地区众多阿拉伯人的支持，经过慎重考虑，巴共在1923年7月召开的巴共四大上同意了共产国际提出的“本土化”要求，承认阿拉伯人有权参加所有议程并参与党内讨论，不再追求犹太复国主义，这在巴共发展史上具有深远意义。巴共政治思想上的转变为其向共产国际的靠拢铺平了道路，1924年3月，巴共正式加入共产国际，成为国际共产主义运动的成员之一。之后，巴共的政治立场与苏联保持了高度一致，公开表示反对犹太复国主义运动，支持阿拉伯人争取权益的斗争，建立“犹太—阿拉伯”反帝统一战线。在整个20年代，巴共虽多次召开会议，实行阿拉伯化政策，向阿拉伯人靠拢，但收效甚微。1929年8月中旬，巴勒斯坦爆发了反对犹太人的暴动，造成130多个犹太人死亡，300多人受伤。暴动发生后，共产国际执委会在一份决议中认为，起义所揭露出来的巴共的错误是“由于巴共未能从上到下大胆明确地实施阿拉伯化所致”。在斯大林和共产国际的重压之下，整个30年代巴共的工作重心从先前的犹太路线逐渐向阿拉伯路线转化，其主要措施有：

First, promoting a shift in party leadership and increasing the number of Arab party members. At the end of December 1930, the PCP held its Seventh Congress in Jerusalem. After adjustments, the number of Arab and Jewish party members attending the congress was roughly equal, while the Central Committee consisted of three Arabs and two Jews, with Arabs holding the majority in the party’s leading body – a first in the history of the PCP. Second, actively cultivating Arab leading cadres. Between 1929 and 1935, more than 30 Arab party members were sent to the Soviet Union for professional development training, studying Marxist-Leninist thought and the principle of democratic centralism. Upon returning to Palestine, they assumed leadership positions within the communist ranks and developed the local communist movement. Third, focusing on developing inter-party relations with communist parties in other Arab countries. To expand its influence and seek external support, the PCP established friendly relations with communist parties in Arab countries such as Syria and Lebanon during the 1930s. The parties exchanged representatives for visits and exchanges, and even participated in formulating each other’s internal policies. Jewish communist Nahman Listwinsky was once invited to attend a meeting in Beirut, where he suggested that Syrian communists change their attitude towards certain nationalist political parties and groups in Syria. Fourth, vigorously supporting the Arab national liberation movement. The PCP’s Seventh Congress in 1930 established the basic line of supporting the Arab national liberation movement. In the subsequent Arab Revolt, the PCP explicitly opposed the British Mandate authorities and opposed Jewish immigration. At the Pan-Arab Conference held in Syria on September 8, 1937, PCP representatives explicitly endorsed the proposal put forward by Arab representatives that “Palestine is Arab,” affirming the Arab character of Palestine and opposing the Peel Partition Plan.

第一，促使党内领导权发生转移，增加阿拉伯党员人数。1930年12月底，巴共在耶路撒冷召开巴共七大，经过调整，出席大会的阿拉伯党员与犹太党员人数相当，而中央委员会则由3名阿拉伯人和2名犹太人组成，阿拉伯人在党的领导机构中占据多数，这在巴共历史上实属首次。第二，积极培养阿拉伯人领导骨干。在1929-1935年间，先后有30多个阿拉伯党员被派送到苏联参加业务拓展培训，学习马列主义思想及民主集中制原则，他们返回巴勒斯坦后便在共产党队伍中担任领导职务，发展当地的共产主义运动。第三，注重发展与其他阿拉伯国家共产党的党际关系。为扩大影响，争取外援，20世纪30年代巴共与叙利亚、黎巴嫩等阿拉伯国家的共产党确立了友好关系，双方互派代表访问交流，甚至参与对方党内政策的制定。犹太共产党员纳赫曼·利斯特温斯基就曾被邀请参加在贝鲁特召开的一个会议，会上他建议叙利亚共产党人改变对叙利亚一些民族政党和团体的态度。第四，大力支持阿拉伯民族解放运动。1930年巴共七大确立了支持阿拉伯民族解放运动的基本路线，在此后的阿拉伯人大起义中，巴共明确反对英国委任统治当局，反对犹太移民。1937年9月8日在叙利亚召开的泛阿拉伯会议上，巴共代表明确赞成阿拉伯代表所提出的“巴勒斯坦是阿拉伯人的”提议，确定了巴勒斯坦的阿拉伯属性，反对皮尔分治计划。

The Arabization of PCP policy was an important transformation in the party’s history. However, this policy, along with its efforts to practice internationalist principles, encountered severe crises in the face of the complex ethnic, religious, and territorial contradictions of the Palestine region. During the three-year-long Arab Revolt, the PCP’s unconditional support for the Arab nationalist movement caused great harm to the national sentiments of its Jewish members. After the outbreak of World War II, the British policy of severely restricting the immigration of European Jewish refugees to Palestine also sparked intense debate within the party, with internal divisions becoming increasingly serious. After the dissolution of the Comintern in May 1943, the Jewish faction within the party retained the original name of the Palestine Communist Party, while the Arab faction merged with other Arab communist organizations and renamed itself the “National Liberation League.” Regarding the split in the PCP, the Soviet Union actively intervened after the war. On October 22, 1948, under heavy pressure from the Soviet Union, the two factions reconciled and merged, renaming themselves the “Communist Party of Israel” (Maki, hereinafter referred to as the “CPI”). It declared its commitment to ensuring the smooth implementation of the UN Partition Plan, called for the establishment of a Jewish state and an Arab state, and expressed its determination to continue the struggle for the communist cause in the Palestine region.

巴共政策的阿拉伯化是该党历史上的一次重要转变，然而这一政策以及践行国际主义理念的努力在巴勒斯坦地区错综复杂的民族、宗教、领土矛盾面前却遭遇了重重危机。长达三年的阿拉伯人大起义中，巴共无条件支持阿拉伯民族主义运动的立场，对犹太党员的民族感情造成了极大伤害。二战爆发后，英国极力限制欧洲犹太难民向巴勒斯坦地区移民的政策也在党内引起了激烈的争论，内部分歧越发严重。1943年5月共产国际解散后，党内犹太派沿用巴共的原名，而阿拉伯派则和其他阿拉伯共产主义组织合并后更名为“民族解放联盟(National Liberation League)”。对于巴共的分裂，苏联在战后进行了积极干预，1948年10月22日，两派在苏联的重压之下握手言和，实现了合并，并更名为“以色列共产党”(马基，Communist Party of Israel,Maki，简称“以共”)，宣称将致力于确保联合国分治决议的顺利实施，呼吁建立一个犹太国和一个阿拉伯国，表示要为巴勒斯坦地区的共产主义事业继续奋斗。

In summary, during the Mandate period, the political propositions of the Palestine Communist Party underwent major changes under the intervention of the Soviet Union and the Comintern: shifting from supporting to opposing the Zionist movement, changing the party’s work direction from the Jewish line to the Arab line, and moving from supporting the establishment of a binational state to supporting the partition of Palestine for Arabs and Jews regarding the issue of state-building for the two nationalities in the Palestine region. After the 1920s, to strengthen the organizational construction of communist parties, the Comintern promoted the “Bolshevization” line within communist parties worldwide, requiring all its branches to absolutely obey the centralized leadership of the Comintern, treating the Comintern as a unified organization of world communist parties, and explicitly opposing factionalism and unionism. As a branch of the Comintern, the PCP naturally had to submit to this concept, ultimately evolving in the direction of Arab-Jewish unity and following everything commanded by the Soviet Communist Party, or even Stalin personally.

总的来说，委任统治时期，巴勒斯坦共产党在苏联和共产国际的干预下政治主张发生了重大变化，即对犹太复国主义运动由支持转向反对，对党的工作方向由犹太路线转为阿拉伯路线，对阿犹两个民族在巴勒斯坦地区建国问题由支持建立一个双民族国家转为支持阿以分治。20世纪20年代后，共产国际为加强共产党的组织建设，在各国共产党内推行“布尔什维克化”方针，要求所属各支部绝对服从共产国际的集中领导，把共产国际作为世界共产党的统一组织，旗帜鲜明地反对宗派主义和联盟主义。巴共作为共产国际的一个支部，当然要服从于这一理念，并最终朝着阿犹一家、一切听从苏共甚至斯大林个人指挥的方向演变。

II. The Political Practice of the Communist Party of Israel after Reorganization

二、重组后以色列共产党的政治实践

The CPI (Maki), reconstituted in the early days of Israel’s founding, was a party composed of both Arabs and Jews. Although the Soviet Union’s support for the establishment of Israel in 1948 was vastly different from the CPI’s policy of opposing Zionism and supporting the Arab nationalist movement, the existence of the framework of the Israeli democratic parliament provided a platform and opportunity for open, regular, and sustained activities for various political parties within Israel, including the Communist Party.

在以色列建国初期重组而成的以共(马基)是由阿拉伯人和犹太人共同组成的政党，虽然1948年苏联支持以色列建国与该党反对犹太复国主义、支持阿拉伯民族主义运动的方针大相径庭，但以色列民主议会框架的存在，为以色列国内包括共产党在内的各个政党进行公开、定期和持续的活动提供了平台和契机。

The organizational scale of the Communist Party of Israel (CPI) was not large; around 1956, CPI membership stood at between 4,000 and 5,000, of whom at least 2,700 were Jews and 1,300 were Arabs. In terms of recruiting new members, the CPI held greater appeal for Arabs than for Jews, and the party drew more members from new immigrants than from those born in Israel or settled in Palestine before World War II. By place of origin, in 1961, 54.6% of CPI members came from Europe, 29.8% from Palestine, and 15.6% from Asia, Africa, and the Americas. As for the leadership, the CPI Central Committee had approximately 20 members, and the Political Bureau had 7 members. Within the Central Committee, in 1957 there were 14 Jews and 6 Arabs; in 1961 there were 14 Jews and 5 Arabs. The composition of the Political Bureau in both years was 5 Jews and 2 Arabs. With a clear Jewish majority, the CPI followed the Soviet Union’s lead, based itself on the realities after the founding of Israel, took into account the dual interests of both the Arab and Jewish nations, and made due contributions to the practice of national equality and the protection of the weak.

以共组织规模不大，1956年左右以共党员人数在4000-5000之间，其中至少有2700个犹太人和1300个阿拉伯人。在接纳新成员上，以共对阿拉伯人的吸引力比犹太人更大，该党更多地从新移民而非出生在以色列或二战前就定居在巴勒斯坦地区的人当中吸收成员。就来源地来说，1961年以共成员有54.6%来自欧洲，29.8%来自巴勒斯坦地区，来自亚非地区及美洲的有15.6%。就领导层来说，以共中央委员会大约20个成员，政治局7个成员。在中央委员会中，1957年有14个犹太人和6个阿拉伯人，1961年有14个犹太人和5个阿拉伯人。政治局成员构成在这两年都是5个犹太人和2个阿拉伯人。在犹太人优势显著的情况下，以共追随苏联脚步，立足于以色列建国后的现实情况，兼顾阿拉伯民族和犹太民族的双重利益，为践行民族平等，维护弱小做出了应有的贡献。

The CPI actively participated in parliamentary elections, treating the Knesset as an important arena for realizing socialist ideals. In the first Knesset election in 1949, the CPI won 4 of the 120 seats; in 1951 it won 5; in 1955 it won 6; in 1959 it won 3; and in 1961 it won 5. As the only legal party in Israel at the time with a substantial Arab minority, the CPI consistently campaigned for Arab interests, demanding that the Israeli government grant Arabs equal status, end military rule, stop discrimination in employment, education, and other fields, and encourage the development of Arab culture. Whenever there was any official sign of discrimination against Arabs, the CPI would condemn it. In 1955, only 1% of Arab student applications for admission to Israeli universities were accepted. In response to the difficulty Arabs faced in attending university, the CPI issued a statement accusing the government of deliberately causing Arab students to fail entrance exams, with the aim of keeping the Arab masses perpetually ignorant and thus ensuring their constant subordination.

以共积极参与议会选举，将议会作为实现社会主义理想的重要舞台。1949年第一次议会选举中，以共获得以色列议会120个席位中的4个，1951年获得了5个，1955年获得6个，1959年获得3个，1961年获得5个。作为当时以色列唯一拥有大量阿拉伯少数民族的合法政党，以共一以贯之为阿拉伯人的利益奔走呼吁，要求以色列政府给予阿拉伯人平等地位，中止军事管制，停止在就业、教育等领域对阿拉伯人的歧视，鼓励发展阿拉伯文化，只要官方有任何歧视阿拉伯人的迹象，以共都会进行谴责。1955年，阿拉伯学生入学申请被以色列大学接受的比例只有1%，针对阿拉伯人上大学困难的事实，以共发文指责政府故意让阿拉伯学生在入学考试中落选，目的是使阿拉伯群众永远无知，从而确保他们随时服从。

To attract Arab votes, the CPI also placed special emphasis on promoting its binational character. During the 1951 Knesset election, the CPI stressed its “Jewish-Arab” nature among Arabs, citing the examples of Tawfik Toubi, who ranked second on the party’s candidate list, and Emile Habibi, who ranked fourth — both Arab party members — as proof that the party was committed to safeguarding Arab rights and opposing the government’s policies toward Arabs. At the party’s election campaign opening ceremony in Nazareth, General Secretary Shmuel Mikunis defined the CPI’s platform as follows: “The Communist Party defends the Arab minority, and in doing so, it defends democracy.” The Arab response to the party’s wholehearted assistance was more or less confined to parliamentary elections. Overall, Arab support for the CPI was higher than that of Jews, and their interest in joining the party was also greater. Roughly half of the CPI’s votes came from Arab-populated areas; for example, in the 1949 general election, the CPI won 50% of the vote in Nazareth. A 1961 CPI statement showed that Jewish members accounted for 74.3% of all party members, and Arabs for 25.7%, even though Arabs at that time made up only 11% of Israel’s total population.

为吸引阿拉伯人的选票，以共还特别注重宣扬它的双民族特征。1951年议会选举时，以共便在阿拉伯人当中强调该党的“犹太—阿拉伯”属性，并以在本党候选人中排名第二的陶菲克·图比和排名第四的埃米尔·哈比比两位阿拉伯党员为例，证明该党致力于维护阿拉伯人的权益，反对政府对待阿拉伯人的政策。在拿撒勒举行的该党竞选开幕式上，总书记什穆埃勒·米库尼斯这样界定以共的纲领：“共产党保卫阿拉伯少数民族就是在保卫民主”。对于共产党的倾心帮助，阿拉伯人的反应或多或少只局限在议会选举中。总的来说阿拉伯人对以共的支持比犹太人更高一些，加入该党的兴趣也更大一些。以共大概有一半的选票都来自阿拉伯人聚居的地区，例如1949年大选时，以共在拿撒勒获得了50%的选票。1961年以共的一个声明显示，犹太人党员占所有党员数量的74.3%，阿拉伯人占25.7%，然而在当时，阿拉伯人仅仅占以色列总人口的11%。

The CPI had long relied heavily on Arab support. The success of this approach was due, on the one hand, to the party’s historical experience before the founding of Israel, and on the other hand, to the ongoing Arab-Israeli conflict. Before the state’s founding, the party had already attached importance to recruiting Arabs and supporting Arab uprisings; after the founding, the political stage of the Middle East played an even greater role in promoting Arab support for the CPI. For example, during the 1956 Suez Canal War, the CPI publicly condemned the war as an aggression by Britain, France, and Israel against Egypt. Leader Meir Wilner, in his report to the Central Committee at the CPI’s Fifteenth Congress in 1965, summarized the official Israeli policy of the time as: “colluding with imperialist forces to oppose the Arab masses.” Furthermore, as the Cold War intensified and the Soviet Union’s influence in the Middle East grew, the CPI became a main arena for some Israeli Arabs to express nationalist sentiment. With the question of Palestine’s status unresolved and Arab nationalist parties extremely weak, many Israeli Arabs cast their votes for the CPI. However, the CPI’s defense of Arab interests long made it a marginal party in the Israeli Knesset, and its growing reliance on Arabs further reinforced its marginal position in a society where Jews were the overwhelming majority.

以共一直以来都很倚重阿拉伯人的支持，这种做法之所以能够成功，一方面得益于该党在以色列建国前的历史经历，另一方面是由于持续不断的阿以冲突。建国前该党就重视吸收阿拉伯人入党，支持阿拉伯人起义，建国后的中东政治舞台更是对阿拉伯人支持以共起到了重要作用。例如1956年苏伊士运河战争中，以共公开谴责该战争是英法以三国对埃及的侵略，领导人梅尔·维尔纳(Meir Wilner)还曾在1965年以共第十五次代表大会中央委员会的报告上，将当时以色列官方政策总结为：“伙同帝国主义力量一起对抗阿拉伯民众”。此外，随着冷战加剧，苏联在中东地区影响日益增大，以共成为以色列部分阿拉伯人表达民族主义情绪的主要阵地，在巴勒斯坦归属问题未能解决，且阿拉伯民族主义政党又极度弱小的情况下，以色列不少阿拉伯人就把选票投给了以共。然而，以共对阿拉伯人利益的维护却使其长期以来在以色列议会中是个边缘党派，而其对阿拉伯人不断增长的依赖，又强化了它在犹太人占绝大多数的以色列社会中的边缘地位。

While unequivocally supporting the Arabs, the CPI, on the basis of upholding fundamental socialist principles and grounded in the realities after the founding of Israel, put forward unique views on various domestic issues, thereby advancing the communist movement in Israel.

在旗帜鲜明地支持阿拉伯人的同时，以共在坚持社会主义基本原则的基础上，立足于以色列建国后的现实情况，对国内各个问题提出了独有见解，推动了以色列共产主义运动的开展。

The CPI was the spokesperson for the working class and resolutely defended its interests. In view of the severe unemployment and hardship in people’s livelihoods during the early years of the state, the CPI called on the government to take strong measures, forcing capitalists to launch public projects, hire unemployed workers, and improve people’s livelihoods. In response to the Israeli government’s rationing system for supplies beginning in 1949, the CPI accused the government of allocating too much of the budget to police and religious affairs, while leaving far too little for health, education, and immigration quotas, emphasizing that rationing harmed workers’ living standards, restricted consumption, and would lead to severe unemployment. The CPI also opposed the state’s arms race under the pretext of maintaining security, arguing that this would seriously affect Israel’s economic development and harm workers’ interests.

以共是工人阶级的代言人，坚决维护工人阶级的利益。鉴于建国初期失业严重、民生艰辛的状况，以共呼吁政府采取强硬措施，强制资本家创办一些公共项目，雇佣失业工人，改善民生。针对以色列政府从1949年开始在物资供应方面实行配给制的做法，以共指责政府将过多预算用在了警务及宗教事务上，留给卫生、教育、移民的配额却远远不够，强调配给制损害了工人的生活，限制了消费，会导致严重失业。以共同样反对国家在维护安全的名义下进行军备竞赛，认为这样会严重影响以色列的经济发展，损害工人的利益。

The CPI strove to seek benefits and justice for the broad masses in immigration policy. To address the complex immigration issue, the Israeli Knesset passed the Law of Return on June 5, 1950. The Law of Return insisted on conditionally granting Jews the right to immigrate, allowing “qualified Jews” to return and guaranteeing their freedom of religious belief, but opposing the immigration of Jews who endangered public safety and health. Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion explicitly stated: “I oppose bringing Jews who are criminals, lunatics, or a danger to public safety and health to Israel, only to put them in prison or hospital. Jews immigrate to Israel to build the country, for cultural and national renaissance, not to go to prison.” The CPI adopted a cautious attitude toward the Law of Return, arguing that while the bill had reasonable considerations of national politics and security, it was not sufficiently just or rigorous and could be abused by the government to exclude political dissidents, thereby causing the loss of equal rights for Jews. Communist Knesset member Meir Wilner once said: “No one has the right to define who will endanger national security, because national security is a political concept that can be used as a tool by the ruling party and government to deal with other parties.” The CPI’s misgivings were not without reason. In November 1951, to alleviate the continuously worsening economic situation, the Ben-Gurion government decided to change immigration policy by setting admission criteria for immigration applications, with the aim of improving immigrant quality, limiting immigrant numbers, and reducing the government’s burden. Thereafter, “the Jewish Agency used immigrants’ health status, assets, age, and labor capacity as screening conditions for absorbing immigrants, ensuring that those who came to Israel could contribute to national construction.” This situation contradicted the original concept of the Law of Return and was precisely what the CPI had feared.

以共努力在移民政策上为广大群众谋福利，求公义。为应对复杂的移民问题，以色列议会于1950年6月5日通过了《回归法》。《回归法》坚持有条件地授予犹太人移民权，让“合格的犹太人”回归，保障他们的宗教信仰自由，但反对危害公共安全与健康的犹太人移民到以色列。总理本·古里安明确表示：“我反对把罪犯、疯子和危害公共安全与健康的犹太人带到以色列，然后把他们关进监狱或送到医院。犹太人移居到以色列是为了建设这个国家，是为了文化和民族复兴，而不是为了坐牢。”以共对《回归法》表现出审慎的态度，认为该法案虽然有着国家政治和安全方面的合理考虑，但却不够公正严谨，可能会被政府滥用，将持不同政见者拒之门外，造成犹太人平等权利的丧失。共产党议员梅尔·维尔纳曾说：“任何人都无权界定谁将危害国家安全，因为国家安全是一种政治概念，它可以被当作执政党和政府的工具，用来对付其他政党。”以共的这种疑虑不无道理。1951年11月，为缓和持续恶化的经济状况，本—古里安政府决定改变移民政策，对移民申请设置准入标准，目的是提高移民质量，限制移民数量，减轻政府负担。此后，“犹太代办处将移民的健康状况、资产、年龄和劳动能力等作为吸收移民的考察条件，确保来到以色列的移民是能为国家建设贡献力量的”。这种状况与《回归法》本初的理念相悖，也正是以共担忧所在。

The CPI also opposed accepting post-war economic aid and reparations from the United States and Germany, proceeding from the perspective of the US-Soviet confrontation and the defence of the dignity of the Jewish nation. The CPI opposed accepting aid under US President Truman’s Point Four Program, believing this would affect Israel’s political and economic independence. On 26 February 1951, when the US-Israel Point Four aid agreement was signed, the CPI pointed out that “this agreement takes Israel one step further into the strategic and economic plans of the Western bloc” and that Israel’s acceptance of US assistance placed it “under the control of the warmongers.” The CPI also opposed accepting German reparations, arguing that accepting this compensation would mean recognition and forgiveness of the Bonn government, that it meant taking “blood money” from the hands of the executioners, and that it amounted to betraying the Jewish people. Therefore, when Israel and the West German Bonn government signed the reparations agreement on 10 September 1952, the CPI declared that the agreement “is a victory for the neo-Nazis preparing a new world war.”

以共还从美苏对峙及维护犹太民族尊严的角度出发，反对接受美国和德国的战后经济援助及赔偿。以共反对接受美国杜鲁门总统第四点计划下的援助方案，认为这会影响以色列的政治和经济独立。1951年2月26日，当美以第四点计划援助协议签署之时，以共指出“这项协议使以色列在纳入西方集团的战略和经济计划上又进了一步”、以色列接受美国帮助的行为将自身“置于战争狂魔的控制之下”。以共还反对接受德国赔款，认为如果接受这笔赔偿的话，就意味着对波恩政府的认可和原谅，是从刽子手手里拿“罪恶的钱”，等于出卖了犹太人。因此，当1952年9月10日以色列与德国波恩政府签署了赔款协议后，以共便指出该协议“是准备发动一次新的世界大战的新纳粹分子的胜利”。

Before the mid-1960s, the CPI cherished fine ideals, propagated socialist ideas, made positive contributions to achieving peaceful coexistence between the Arab and Jewish peoples, safeguarding the legitimate rights and interests of the lower classes, and promoting social stability. During this period, the concepts of nationalism and internationalism achieved a brief fusion, and their contradictions were temporarily suppressed. However, as time passed, against the international backdrop of the US-Soviet Cold War and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, disagreements within the CPI over issues such as ethnicity, education, and security grew increasingly numerous, ultimately leading to the CPI’s split.

二十世纪六十年代中期以前，以共怀揣美好理想，宣传社会主义思想，为实现阿犹两个民族的和平共处，维护下层民众的合法权益，促进社会稳定做出了积极贡献，民族主义和国际主义理念在这一时期实现了短暂融合，二者的矛盾得以暂时压制。然而，随着时间的推移，在美苏冷战和巴以冲突的国际大背景下，以共内部因民族、教育、安全等问题出现的分歧越来越多，最终导致以共走向了分裂。

III. Divergence and Split of the Communist Party of Israel

三、以色列共产党的分歧与分裂

Disagreements between Jewish and Arab members within the CPI had long existed. As early as 1958, Arab Communist Party member of the Knesset Emile Habibi proposed establishing an independent Arab Communist Party, granting the Arab people the right to national self-determination, and urging the secession from Israel of those areas predominantly inhabited by Arabs. This proposal provoked a strong reaction from almost the entire Israeli media. Although the proposal was not accepted by the Knesset, it at least reflected the unspoken demands harboured deep in the hearts of many Arab party members. In August 1965, the CPI’s differences became public at its 15th Congress. The two opposing factions each elected their own Central Committee and Politburo. The Jewish faction, led by Shmuel Mikunis, continued to use the name “Communist Party of Israel,” while the Arab faction, led by Meir Vilner, called itself the Jewish-Arab Communist Party (Rakah, the New Communist Party of Israel). The CPI’s split originated from conflicts present in the party’s early history, namely “the attempt to bring Jews and Arabs together in one party against the background of the two ethnic groups being divided by their respective nationalist tendencies,” and “the party’s hope to win souls even though communism and Zionism were difficult to reconcile.” The essence of the split was the inherent incompatibility of nationalism and internationalism, and its manifestation was the serious divergence of political views between the two factions within the party.

一直以来以共内部犹太党员和阿拉伯党员就存在着意见分歧，早在1958年阿拉伯共产党议员埃米尔·哈比比就提议，建立独立的阿拉伯共产党，赋予阿拉伯人民族自决权，敦促将那些主要由阿拉伯人聚居的地区从以色列分离出来，该提议引起了几乎整个以色列媒体的强烈反应。虽然该提议并未被议会接受，但至少反应了深藏于众多阿拉伯党员心中不能公开的诉求。1965年8月，以共的分歧在该党十五大上得以公开化，对立的两派分别选出中央委员会和政治局，以什穆埃勒·米库尼斯为首的犹太派继续沿用“以色列共产党”的名称，以梅尔·维尔纳为首的阿拉伯派则称犹太—阿拉伯共产党(拉赫，以色列新共产党，Rakah)。以共的分裂源于该党早期历史中就存在的冲突，即“企图在两个族群因各自的民族主义倾向而分裂的背景下将犹太人和阿拉伯人纳入一个政党”，以及“即使共产主义和犹太复国主义之间难以协调，该党也希望在其中赢得灵魂”。分裂的实质是民族主义与国际主义天然不易相融，表现则为党内两派政见严重不合。

Regarding the Arab-Israeli conflict and the existence of the State of Israel, both sides acknowledged Israel’s legitimate right to exist, but they differed on the causes of the tension between Israel and its neighbouring countries. The Arab faction believed that the threat of the Arab-Israeli conflict stemmed from “the imperialist conspirators, with the help of the Israeli rulers, opposing the anti-imperialist Arab states,” with the US, Britain, and the Israeli government being the chief culprits. The Jewish faction believed that the possibility of Arab states starting a war also existed, that not all Arab states were anti-imperialist, and denied equating Israel with the interests of imperialist states; at the same time, it pointed out that US and British oil companies colluded with some Arab oil-producing countries, and that this alliance put pressure on Israel, becoming an important cause of the conflict. Regarding the path to resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict, the Jewish faction believed that only after the neighbouring Arab states first recognized the State of Israel could issues such as Israel’s recognition of the Palestinian Arabs be resolved, while the Arab faction believed that only after the Palestinian issue was dealt with justly and peacefully would the Arab states recognize Israel.

就阿以冲突和以色列国的存在来说，双方都承认以色列具有存在的合法权利，但对引起以色列和周边国家关系紧张的原因却各执一词。阿拉伯派认为阿以冲突的威胁源于“帝国主义阴谋家在以色列统治者帮助下反对反帝国主义的阿拉伯国家”，英美及以色列政府是罪魁祸首。犹太派则认为，阿拉伯国家挑起战争的可能性也是存在的，并非所有阿拉伯国家都是反帝国主义的，否认将以色列和帝国主义国家的利益等同起来；同时指出，英美石油公司与一些阿拉伯石油生产国勾结在一起，这种联合对以色列造成了压力，成为冲突的重要原因。在解决阿以冲突途径上，犹太派认为只有周围阿拉伯国家先承认以色列国，才能解决以色列对巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人的认可等问题，而阿拉伯派认为只有公正和平地处理了巴勒斯坦问题，阿拉伯国家才会承认以色列。

Regarding Arab nationalism and Zionism, both Arab and Jewish party members had complex feelings. The CPI had long shown strong sympathy and support for the nationalist movements of Arab countries and their leaders (such as Nasser), a sentiment reinforced by the unfair treatment Israeli Arabs suffered in daily life. For example, in the education system, many schools segregated Jews and Arabs based on the language students spoke. Although Jewish party members condemned such discrimination, the harm suffered by Arab party members and their desire for equal citizenship could not be fully empathized with by their Jewish comrades in the party. Jewish party members also opposed the indiscriminate acceptance of some progressive and anti-imperialist goals and demands of Arab states, believing this would put the CPI in the dangerous position of being led by the nose by Arab nationalist movements. Similarly, on the issue of Zionism, the Arab faction still criticized the movement, accusing Zionists of allying with imperialist forces (especially the United States), while the Jewish faction said, “It is a national movement; we neither fully oppose nor fully endorse it, but affirm its positive aspects and negate its negative aspects.”

就阿拉伯民族主义和犹太复国主义来说，党内阿拉伯和犹太党员都对其情绪复杂。以共一直以来对阿拉伯国家的民族主义运动及其领导人(如纳赛尔)都表现出强烈的同情和支持，这种情感因以色列阿拉伯人在日常生活中所受的不公待遇而得以强化。例如在教育体系中，很多学校会根据学生所讲语言的不同将犹太人和阿拉伯人割裂开来，虽然犹太党员谴责这样的区别对待，但阿拉伯党员所受之伤害及其对平等公民身份的渴求并不能完全被党内犹太同志感同身受。而犹太党员也反对不加区别地接受阿拉伯国家的一些进步主义和反帝国主义目标诉求，认为这将使以共陷入被阿拉伯民族主义运动牵着鼻子走的危险境地。同样，在犹太复国主义问题上，阿拉伯派仍然批判该运动，指责犹太复国主义者和帝国主义力量(尤其是美国)结成同盟，犹太派却说“这是一个民族运动，没有完全反对，也没有完全赞成，而是肯定其积极方面，否定其消极方面”。

Regarding Soviet foreign policy, before 1965 the CPI had faithfully followed Moscow’s policies, but after the mid-1960s this attitude gradually changed. On relations between the Soviet Union and Middle Eastern countries, Jewish communists worried about national security and strongly opposed the Soviet Union’s alliance with the Arab world, while the Arab faction greatly praised Soviet policy, regardless of whether it concerned Israel. When the Soviet Union fell out with China and Czechoslovakia, Arab party members strongly supported it, calling it proletarian internationalism, and even insisted after the CPI split that “we resolutely condemn the splittist activities of the Chinese leaders, which have brought great harm to the entire international people’s liberation movement.” Consequently, the CPI leadership headed by Shmuel Mikunis reluctantly concluded that “Moscow’s policy on the Arab-Israeli conflict is based on great-power interests and has an opportunistic tendency…” and that “the Soviet Union’s supreme goal is not to restore peace in the region, but to strengthen its position by supporting Arab regimes, which are often far from progressive.”

就苏联对外政策来说，1965年以前以共一直忠实地追随莫斯科的政策，60年代中期后这种态度逐渐发生了变化。在苏联与中东国家关系上，犹太共产党担心国家安全，强烈反对苏联和阿拉伯世界联合，而阿拉伯派对苏联的政策都大加赞赏，无论该政策是否与以色列有关。当苏联与中国和捷克斯洛伐克交恶后，阿拉伯党员大力支持，称其是无产阶级国际主义，甚至在以共分裂后还坚称“我们坚决谴责中国领导人的分裂活动，这种活动给整个国际人民解放运动带来了极大的危害”。为此，以什穆埃勒·米库尼斯为首的以共领导层最终不情愿地得出结论，认为“莫斯科在阿以冲突上的政策是基于大国利益，有机会主义倾向……”，“苏联的最高目标不是恢复该地区的和平，而是通过支持阿拉伯政权来加强其地位，而这些阿拉伯政权往往远远谈不上进步”。

The outbreak of the Third Middle East War in 1967 [n1] further widened the rift between the two factions. Rakah accused this of being “an aggressive war provoked by the Eshkol-Dayan-Begin government,” arguing that the war originated from the imperialist powers’ nefarious schemes in the region, expressed support for UN Security Council Resolution 242, and demanded that Israel withdraw from the newly occupied territories; Maki, however, insisted that the Arab states were the aggressors, supported the Israeli government’s occupation of the newly occupied Arab territories, argued that the war stemmed from the Arab states uniting to destroy Israel, and that Israel had merely “repelled and defeated an aggression that threatened her existence, without attacking her neighbours.” The war also caused divergence between the two factions on Israel’s domestic policy. Thereafter, Maki supported the militarization of the Israeli state and voted in favour of official policy in budget meetings, while Rakah repeatedly opposed militarization measures in the budget and opposed American aid.

1967年爆发的第三次中东战争更是加大了两派之间的裂隙。拉赫指责这是“由艾希科尔-达扬-贝京政府挑起的一场侵略战争”，认为战争源于帝国主义国家在该地区的不轨图谋，表示拥护联合国安理会242号决议，要求以色列从新占领的土地上撤出去；马基却坚称阿拉伯国家是侵略者，支持以色列政府对阿拉伯国家新占领地的占领，认为战争源于阿拉伯国家联合起来想要摧毁以色列，以色列只不过“击退并击败了一场威胁到她生存的侵略，并未攻击其邻国”。战争也引起了两派在以色列国内政策上的分歧，此后，马基支持以色列国家军事化的观点，并在预算会议上投票支持官方政策，拉赫则一再反对预算中有关军事化的措施，并反对美国的帮助。

The split of the CPI had a major impact on both factions. First, the split left Maki in a difficult position, no longer recognized by the Soviet bloc. At the outset of the split, the Soviet Union, in an attempt to reconcile the “warring brothers,” summoned the leaders of both factions to Moscow for talks, but with little effect. Thereafter, Maki’s relations with the Soviet Union grew increasingly distant; it accused the Soviet Union of deviating from its stated policy of non-intervention in the India-Pakistan conflict and the Sino-Indian conflict. Its leader, Moshe Sneh, even went so far as to argue that the Arab states bore responsibility for the Arab-Israeli conflict. This assertion not only widened the rift with the Arab faction but also aroused strong dissatisfaction in Moscow. After the Six-Day War [n2], Rakah was recognized by the Soviet bloc as the “official Communist Party of Israel” among the two factions, and most communist parties in the world’s socialist countries acknowledged this; only the communist parties of Romania, the Netherlands, Switzerland and a few others continued to recognize Maki’s status alone. Second, the split dealt a considerable blow to the CPI’s competition on the Israeli political stage, and the Jewish faction suffered a heavy setback. In the November 1965 elections for the Fifth Knesset, Maki won only one seat, while Rakah won three. After the Six-Day War, Maki lost a large number of Arab votes due to the shift in its traditional policies and became increasingly marginalized in the Knesset. In the 1969 Knesset elections, Maki won one seat and Rakah won three. In the 1973 Knesset elections, Maki won no seats, while Rakah won four. After the death of Maki leader Moshe Sneh, Mikunis struggled on alone. Having failed to win the trust of Jews within Israel and also unable to gain the support of the Arab masses, in June 1975 Maki convened a party congress and announced its voluntary dissolution, disappearing from the Israeli political stage.

以共的分裂对两派产生了重要影响。首先，分裂导致马基处境艰难，不再被苏联集团认可。分裂之初，苏联为促成“敌对兄弟”的和解，曾将两派领导人召到莫斯科进行谈话，但收效甚微。此后，马基与苏联关系渐行渐远，指责苏联在印巴冲突以及中印冲突中偏离了它所遵循的不参与政策，领导人摩西·斯内甚至指出，阿拉伯国家要对阿以冲突负责。这种论断不但加大了其与阿拉伯派的嫌隙，更是引起了莫斯科方面的强烈不满。第三次中东战争后，拉赫被苏联集团认可为两派之中“正式的以色列共产党”，对此，世界上大多数社会主义国家的共产党都予以承认，只有罗马尼亚、荷兰、瑞士等国共产党仍然只认可马基的地位。其次，分裂对以共在以色列政治舞台上的角逐造成了不小冲击，犹太派遭遇沉重打击。1965年11月以色列第五次议会选举中，马基只赢得1个席位，而拉赫获得了3个席位。第三次中东战争后，马基因其传统政策的转变而失去了大量阿拉伯选票，在议会中越发式微。1969年议会选举中，马基获得1个席位，拉赫获得3个席位。1973年议会选举中马基未获任何席位，拉赫获得4个席位。马基领导人摩西·斯内去世后，米库尼斯独自一人苦苦支撑，因未能获得以色列国内犹太人的信任，也未能获得阿拉伯大众的支持，1975年6月，马基召开党代会宣布自行解散，从以色列政治舞台上消失。

After Maki’s dissolution, Rakah, led by Meir Vilner, directly called itself the “Communist Party of Israel,” continuing to pursue its pro-Soviet, pro-Arab line and relying increasingly on Arab votes. Because the CPI had long placed the protection of the working class’s interests in an important position, calling on the government to give due attention to ensuring workers’ employment and safeguarding their rights, it won the support of many Israelis and its ranks steadily grew. “From the 19th Party Congress in 1981 to the 20th Party Congress in 1985, party membership increased by 30.2%, and the number of party branches grew from 86 in 1981 to 95 in December 1985. In the four years from 1985 to 1989, net party membership increased by 12%.”

马基解散后，以维尔纳为首的拉赫遂直称“以色列共产党”，继续推行其支持苏联、支持阿拉伯人的路线，越来越多地依赖于阿拉伯人的选票。由于以共长期以来都把维护工人阶级的利益放在重要位置，呼吁政府在保证工人就业，维护工人权益方面给予应有的重视，因此获得了不少以色列人的拥护，队伍不断壮大，“从1981年党的十九大到1985年党的二十大党员人数增长30.2％，党的分部由1981年的86个增加到1985年12月的95个。从1985年到1989年的4年中，党员人数净增12％”。

The split and changes within the CPI in the 1960s and 1970s had complex causes. In a region of conflict, a party containing ethnic contradictions within itself will inevitably split along nationalist lines. For the CPI, its nationalist forces included both Zionism and Arab nationalism, a narrowness that contradicted the Marxist-Leninist principle of internationalism. After several rounds of struggle, the CPI ultimately moved toward division.

20世纪60、70年代，以共的分裂和变动有着复杂的原因，在发生冲突的地区，一个党内存在民族矛盾的党派，最终必然会沿着民族主义的路线分裂。就以共来说，其民族主义力量既有犹太复国主义也有阿拉伯民族主义，这种狭隘性与马克思列宁的国际主义原则相违背。以共也在经历几番斗争后，最终走向了分裂。

IV. Theoretical Exploration by the Communist Party of Israel after the Upheaval in Eastern Europe

四、东欧剧变后以色列共产党的理论探索

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, with the upheaval in Eastern Europe and the collapse of the Soviet Union, the world socialist movement entered a low ebb. The CPI withstood the enormous shock of these changes, unswervingly adhering to Marxism-Leninism, holding fast to the socialist orientation, and continuing to strive for Arab-Israeli peace and the socialist prospect. The CPI is a Marxist-Leninist party, founded on the basis of revolutionary socialist ideology; it is a “self-renewing revolutionary socialist party” and also “the party of the working class and all exploited strata.” Entering the 21st century, the CPI successively convened its 24th, 25th, and 26th Party Congresses in 2004, 2007, and 2012. Based on the historical stage it occupied and Israel’s specific national conditions, the party creatively applied and developed Marxism, explored many issues in the theory and practice of capitalism and socialism, achieved a series of theoretical results, and forged a unique path of development.

20世纪80年代末90年代初东欧剧变，苏联解体，世界社会主义运动陷入低潮，以共顶住了这场变动所带来的巨大冲击，坚持马克思列宁主义不动摇，坚持社会主义方向，继续为阿以和平与社会主义前景而奋力前进。以共是一个马列主义政党，建立在革命的社会主义思想基础之上，是一个“自我更新的革命的社会主义政党”，也是“工人阶级和所有被剥削阶层的政党”。进入21世纪，以共先后在2004年、2007年和2012年召开了党的第二十四次、二十五次和二十六次代表大会，该党根据其所处历史阶段和以色列的具体国情，对马克思主义进行了创造性地应用和发展，对资本主义和社会主义理论和实践方面存在的诸多问题进行了探讨，取得了一系列理论成果，走出了一条独特的发展道路。

The CPI has offered a forceful critique of contemporary capitalism. The “Program of the Communist Party of Israel,” adopted at the CPI’s 24th National Congress in April 2004, states: “The backward capitalist system, with US imperialism at its core, is riddled with deep systemic contradictions because of its lack of justice, its destruction of the world environment, and its embezzlement of the fruits of workers’ labor. Therefore, at the beginning of the new millennium, this transformation is particularly active. Financial globalization is not a way out of the social crisis but its main cause.” The CPI holds that “the globalization of capital and the rapid development of modern industry, technology, information systems, and media are all exploited by capital in an attempt to achieve centralized control over resources, capital, and wage labor. But this also creates the material basis for the unity of the international workers’ movement, providing evidence for Marx and Engels’ slogan ‘Workers of the world, unite!’” The CPI also takes Israel as an example, attacking the concentration of power and wealth in the hands of a tiny minority of capitalists in capitalist countries, which deepens social inequality. It points out that in the first decade of the 21st century, Israel’s economic inequality was second only to that of the United States among OECD countries. In 2010 alone, 1.8 million people in Israel (25% of the total population) lived below the poverty line, and over eight years (2002 to 2010), the proportion of children living in poverty grew from 20% to 36%.

以共对当代资本主义进行了有力批判。2004年4月以共第二十四次全国代表大会通过的《以色列共产党党纲》有这样的表述：“以美帝国主义为核心的落后的资本主义制度，由于其缺乏公正、破坏世界环境，侵吞工人劳动果实而充斥着深度体制性矛盾。因此，新千年之初，这一变革尤为活跃。金融全球化不是社会危机的出路，而是其主要原因。”以共认为：“资本的全球化以及现代工业、技术、信息系统和媒体的快速发展都被资本所利用，以试图实现对资源、资本和工资劳动力的集中控制。但这也为国际工人运动的团结创造了物质基础，使得马克思和恩格斯‘全世界无产者，联合起来！’的口号得到了例证。”以共还以以色列为例，抨击资本主义国家的权力和财富都集中到了极少数资本家手中，加深了社会的不平等，指出以色列在20世纪前10年里的经济不平等在经合组织(OECD)国家中仅次于美国。仅在2010年以色列就有180万人(占总人口的25%)生活在贫困线以下，八年当中(2002年至2010年)，生活在贫困中的儿童比例从20%增长到了36%。

The CPI has engaged in rational reflection on contemporary socialism. Faced with the world’s intensifying social, environmental, and economic problems, more and more people have begun to think about and explore new alternative social models to achieve social justice. The CPI holds that “socialism is not an immutable social system but a constantly developing and renewing social path,” and points out that “in today’s Israel, the concept of socialism has not disappeared from public discourse; therefore, communists need to integrate the socialist concept with Israel’s reality and build a force to realize socialist change.” To realize the socialist ideal, the party is committed to defending the cause and rights of workers, raising their living standards, protecting human rights, opposing discrimination, and safeguarding democratic freedoms; it is committed to ensuring that Israel’s Arab citizens enjoy equal civil and national rights, defending Arabs’ housing and property rights, and maintaining fraternal bonds between Jews and Arabs; it is committed to protecting the rights of women, youth, children, and foreign workers. Through concrete action, the CPI has demonstrated its loyalty to the socialist system and its enthusiasm for the socialist cause.

以共对当代社会主义有着理性的思考。面对全球日益加剧的社会、环境、经济问题，越来越多的人开始思考探索新的社会替代模式，以实现社会公义。以共认为“社会主义不是一成不变的社会制度，而是不断发展、更新的社会道路”，指出“在当今的以色列，社会主义的概念并没有从公众话语中消失，因此需要共产党人将社会主义概念与以色列的实际相结合，建立一支实现社会主义变革的力量”。为了实现社会主义理想，该党致力于捍卫劳动者的事业和权利，提高其生活水平，保护人权，反对歧视，保护民主自由；致力于保证以色列阿拉伯公民享有平等的民事和民族权力，捍卫阿拉伯人的住房和财产权，维护犹太人和阿拉伯人之间的兄弟情义；致力于保护妇女、青年、儿童、外籍劳工的权利。以共用实际行动表明了其对社会主义制度的忠诚，对社会主义事业的热情。

The CPI has made objective judgments on the Arab-Israeli conflict. The CPI has always insisted on resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict by peaceful means, always taking the common interests of the Arab and Jewish peoples as its consideration, and opposing Israel’s occupation of Arab territories. Its party program clearly states that the party is “a party of Jews and Arabs that serves all citizens and represents the interests of the Jewish and Arab peoples,” and proposes a just and stable path to peace between Palestine and Israel. Both the 25th Congress report and the 26th Congress report put forward a “peace program” between Palestine and Israel, whose basic contents include: Israel’s abandonment of Arab territories occupied through war since 1967; resolution of the Palestinian refugee issue within the framework of peace negotiations and in accordance with UN resolutions; realization of national self-determination for the Palestinian Arabs and the establishment of a sovereign state; Israeli withdrawal from East Jerusalem and from Lebanon; dismantlement of all settlements in the occupied territories; return of the Golan Heights to Syria; and the signing of peace agreements between Israel and Arab states on the basis of peaceful coexistence and non-interference in each other’s internal affairs.

以共对阿以冲突有着客观的论断。以共始终坚持以和平手段解决阿以冲突，始终以维护阿犹两个民族的共同利益为考量，反对以色列对阿拉伯国家领土的占领，党纲明确提出，该党是“为所有国民服务并代表犹太和阿拉伯人民利益的犹太人和阿拉伯人的政党”，提出巴以之间要走一条公正、平稳的和平道路。该党的二十五大报告和二十六大报告均提出了巴以之间的“和平纲领”，其基本内容包括：以色列放弃1967年以来通过战争占领的阿拉伯领土；巴勒斯坦难民问题在和平谈判框架下遵照联合国决议进行解决；巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人实现民族自决，建立主权国家；以色列从东耶路撒冷撤出，从黎巴嫩撤军；以色列拆除占领区内所有定居点；将戈兰高地归还给叙利亚；以色列在和平共处和不干涉他国内政基础上与阿拉伯国家签订和平协议等。

The CPI has maintained a sustained identification with Party building. The CPI continues to uphold the principle of democratic centralism, believing that this principle “combines the guarantee of internal democracy, freedom of speech, and collective leadership with individual responsibility based on division of labour, while adhering to the unified policies of the state and faithfully implementing resolutions,” and it applies the principle of democratic centralism throughout the entire process of Party building. The CPI also places particular emphasis on the role of the Peace and Democracy Front. As early as the 18th Congress of the CPI in 1977, it decided to establish the “Front for Peace and Democracy,” with the aim of promoting peace between Israel and the Arab states and safeguarding the interests of Arabs within Israel. The CPI’s proposal received a positive response, and many social organisations of both Jews and Arabs joined the Front, “such as the Black Panther organisation and the socialist ‘Matzpen movement’.” [3]3 The Black Panthers were an Israeli social protest movement of Mizrahi Jews founded in the early 1970s; Matzpen was a small Israeli socialist and anti-Zionist group active from the 1960s to the 1980s. Entering the 21st century, the CPI still believes that the democratic front should be strengthened, and is committed to “building a broad Jewish-Arab leftist front … dedicated to taking extensive joint action on the basis of reaching consensus with other political parties, various sectors, and dissidents.” It has repeatedly relied on the democratic front to carry out struggles for peace between Israel and Palestine, to defend the rights of workers and the masses, to oppose sectarian discrimination and religious oppression, and to fight for equal rights for women, achieving considerable results.

以共对党的建设有着持续的认同。以共继续坚持民主集中制原则，认为该原则“是在坚持国家的统一政策、恪守并切实执行决议的同时，保证内部民主、言论自由和集体领导与个人分工负责相结合”，将民主集中制原则贯穿于党的建设始终。以共还特别重视和平与民主阵线的作用，1977年以共十八大便决定建立“争取和平与民主阵线”，目的是促进以色列和阿拉伯国家之间的和平，保障国内阿拉伯人的利益。以共的提议得到了积极响应，许多犹太人和阿拉伯人的社会组织都参加到阵线中来，“如黑豹组织、社会主义‘马滋潘运动’等”。进入21世纪，以共依然认为民主阵线应得到加强，并致力于“建立广泛的犹太阿拉伯左翼阵线……致力于在与其他各政党、各界及持不同政见者达成一致的基础上，采取广泛的共同行动”，多次依靠民主阵线开展实现以色列和巴勒斯坦之间的和平、保卫工人和人民群众的权利、反对教派歧视和宗教压迫、争取妇女平等权利的斗争，并取得了不错的成果。

V. Conclusion

五、结语

While fully affirming the achievements of the CPI in promoting Arab-Israeli peace and exploring the path of socialist development, one must also recognise the many difficulties the party faces, the biggest of which is the decline in support among Arabs and the corresponding drop in the CPI’s influence in parliamentary politics. The CPI was previously popular among Arabs because of its opposition to the Zionist movement, its support for Arab states, and its unremitting struggle for the national and civil rights of Israeli Arabs. However, since the 1970s, with the advancement of the democratisation process in Israeli society and the strengthening of Arab national consciousness, some nationalist organisations—such as the “Sons of the Village Movement” and the “Nationalist Progressive Movement (NPM),” both established by university students—have challenged the Communist Party’s ideology and political leadership, attempting to break its dominant position in representing the national aspirations of Israeli Arabs. Entering the 1980s, Israeli Arabs became increasingly mature politically, forming their own political parties and participating independently in election campaigns. The Arab votes that had originally gone to the CPI were severely diverted by Arab nationalist parties. Since the 1990s, Arab nationalist parties have become increasingly dominant among Arab voters, while the CPI, due to the erosion of its mass base, has never held more than four seats in parliamentary elections. Its political performance has been poor, and its position in the political arena has gradually become marginalised.

在充分肯定以共在促进阿以和平、探索社会主义发展道路等方面取得的成就的同时，也应看到该党面临的诸多困境，其中最大的问题就是阿拉伯人支持率下滑，以共在议会政治中的影响力下降。以共此前之所以在阿拉伯人中受到欢迎，源于其对犹太复国主义运动的反对，对阿拉伯国家的支持，对以色列阿拉伯人民族和公民权的不懈争取。然而，20世纪70年代以来，随着以色列社会民主化进程的推进以及阿拉伯人民族意识的强化，一些民族主义组织，如由大学生群体建立的“村庄之子运动”(Sons of the Village Movement)和“民族主义进步运动”(the Nationalist Progressive Movement,NPM)等对共产党的意识形态和政治领导提出了挑战，并试图打破其在代表以色列阿拉伯人民族愿望方面的主导局面。进入80年代后，以色列阿拉伯人在政治上愈发成熟，组建了自己的政党并独立参加竞选活动，原本投给以共的阿拉伯人选票被阿拉伯民族党派严重分流。90年代以来，阿拉伯民族党派在阿拉伯选民中的优势越来越明显，而以共因群众基础的流失，在议会选举中的席位一直未能超过4个，政治选举不彰，政坛地位逐渐边缘化。

Looking at the CPI’s development process, one can see that the CPI respects and protects the interests of small and weak nationalities, is committed to resolving the national independence and liberation movements of the Arab and Jewish peoples, and seeks peaceful coexistence between the two peoples, possessing a unique dual-nationality character. However, from the day of its founding, the CPI has struggled to survive in the narrow space between nationalism and internationalism. The grand ideal of proletarian internationalism has constantly collided violently with the national sentiments of Zionism and Arab nationalism, leading to internal strife and frequent conflicts.

纵观以共的发展历程可以发现，以共尊重和保护弱小民族利益，致力于解决阿拉伯和犹太两个民族的民族独立与解放运动，实现两个民族的和平共处，有着独特的双民族特征。然而，自成立之日起，以共就在民族主义和国际主义的夹缝中艰难生存，无产阶级国际主义的宏大理想与犹太复国主义、阿拉伯民族主义的民族情怀不断进行着激烈碰撞，导致兄弟阋墙，矛盾频发。

The conflict between internationalism and national interests has also doomed the CPI’s development to be anything but smooth. Within the party, Jewish and Arab members, swayed by national sentiments, have failed to put themselves in each other’s shoes. Domestically, the CPI’s opposition to Zionism has prevented it from gaining the support of the overwhelming majority of the Jewish population in Israel. Internationally, influenced by the Arab-Israeli conflict and the US-Soviet rivalry, the CPI has failed to make better choices between national interests and international disputes. All of this has made it difficult to eliminate its internal contradictions, and it has failed to achieve significant progress in parliamentary struggle. Although the CPI firmly follows the socialist path, the current world socialist movement is at a low ebb, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict is complex and intractable, and the CPI’s own capacity for self-reform and innovation is weak. As a result, its development has been slow and its influence limited. In the future, the CPI needs to make greater efforts to strengthen the Party’s strength and expand its public influence, and to enhance its unity and international cooperation with left-wing forces around the world.

国际主义与民族利益之间的冲突，也注定了以共的发展不会是一番坦途。从党内来看，犹太党员和阿拉伯党员受民族情感的左右，未能设身处地为对方考虑；从国内看，以共反对犹太复国主义，未能获得以色列国内占人口绝大多数的犹太人的支持；从国际上看，受到阿以冲突和苏美争霸的影响，以共未能在国家利益和国际纷争中做出更好的选择。所有这些使得其内部矛盾难以消除，在议会斗争中也未能取得显著进步。虽然以共坚定地走社会主义道路，然而，由于当前世界社会主义运动处于低潮，巴以矛盾错综复杂，加上以共的自我变革和创新能力较弱，导致其发展缓慢，影响力有限。未来的以共需要在增强党的力量和扩大党的公众影响力，加强与世界各国左翼力量联合和国际合作等方面做出更多的努力。

(Author’s bio: Ge Shuzhen, Lecturer, School of Humanities, Henan University of Science and Technology)

（作者简介：葛淑珍，河南科技大学人文学院讲师）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心