An Analysis of the Adjustments in Theoretical Programme and Policy Positions of the Socialist International since Its Split

The Socialist International is an international union of socialist, social democratic, labour parties and other political parties and organizations that adhere to the theory of social democracy. It was once the world’s largest and most influential international political party organization, dedicated to strengthening ties among member parties, coordinating their views and actions, and promoting the global expansion of social democratic thought and movements. The establishment of the Progressive Alliance in 2013 marked a split in the Socialist International. While existing articles have interpreted the reasons for the split, there is still a lack of comprehensive introduction to its dynamics since the split. Tracking the difficulties faced by the Socialist International in the decade since the split and its theoretical and policy adjustments can provide a better understanding of the theoretical transformation explorations and latest development trends of the Socialist International, whose main body consists of social democratic parties from developing countries, as it struggles in the aftermath of the international financial crisis.

社会党国际是奉行社会民主主义理论的各国社会党、社会民主党、工党及其他一些政党和组织的国际联合组织，曾是世界上最大和最具影响力的国际政党组织，致力于加强成员党之间的联系，协调各成员党的观点与行动，促进了社会民主主义思想与运动在全球的扩展。2013年进步联盟的成立标志着社会党国际发生分裂，关于分裂的原因，已有文章予以解读,但对其分裂以来的动态尚缺乏全面介绍。追踪社会党国际分裂十年来面临的困境及其进行的理论与政策调整，可以更好地认识以发展中国家社会党为主体的社会党国际在国际金融危机爆发以来的困境中进行理论转型的探索及最新发展走向。

I. The Difficulties Faced by the Socialist International since Its Split

一、社会党国际分裂以来面临的困境

Since the outbreak of the international financial crisis in 2008, social democratic parties have fallen into a political low ebb, and the Socialist International has faced numerous challenges: organizationally, internal mechanisms have become rigid and bureaucracy prevalent; theoretically, innovation has been insufficient, and it has been continuously squeezed by right-wing discourse; electorally, left- and right-wing populist parties have diverted the traditional support base of social democratic parties, leading to persistently poor electoral performance. However, in the face of these challenges, the member parties of the Socialist International not only failed to strengthen unity to cope with the crisis but instead showed a tendency toward division. On May 22, 2013, the Progressive Alliance was established, the Socialist International split, and social democracy had two parallel international political party organizations. This weakened the overall strength of social democracy and further exacerbated the difficulties of the Socialist International, mainly manifested in the following three aspects.

2008年国际金融危机爆发以来，社会民主主义政党陷入政治低潮，社会党国际面临诸多挑战：在组织上，内部机制僵化、官僚主义盛行；在理论上，创新性不足，不断受到右翼话语的挤压；在选举中，左、右翼民粹主义政党分流了社会党的传统支持群体，选情持续低迷。但在挑战面前，社会党国际各成员党不仅没有加强联合以应对危机，反而出现了分裂态势。2013年5月22日进步联盟成立，社会党国际发生分裂，社会民主主义出现了两个平行的国际政党组织，这削弱了社会民主主义的整体力量，进一步加剧了社会党国际的困境，主要表现在以下三个方面。

First, organizational difficulties. To begin with, in terms of organizational scale, the number of member parties of the Socialist International has sharply declined. Changes in member parties mainly take three forms: the first type retains membership in the Socialist International while also joining the Progressive Alliance; the second type downgrades its membership status in the Socialist International and joins the Progressive Alliance; the third type completely withdraws from the Socialist International to join the Progressive Alliance. Currently, the total number of member parties of the Socialist International has decreased to 132, while the number of member parties of the Progressive Alliance has reached 140, which to some extent weakens the influence of the Socialist International. Secondly, in terms of organizational cohesion, the establishment of the Progressive Alliance has fostered differentiation, opposition, and estrangement among the member parties of the Socialist International, undermining organizational unity. Thirdly, in terms of organizational operation, member parties that joined the Progressive Alliance no longer actively participate in the affairs of the Socialist International, and the operation of the Socialist International has fallen into a state of inefficiency. For example, meetings of the Socialist International Council, regional committees, and thematic committees have significantly decreased. The activities of the Socialist International are basically limited to commenting or issuing statements on international hot issues on its official website, and its organizational coordination and appeal have been continuously weakening.

一是组织困境。首先，在组织规模上，社会党国际的成员党数量急剧下降，成员党的变动主要表现为以下三种类型：第一类是在保留社会党国际成员党资格的同时加入进步联盟；第二类是降低在社会党国际的成员地位并加入进步联盟；第三类是完全脱离社会党国际转而加入进步联盟。目前，社会党国际的成员党总数已经减少到132个，而进步联盟的成员党数量已经达到140个，这在一定程度上削弱了社会党国际的影响力。其次，在组织凝聚力上，进步联盟的成立催生了社会党国际成员党的分化、对立和隔阂，削弱了组织的团结。再次，在组织运行上，加入进步联盟的成员党不再积极参与社会党国际的事务，社会党国际的运行陷入低效困境。比如，社会党国际理事会、区域委员会和专题委员会会议明显减少，社会党国际的活动基本限于在官方网站对国际热点问题发表评论或声明，组织协调力和号召力不断减弱。

Second, ideological and theoretical difficulties. To begin with, the Socialist International finds it difficult to propose innovative ideological theories. Western European socialist parties, as founding members of the Socialist International, were the main ideological contributors, promoting the innovative development of the Socialist International’s thought and theory. The establishment of the Progressive Alliance and the collective “departure” of Western European socialist parties have brought great challenges to the theoretical innovation of the Socialist International. Secondly, its ability to lead on issues has declined. The policy issues of the Socialist International remain limited to traditional topics such as democracy and human rights, peace and conflict, climate change and sustainable development, promoting its values of democracy, freedom, justice, and solidarity. However, against the backdrop of complex international situations, deep integration of economy and digital development, and the rise of populist parties challenging the traditional party landscape, the Socialist International, whose main body consists of social democratic parties from developing countries, lacks the ability to set agendas and lead on emerging issues, gradually losing its voice on major international issues. Finally, there is a lack of theoretical discussion on the transformation of social democracy. Since the outbreak of the international financial crisis in 2008, facing the global predicament of social democracy, the Socialist International has attempted to ideologically correct the compromise of the “Third Way” with neoliberalism, seeking to revive social democracy by returning to left-wing traditions. However, this has been limited to criticizing neoliberalism, without proposing systematic theoretical propositions, and it lacks theoretical reflection on the question of “where is social democracy heading.”

二是思想理论困境。首先，社会党国际难以提出创新性的思想理论。西欧社会党作为社会党国际的创始成员，是社会党国际的主要思想贡献者，促进了社会党国际思想理论的创新发展。进步联盟的成立和西欧社会党的集体“出走”，给社会党国际的理论创新带来了巨大挑战。其次，议题引领能力下降。社会党国际的政策议题仍局限于民主与人权、和平与冲突、气候变化与可持续发展等传统议题，宣传其民主、自由、公正、团结等价值观。但在国际局势错综复杂、经济与数字化发展深度融合、民粹主义政党崛起冲击传统政党格局的背景下，以发展中国家社会党为主体的社会党国际缺乏新兴议题的议程设置能力和议题引领能力，逐渐丧失了在重大国际问题上的发言权。最后，在社会民主主义转型方面缺乏理论探讨。2008年国际金融危机爆发以来，面对世界范围内社会民主主义的困境，社会党国际试图在意识形态上纠正“第三条道路”对新自由主义的妥协，通过回归左翼传统复兴社会民主主义，但也仅限于对新自由主义进行批判，并没有提出系统的理论主张，在“社会民主主义向何处去”的问题上缺乏理论思考。

Third, financial difficulties. The operation of an organization requires certain financial guarantees. The main source of funding for the Socialist International is membership fees paid by member parties. There is no upper limit on fees, and wealthy countries are encouraged to pay more. Therefore, in the past, Western European member parties paid far higher fees than developing country member parties, with the Social Democratic Party of Germany topping the list with an annual fee of 100,000 pounds. In January 2012, Sigmar Gabriel, then chairman of the Social Democratic Party of Germany, announced that he would stop paying membership fees to the Socialist International. After the establishment of the Progressive Alliance in 2013, 69 of the Socialist International’s 162 member parties announced their accession to it, and the fees paid by these parties accounted for as much as 85% of the total membership fees of the Socialist International. The membership fee paid by the Social Democratic Party of Germany to the Socialist International was reduced from 100,000 pounds to 5,000 pounds; the French Socialist Party halved its fee to 45,000 pounds; and the Social Democratic Party of Switzerland reduced its fee from 10,000 pounds to 1,000 pounds. In 2017, a large number of member parties, including the Social Democratic Party of Germany, formally withdrew from the Socialist International and stopped paying fees. Although some member parties retained their membership in the Socialist International (such as the British Labour Party), they automatically downgraded to observer party status to reduce their fees. The “departure” of member parties led to a serious loss of membership fees, causing a budget shortfall for the Socialist International and posing severe challenges to the organization’s development.

三是财政困境。组织的运行需要一定的财政保障，社会党国际的资金来源主要是各成员党缴纳的会费，会费不设上限，鼓励富国多交，因此以往西欧成员党缴纳的会费远远高于发展中国家成员党，其中德国社会民主党以10万英镑年费高居榜首。2012年1月，时任德国社会民主党主席西格玛尔·加布里尔宣布要停止向社会党国际缴纳会费。2013年进步联盟成立后，社会党国际的162个成员党中有69个政党宣布加入其中，而这些政党缴纳的会费占社会党国际总会费的比例高达85%。德国社会民主党向社会党国际缴纳的会费由10万英镑减少到5千英镑，法国社会党将会费减少一半，降至4.5万英镑，瑞士社会民主党缴纳的会费由1万英镑降至1千英镑。2017年，包括德国社会民主党在内的一大批成员党正式脱离社会党国际，停止缴纳会费。有些成员党虽然保留了社会党国际的成员党资格（如英国工党），但是自动降级为观察员党以减少缴纳会费。成员党的“出走”导致会费严重流失，使社会党国际的财政预算短缺，组织发展面临严峻挑战。

II. Adjustments in the Theoretical Programme of the Socialist International since Its Split

二、社会党国际分裂以来理论纲领的调整

As the banner of an international political party organization, a theoretical programme is of great significance for consolidating organizational strength and achieving organizational goals. Since the split, the Socialist International has adjusted its theoretical programme, forming an ideological theory that takes “progressive politics” as its direction and basic values with left-wing characteristics as its core.

理论纲领作为国际政党组织的旗帜，对于凝聚组织力量、实现组织目标具有重要意义。分裂以来，社会党国际对理论纲领进行了调整，形成了以“进步政治”为方向、以具有左翼特色的基本价值观为核心的思想理论。

(I) Taking “Progressive Politics” as the Goal and Direction of Theoretical Transformation

（一）把“进步政治”作为理论转型的目标和方向

Since the outbreak of the international financial crisis in 2008, against the backdrop of the prevalence of conservatism and neoliberalism, “progress” has become a byword for left-wing policies. Progressivism believes in the common good and social justice, holding that society can be made better through effort. The Socialist International, in the “Organizational Introduction” section of its official website, uses the title “Progressive Politics – For a Fairer World,” indicating its distinctive feature of developing progressive politics. At the 26th Congress of the Socialist International, the newly elected President Pedro Sánchez proposed committing to making the Socialist International an important ideological platform for the international progressive movement. It is noteworthy that after the 26th Congress, every time the Socialist International issued a press release, it appended the slogan “In Solidarity; For Progress” at the end, highlighting the direction of developing progressive politics. Promoting “progressive politics” conducive to individual well-being, social justice, and sustainable development became the goal of the Socialist International’s theoretical transformation. After the split, the Socialist International continuously elaborated on the connotation of “progressive politics” through successive councils and congresses. First, ideologically, it opposes extreme liberalism and conservatism, arguing that “we are experiencing a global confrontation between extreme liberal ideology and our progressive choice.” [2]2 The 26th Congress of the Socialist International was held in Madrid, Spain, in November 2022, where Pedro Sánchez was elected President. Former President of the Socialist International George Papandreou pointed out: “The difference between the Socialist International and the conservatives is that ‘they talk about fear, we talk about hope. They talk about punishment, we talk about change. They talk about austerity, we talk about reform. They are afraid of the people, but want to save the banks. We are skeptical of banks because we want to save the people.’” Second, in terms of the view of the state, it emphasizes the role of the state. Unlike the resistance of conservatism and extreme liberalism to the state, the Socialist International advocates a progressive alternative, regarding the welfare state as a condition for escaping the crisis. Third, in terms of the view of development, it holds that the economy, society, and environment must be given equal priority to achieve genuine development. The Socialist International’s Commission for a Sustainable World Society “aims to articulate, from a progressive political perspective, the governance approaches needed to address global environmental issues, climate change, and these shared challenges.” Fourth, in terms of the view of human rights, it places human rights issues in all aspects of social democratic development. For example, it regards human rights as the core of development issues and global climate change cooperation, formulates immigration policies based on the principle of protecting human rights, and considers personal data ownership in the era of big data as a fundamental human right.

2008年国际金融危机爆发以来，在保守主义和新自由主义盛行的背景下，“进步”成为左翼政策的代名词，进步主义相信共同利益和社会正义，认为可以通过努力使社会变得更好。社会党国际在官方网站“组织介绍”部分使用了“进步政治——为了一个更公平的世界”的标题，表明其发展进步政治的鲜明特色。在社会党国际二十六大上，新当选的主席佩德罗·桑切斯提出致力于使社会党国际成为国际进步运动的一个重要的意识形态平台。值得注意的是，二十六大召开后，社会党国际每次发布新闻稿时都会在文末注明“团结一致；为了进步”（In Solidarity; For Progress）的口号，突出强调发展进步政治的方向。推行有利于个人福祉、社会正义、可持续发展的“进步政治”成为社会党国际理论转型的目标。分裂后，社会党国际不断通过历次理事会和代表大会阐释“进步政治”的内涵。一是在意识形态上反对极端自由主义和保守主义，认为“我们正在经历一场极端自由主义意识形态和我们的进步选择之间的全球对抗”。社会党国际前任主席乔治·帕潘德里欧指出：社会党国际和保守派的区别体现在“他们说的是恐惧，我们说的是希望。他们谈论惩罚，我们谈论改变。他们谈论紧缩，我们谈论改革。他们害怕人民，但想拯救银行。我们对银行持怀疑态度，因为我们想拯救人民”。二是在国家观上注重发挥国家的作用，与保守主义和极端自由主义对国家的抵制不同，社会党国际倡导进步的替代方案，将福利国家视为摆脱危机的条件。三是在发展观上，认为必须将经济、社会和环境置于同等优先的地位，才能实现真正的发展。社会党国际可持续世界社会委员会（Commission for a Sustainable World Society）“旨在从进步政治角度阐明解决全球环境问题、气候变化和应对这些共同挑战所需的治理方法”。四是在人权观上，将人权问题置于社会民主主义发展的各环节。比如，将人权视为发展问题和全球气候变化合作的核心，以保护人权为原则制定移民政策，把大数据时代的个人数据所有权视为基本人权等。

(II) Making the formation of basic values with left-wing characteristics the core of theoretical transformation

（二）把形成具有左翼特色的基本价值观作为理论转变的核心

First, opposing the neoliberal view of freedom, and arguing that the concept of responsibility should be emphasized more. The neoliberal view of freedom reflects the demand of capital’s expansiveness for global market freedom. Only under conditions of market openness can the global system of capitalism be effectively constructed. Since the split of the Socialist International, the negative impact of neoliberalism has continued to deepen. To change the compromise with neoliberalism since the late 1990s and reshape left-wing identity, the Socialist International changed its view of the principle of freedom, arguing that capitalism and the free market do not equal freedom, and that greater emphasis should be placed on the individual’s responsibility to society, the responsibility of the strong in society to help the weak, and the responsibility of the present generation to future generations.

第一，反对新自由主义的自由观，认为更应强调责任观念。新自由主义的自由体现了资本的扩张性对全球市场自由度的要求。只有在市场开放的条件下，资本主义的全球体系才能被有效构建。社会党国际分裂以来，新自由主义的负面影响持续加深。为改变20世纪90年代后期向新自由主义的妥协，重塑左翼身份特征，社会党国际改变了对自由原则的看法，认为资本主义和自由市场并不等于自由，更应强调个人对社会的责任、社会强者对弱者互助的责任、当代对后代的责任。

Second, placing greater value on equality and reshaping left-wing identity. First, elevating “equality” to the level of an organizational principle. The 25th Congress of the Socialist International pointed out: “Equality is not an abstract right, but the organizing principle of our political work for the coming decades.” Second, regarding equality as a complex and multi-layered issue, including gender equality, ethnic equality, equality of faith groups, equality between the Global South and the Global North, etc. Third, advocating for genuine equality different from conservatism and neoliberalism. The Socialist International pointed out that conservatives believe inequality is natural or even necessary, and neoliberals believe that equality of opportunity is sufficient; however, the moral foundation and values of the Socialist International reject these views, and its vision is to achieve genuine equality in terms of dignity, citizenship, public goods, and the global commons.

第二，更加重视平等价值，重塑左翼身份。一是将“平等”上升到组织原则高度，社会党国际二十五大指出：“平等不是抽象的权利，而是我们未来几十年政治工作的组织原则”。二是把平等视为复杂和多层次的问题，包括性别平等、族群平等、信仰群体平等、南方和北方的平等等。三是提倡不同于保守主义和新自由主义的真正平等。社会党国际指出，保守派认为不平等是自然的甚至必要的，新自由主义者相信机会平等就够了；而社会党国际的道德基础和价值观拒绝这些观点，其愿景是在享有尊严、公民身份、公共产品和全球公域方面实现真正的平等。

Third, advocating a new culture of solidarity. First, emphasizing that solidarity is a method for responding to the challenges of the times. The 25th Congress of the Socialist International pointed out that the hard-won solidarity among peoples is being impacted by nationalism, xenophobia, and isolationism. Solidarity is not a slogan; at this challenging moment, social democratic parties must stand together more than ever. Second, calling for multi-layered solidarity and making it a fundamental pillar of the Socialist International. Facing the organizational split caused by the establishment of the Progressive Alliance, it pointed out that international solidarity is the core of the social democratic character, calling for strengthening solidarity among member parties; facing global challenges, it advocates expanding global cooperation and strengthening solidarity within and between countries. Third, proposing to defend social democracy with solidarity. The 2022 Council meeting of the Socialist International called for defending social democracy with solidarity, defending the fraternity of the socialist family, and working together to leave no one behind.

第三，倡导新的团结文化。首先，强调团结是应对时代挑战的方法。社会党国际二十五大指出，各国人民之间来之不易的团结正在受到民族主义、仇外主义和孤立主义的冲击。团结不是口号，在这个充满挑战的时刻，社会民主主义政党比以往任何时候都要站在一起。其次，呼吁多层次的团结并将其作为社会党国际的基本支柱。面对进步联盟成立带来的组织分裂，指出国际团结是社会民主主义特征的核心，呼吁加强成员党的团结；面对全球性挑战，主张扩大全球合作，加强国家内部和国家间的团结。再次，提出用团结捍卫社会民主主义。社会党国际2022年理事会会议呼吁以团结捍卫社会民主主义、捍卫社会主义大家庭的友爱，共同努力不让任何人掉队。

Fourth, taking democratic values as the core of the ideological and theoretical system. The Socialist International believes that democracy is the foundation of freedom, justice, and social prosperity. As social democratic parties, the members of the Socialist International are defined by their fundamental commitment to democracy and its development. In terms of political democracy, it believes that democracy is of overriding importance and makes supporting democratic processes around the world a core issue. Due to the poor electoral performance of member parties, the Socialist International put forward the view of emphasizing the role of opposition parties, arguing that in countries where democracy functions well, opposition parties play an important role of checks and balances. In terms of economic democracy, it proposed the concept of “accountability to the people.” Papandreou pointed out: “In the global economy, the challenge for democracy is whether states and markets are accountable to the needs of the people, serve the best interests of the people, and whether the people have the power of decision.” In terms of social democracy, the Socialist International believes that the social democratic agenda focuses on all people, not a privileged few, and is a viable alternative to nationalism and neoliberalism. In terms of international democracy, the Socialist International believes that the struggle for world democracy is a struggle based on the values of freedom and equality, “Our goal is to give every citizen in the world the same opportunity to live under democratic conditions, exercise their rights to freedom, and end oppression and authoritarianism.”

第四，把民主价值观作为思想理论体系的核心。社会党国际认为，民主是自由、公正和社会繁荣的基础。社会党国际成员作为社会民主主义政党，是由其对民主及其发展的基本承诺所界定的。在政治民主方面，认为民主具有压倒一切的重要性，把支持世界各地的民主进程作为核心议题。由于成员党选举表现不佳，社会党国际提出了重视反对党作用的观点，认为在民主运作良好的国家，反对党发挥着重要的制衡作用。在经济民主方面，提出“对人民负责”的理念。帕潘德里欧指出：“在全球经济中，民主面临的挑战是国家和市场是否对人民的需求负责，是否为人民的最大利益服务，以及人民是否拥有决定权。”在社会民主方面，社会党国际认为社会民主议程关注所有人而不是少数特权者，是民族主义和新自由主义的可行替代方案。在国际民主方面，社会党国际认为争取世界民主是一场基于自由和平等价值观的斗争，“我们的目标是使世界上每一位公民都有同样的机会在民主条件下生活，行使其自由权利，结束压迫和威权主义”。

Fifth, proposing a new view of peace. First, elevating peace to the level of organizational purpose. The Socialist International believes that social democracy originates from the peace movement, that peace is the fundamental prerequisite for human progress and prosperity, and a precondition for development and democracy, and that military conflict and the destruction of life run counter to the social democratic movement. Accordingly, the 26th Congress of the Socialist International elevated the value of peace to the level of organizational purpose. Second, it believes that the causes of the destruction of peace are multiple, with inequality as its root. The Socialist International believes that peace is not merely the silence of weapons, but also needs to be consolidated through equality. Global terrorism is a fundamental threat to peace, security, stability, and the shared values of the Socialist International. Furthermore, world peace is closely related to respect for human rights and minority rights, transparent democratic governance, social justice, fair distribution of wealth, and the sustainable use of resources.

第五，提出新的和平观。一是将和平上升到组织宗旨的高度。社会党国际认为，社会民主主义源于和平运动，和平是人类进步与繁荣的根本前提，是发展和民主的先决条件，军事冲突和生命的毁灭与社会民主主义运动背道而驰。据此，社会党国际二十六大把和平价值观上升到组织宗旨的高度。二是认为破坏和平的原因是多方面的，其根源是不平等。社会党国际认为和平不仅是武器的沉默，还需要通过平等加以巩固。全球恐怖主义是对和平、安全、稳定及社会党国际共同价值观的根本威胁。此外，世界和平还与尊重人权和少数群体权利、透明的民主治理、社会正义、财富的公平分配和资源的可持续利用密切相关。

III. Adjustments to Policy Proposals since the Split of the Socialist International

三、社会党国际分裂以来政策主张的调整

Faced with changes in the external environment, an organization can only achieve better development by transforming itself. After the split, against the backdrop of intensified challenges of the times and multiple difficulties, the Socialist International adjusted its policy proposals, covering areas such as organization, politics, economy, climate change, and international issues, specifically including the following aspects.

面对外部环境的变化，组织只有变革自身才能实现更好的发展。分裂后，在时代挑战加剧和面临多种困境的背景下，社会党国际对政策主张进行了调整，涉及组织、政治、经济、气候变化及国际问题等领域，具体包括以下方面。

(I) Enhancing Organizational Vitality and Democracy

（一）增强组织活力与民主性

Faced with the predicament brought about by the organizational split, the Socialist International has focused on enhancing organizational democracy, revitalizing the organization through adaptive changes. First, it promotes the payment of membership dues by member parties, linking dues payment with participation rights. Before the 26th Congress, the Socialist International issued a notice through its official website, stipulating that only parties that have fulfilled their financial obligations are eligible to participate in the congress and exercise voting rights, and that member parties can only participate in the nomination and election of the Presidium if they have paid their dues in full. At the 26th Congress of the Socialist International, to commend member parties that had paid their dues in full, the leadership of the Socialist International awarded them the Solidarity Award. Second, it introduced competitive elections into the leadership election. The 24th Congress of the Socialist International elected all officials for the first time through secret ballot and competitive elections. Although the Socialist International subsequently split, competitive elections were established as an organizational principle. Former Secretary-General of the Socialist International, Luis Ayala, pointed out: “As long as an international organization is democratically self-governed by its members, it will continue to succeed.” Third, it enhanced the regional representation of member parties. The key to internal organizational democracy is the active participation and proportional representation of member parties from all regions. The election of the Presidium at the 26th Congress of the Socialist International adhered to the principle of regional balance, using the largest remainder method to allocate vice-chair positions proportionally to each region. Fourth, it advocated the principle of gender equality. The amendment to the constitution adopted at the 25th Congress of the Socialist International revised Article 5 to read: “Our goal is to have an equal number of men and women at all levels of our organization. Gender equality is a human rights issue for our movement.” At the 26th Congress of the Socialist International, a gender equality representation reform was carried out in accordance with the principle of gender equality, stipulating that the proportion of female representatives among the elected members of the Presidium shall not be less than one-third.

面对组织分裂带来的困境，社会党国际以增强组织民主性为重点，通过适应性变革激发组织活力。一是促进成员党缴纳会费，将会费缴纳与参与权相联系。社会党国际在二十六大召开前，通过官方网站发布通知，规定只有履行了财政义务的政党才有资格参与大会并行使投票权，成员党只有在付清会费的情况下才能参与主席团的提名与竞选。在社会党国际二十六大上，为表彰足额缴纳会费的成员党，社会党国际领导层向它们颁发了团结奖。二是将竞争性选举引入领导层选举。社会党国际二十四大首次通过无记名投票和竞争性选举方式选出所有官员。此后，社会党国际虽然发生分裂，但竞争性选举作为组织原则被确立下来。社会党国际前任秘书长路易斯·阿亚拉指出：“只要国际组织是由其成员民主自治的，它就会继续取得成功。”三是增强成员党的地域代表性。组织内部民主的关键是所有区域成员党的积极参与和比例代表。社会党国际二十六大主席团的选举就坚持地域平衡原则，使用最大均数法按比例向每个地区分配了副主席职位。四是倡导性别平等原则。社会党国际二十五大通过的章程修正案将第五条修改为“我们的目标是在我们组织的各个级别上拥有同等数量的男性和女性。性别平等是我们运动的人权问题”。社会党国际二十六大根据性别平等原则进行了性别平等代表权改革，规定当选的主席团成员中女性代表比例不得少于1/3。

(II) Committed to Strengthening and Defending Democratic Institutions

（二）致力于加强和捍卫民主制度

Since the split of the Socialist International, democratic politics worldwide has suffered setbacks; the rise of populism has impacted liberal democracy; the marriage of politics and economics under market economy conditions has captured democratic politics; the rise of big data and social media in the digital age has affected agenda-setting and electoral activities; and disinformation poses new challenges to democracy. Against this backdrop, the Socialist International has put forward policy propositions to defend democracy. First, it opposes populism. The Socialist International believes that the root cause of the rise of populism lies in the ineffective and unjust response to the international financial crisis, particularly related to austerity policies. In response, efforts must be made to reduce inequality, increase opportunities, and achieve sustainable growth for the benefit of all people. Second, it advocates strengthening the construction of democratic institutions. For example, enhancing citizen political participation, building fair and transparent electoral systems, strengthening the institutional construction of political parties themselves, and improving parliamentary and judicial systems. Third, it puts forward propositions to defend democracy in the digital age. Given that social networks can influence voters’ choices and pose challenges to free and fair elections, the Socialist International calls for vigilance against interference from new technologies in elections and for the adoption of safeguards; given the risks posed by powerful personalized configuration algorithms, the Socialist International advocates for the protection of personal data, arguing that ownership of personal data should be considered a human right. Fourth, it mobilizes young people to participate in progressive politics. In an era of information democratization, young people are more informed about the world than ever before; they are becoming politicized and will not be satisfied with past rigid and authoritarian systems. Therefore, it calls on socialist parties to speak for the younger generation and become architects of democratic change.

社会党国际分裂以来，世界范围内的民主政治遭受挫折，民粹主义的兴起对自由民主造成冲击，市场经济条件下政治与经济的联姻俘获了民主政治，数字时代大数据和社交媒体的兴起影响了议程设置和选举活动，虚假信息对民主构成新挑战。在此背景下，社会党国际提出了捍卫民主的政策主张。一是反对民粹主义。社会党国际认为民粹主义崛起的根源在于对国际金融危机无效和不公正的反应，尤其与紧缩政策有关。对此，必须努力减少不平等现象，增加机会并实现可持续增长，以造福全体人民。二是倡导加强民主制度建设。例如，加强公民政治参与，建设公平透明的选举制度，加强政党自身的制度建设，完善议会制度和司法制度等。三是提出数字时代捍卫民主的主张。鉴于社交网络会影响选民的选择并对自由公正的选举构成挑战，社会党国际呼吁警惕新技术对选举的干扰并采取保障措施；鉴于强大的个性化配置算法带来的风险，社会党国际倡导重视个人数据保护，认为拥有个人数据所有权应被视为一项人权。四是动员年轻人参与进步政治。在信息民主化的时代，年轻人比以往更加了解整个世界，他们正在被政治化，并且不会满足于过去僵化和专制的体制，因而呼吁社会党代表年轻一代发声，并成为民主变革的缔造者。

(III) Formulating Economic Policy Propositions with Left-Wing Characteristics

（三）制定具有左翼特色的经济政策主张

Since the split of the Socialist International, the negative effects of the financial crisis have persisted. In response, the Socialist International calls on all countries to abandon fiscal austerity and formulate new economic policies. First, ideologically, it clearly opposes neoliberalism and the US-dominated international economic system, proposing to regulate global capital, place politics and democracy above the market, and end financial speculation. The Socialist International believes that the market economy cannot ensure justice, and in an unequal world economic system, the interests of developing countries must be valued, giving voice to vulnerable groups. Second, it proposes the principles and vision for centre-left global economic policy. The “Reaffirming the Centre-Left Vision for the Global Economy” adopted at the 2013 Istanbul Council Meeting proposed the following agenda: structural reforms oriented towards sustainable growth; preventing tax evasion and avoidance through international cooperation; strengthening financial regulation at national and international levels; structural reforms of social security systems; global cooperation to eradicate poverty and address climate change. The “Declaration on Global Economic Priorities” adopted at the 2014 Mexico Council Meeting prioritized addressing inequality, strengthening financial regulation, the use of big data, the environment, and sustainable development. Third, it makes the principle of equality the core of economic policy. In 2016, the Socialist International’s Commission on Inequality agreed on a set of basic policies to address inequality, including ending tax havens, implementing progressive taxation, levying capital taxes, and linking minimum wages to median income. The “Achieving Greater Equality in National and Global Economies” adopted at the 25th Congress of the Socialist International proposed basic principles and solutions to promote equality.

社会党国际分裂以来，金融危机的负面效应持续显现。对此，社会党国际呼吁所有国家放弃财政紧缩并制定新的经济政策。一是在意识形态上旗帜鲜明地反对新自由主义和美国主导的国际经济体系，提出要规制全球资本，将政治和民主置于市场之上，终结金融投机。社会党国际认为市场经济不能确保公正，在不平等的世界经济体系中要重视发展中国家的利益，为弱势群体发声。二是提出中左翼全球经济政策的原则和愿景。2013年伊斯坦布尔理事会会议通过的《重申中左翼对全球经济的愿景》提出了以下议程：以可持续增长为导向的结构性改革；通过国际合作防止逃税避税行为；加强国家和国际层面的金融监管；进行社会保障系统的结构性改革；全球合作消除贫困及应对气候变化等。2014年墨西哥理事会会议通过的《全球经济优先事项宣言》将解决不平等、加强金融监管、大数据的利用、环境及可持续发展作为优先事项。三是把平等原则作为经济政策的核心。2016年社会党国际不平等委员会商定了一系列解决不平等问题的基本政策，包括终结避税天堂、实行累进税收、征收资本税、将最低工资与中等收入挂钩等。社会党国际二十五大通过的《在国家和全球经济中实现更大平等》提出了促进平等的基本原则和解决方案。

(IV) Calling for the Protection of the Freedom and Human Rights of Migrants and Refugees

（四）呼吁保护移民和难民的自由和人权

Since the split of the Socialist International, the issue of migrants and refugees has become a hot topic of international concern. The Socialist International points out that the migration issue is one it must address in the name of solidarity, respect, and social justice, with its convictions as socialists, and with humanity and courage. First, it formulated policy documents calling for the protection of the rights of migrants and refugees, successively adopting documents such as the “Declaration on Family Reunification,” the “Charter on Migrant Rights,” the “Declaration on the Refugee Crisis,” the “Declaration on Slavery and Migration,” the “Resolution on Refugees,” and the “Declaration on the Global Migration and Refugee Dilemma.” Among these, the “Charter on Migrant Rights” adopted at the 2015 New York Council Meeting is the Socialist International’s programmatic document on migration and refugee policy. Second, it focuses on vulnerable groups in the migrant and refugee crisis. For example, it calls for special care for unaccompanied minors and women, opposes separating migrant children from their parents, and calls for respect for the human rights of vulnerable children and adolescents. Third, it believes that the fundamental solution to the refugee crisis lies in promoting peace and democracy. The Socialist International believes that the refugee crisis, conflict, and terrorism are closely linked; to end the refugee crisis, it is necessary to resolve conflict, terrorism, and the lack of democracy, and promote the transition of war-torn countries to peace and democracy. Fourth, it makes the principle of multilateralism the core of its response to the migrant and refugee crisis. The Socialist International believes that resolving the global refugee crisis requires coordinated action in conflict resolution, peace maintenance, sustainable development, democratization, and addressing climate change; relations between countries of origin and transit countries for migrants also need coordination. On the issue of migrant and refugee quota allocation, it calls on the EU and the international community to formulate consistent policies and urges EU countries to make a collective response.

社会党国际分裂以来，移民和难民问题成为国际关注的热点问题。社会党国际指出，移民问题是其必须以团结、尊重和社会正义的名义，以其作为社会主义者的信念，以人性和勇气解决的问题。一是制定政策文件呼吁保护移民和难民权利，先后通过了《家庭团聚宣言》《移民权利宪章》《难民危机宣言》《奴隶制和移民宣言》《难民决议》《全球移民与难民困境宣言》等文件。其中，2015年纽约理事会会议通过的《移民权利宪章》是社会党国际关于移民和难民政策的纲领性文件。二是关注移民和难民危机中的弱势群体。例如呼吁对无人陪伴的未成年人和妇女给予特殊照顾，反对将移民儿童与父母分开，呼吁尊重弱势儿童和青少年的人权等。三是认为解决难民危机的根本办法在于促进和平与民主。社会党国际认为难民危机、冲突和恐怖主义密切相关，要结束难民危机就必须解决冲突、恐怖主义以及缺乏民主的情况，促进战乱国家向和平民主过渡。四是把多边主义原则作为应对移民和难民危机的核心。社会党国际认为解决全球难民危机需要在解决冲突、维护和平、实现可持续发展、民主化和应对气候变化方面采取协调一致的行动，移民原籍国和过境国之间的关系也需要协调。在移民和难民名额分配问题上，呼吁欧盟和国际社会制定一致的政策，敦促欧盟国家作出集体反应。

(V) Proposing a Climate Policy Based on Social Democratic Ideals

（五）提出以社会民主主义理想为基础的气候政策

In the face of the global environmental crisis, the Socialist International has put forward climate policies based on the ideals of social democracy and a plan for moving towards a sustainable world society, giving priority to preventing catastrophic climate change. First, it advocates placing environmental protection at the core of economic growth strategies, promoting sustainable economic development and creating employment opportunities. It holds that economic growth measured by gross domestic product exacerbates inequality, and that the Gini coefficient and indicators on decent work published by the International Labour Organization should be taken into account. Second, it advocates a sustainable development model. The Socialist International believes that achieving the goal of full development opportunities for all, while protecting the future of the planet, requires a shift to a sustainable development model. The Sustainable Development Goals are consistent with the values of the global social democratic movement, and the Socialist International must be at the forefront globally. Third, it proposes policy recommendations for controlling carbon emissions, such as establishing a Green Climate Fund, ending subsidies for fossil fuels, imposing a global carbon tax, and implementing global infrastructure projects for the transition to a post-carbon economy. Fourth, it advocates the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities. The *Climate Change Declaration* adopted at the 2015 Socialist International Council meeting in Angola places climate justice at the core of climate policy, supports common but differentiated responsibilities, and holds that developed countries have an obligation to bear more responsibility. Fifth, it calls on the Socialist International to lead by example. To fulfil its commitments on addressing climate change, the 2017 Socialist International Council meeting in New York established a Committee on Climate Change and Energy, calling on member parties to lead by example, reduce damage to the environment, and advocate the use of electronic documents to reduce the use of printed materials.

面对全球环境危机，社会党国际提出了以社会民主主义理想为基础的气候政策和迈向可持续世界社会的方案，将预防灾难性气候变化放在优先地位。一是主张把环境保护置于经济增长战略的核心，促进经济可持续发展并创造就业机会。认为以国内生产总值为衡量标准的经济增长加剧了不平等，要将基尼系数和国际劳工组织发布的关于体面劳动的指标考虑在内。二是倡导可持续发展模式。社会党国际认为要实现人人享有充分发展机会的目标，同时保护地球的未来，就需要向可持续发展模式转变。可持续发展目标符合全球社会民主主义运动的价值观，社会党国际必须在全球范围内走在最前沿。三是提出了控制碳排放的政策建议，例如建立绿色气候基金、结束对化石燃料的补贴、在全球范围内征收碳排放税、实施向后碳经济转型的全球基础设施项目等。四是倡导共同但有区别的责任原则。2015年社会党国际安哥拉理事会会议通过的《气候变化宣言》把气候正义作为气候政策的核心，支持共同但有区别的责任，认为发达国家有义务承担更多责任。五是呼吁社会党国际要以身作则。为实现应对气候变化的承诺，社会党国际2017年纽约理事会会议设立了气候变化和能源问题委员会，呼吁成员党要以身作则，减少对环境的破坏，倡导使用电子文件以减少印刷材料的使用。

IV. Analysis

四、评析

Since its re-establishment in 1951, the ideological theory of the Socialist International has mainly undergone a transformation from democratic socialism to social democracy. The outbreak of the international financial crisis in 2008 plunged social democracy into difficulties, and the Socialist International faced a directional choice between returning to tradition or undergoing reform and transformation. The relevant adjustments and measures of the Socialist International since its split reflect the latest explorations by the Socialist International, whose main body consists of social democratic parties from developing countries, in responding to the challenges of the times and reviving social democracy. These adjustments demonstrate both the progressiveness of returning to left-wing traditions and limitations such as insufficient innovation in ideological theory. The essence of the Socialist International’s theoretical and policy adjustments is to harmonise social democratic values with the changed circumstances of the era since the financial crisis, reflecting its left-wing characteristics that distinguish it from neoliberalism. However, from the perspective of scientific socialism, the scientific nature of the Socialist International’s theory and policy is insufficient, and structural difficulties persist.

自1951年重建以来，社会党国际的思想理论主要经历了从民主社会主义到社会民主主义的转型。2008年国际金融危机的爆发使社会民主主义陷入困境，社会党国际面临回归传统还是变革转型的方向性选择。社会党国际分裂以来的相关调整与举措反映了以发展中国家社会党为主体的社会党国际应对时代挑战、复兴社会民主主义的最新探索，既体现出回归左翼传统的进步性，也存在思想理论创新性不足等局限性。社会党国际进行理论与政策调整的本质是使社会民主主义价值观与金融危机以来变化了的时代环境相协调，体现出其区别于新自由主义的左翼特色。但是从科学社会主义视角来看，社会党国际理论与政策的科学性不足，仍然存在结构性困境。

(I) Characteristics of the Adjustment of the Socialist International’s Theoretical Programme and Policy Proposals

（一）社会党国际理论纲领与政策主张调整的特点

First, adhering to basic values is the fundamental prerequisite. The social democratic movement denies the “historical inevitability” of socialism and advocates “moral inevitability”; therefore, ethical values such as freedom, justice, and solidarity occupy a core position in the ideological theoretical system of the Socialist International. The Socialist International believes that basic values, transformed through democratic procedures into binding norms of conduct for society, can promote the realisation of social democratic goals. Since the split, the adjustment of the Socialist International’s theory and policy has always revolved around basic values, endowing basic values such as freedom, justice, solidarity, democracy, and peace with new connotations of the times at the level of theoretical programmes, and seeking new means and methods to realise basic values in the organisational, political, economic, social, and international spheres, promoting the transformation of basic values into concrete policies and practices. The adjustment aimed at realising basic values continues the tradition of the Socialist International of abandoning systemic alternatives and pursuing ethical values, and is a continuation and development of the ethical socialism it upholds.

第一，坚守基本价值是根本前提。社会民主主义运动否认社会主义的“历史必然性”而主张“道德必然性”，因此，自由、公正和团结等伦理价值在社会党国际的思想理论体系中居于核心地位。社会党国际认为，基本价值通过民主程序转化为对社会有约束力的行为规范，可以促进社会民主主义目标的实现。社会党国际分裂以来理论与政策的调整始终围绕基本价值进行，在理论纲领层面赋予自由、公正、团结、民主、和平等基本价值观新的时代内涵，并在组织、政治、经济、社会、国际等领域寻找实现基本价值的新手段、新方法，促进基本价值转化为具体政策和实践。以实现基本价值为目标的调整延续了社会党国际抛弃制度替代、追求伦理价值的传统，是其所坚持的伦理社会主义的延续和发展。

Second, pragmatism, eclecticism, and reformism are the basic principles. The principle of pragmatism is reflected in the fact that the Socialist International often proposes “timely” countermeasures and suggestions for specific problems, lacking systematicity. Eclecticism is a long-standing tradition of the Socialist International. Since the split, the adjustment of the Socialist International’s theory and policy still seeks a “third way” between traditional social democracy and neoliberalism, although compared with the late 1990s, it leans more towards the traditional left. Reformism is the fundamental theoretical characteristic of social democracy. Since the split, the foothold of the Socialist International’s theoretical and policy adjustments remains patching up and reforming within the framework of capitalism. For example, it advocates developing progressive politics, regulating financial capital, and proposing ideas to make globalisation more humane and democratic without touching the existing capitalist political and economic system.

第二，实用主义、折中主义和改良主义是基本原则。实用主义原则体现在社会党国际往往针对具体问题提出“应景性”的对策建议，缺乏系统性。折中主义是社会党国际长期以来的传统，社会党国际分裂以来的理论与政策调整仍然是在传统社会民主主义和新自由主义之间寻找“第三条道路”，只不过与20世纪90年代后期相比更倾向于传统左翼。改良主义是社会民主主义的根本理论特征。分裂以来，社会党国际理论与政策调整的立足点仍然是在资本主义框架内进行修补和改良。例如，在不触动资本主义现行政治经济体制的前提下发展进步政治、监管金融资本、提出使全球化更加人性化和民主化的主张等。

Third, moving from the nation-state to a global perspective is the main direction. With the continuous advancement of globalisation, the world has become more interconnected, and global problems have emerged continuously. The Socialist International has increasingly shifted its policy focus from the domestic to the international. Since the split, the Socialist International has gradually developed into an international political party organisation whose main body consists of social democratic parties from developing countries. Its member parties involve different regions, face diverse and complex domestic problems, and have significant differences in implementing social democratic policies within the framework of the nation-state. Against this background, the Socialist International has increasingly placed its policy focus on common problems faced by humanity. In terms of values, it emphasises the application of basic values such as freedom, justice, solidarity, democracy, and peace in the international sphere; in terms of issues, it focuses on global problems such as conflict and peace, environmental protection, and migration; in terms of specific policies, it emphasises establishing a democratic world society, advocates regulating global capital, calls for building a welfare state, and advocates democratic global governance.

第三，从民族国家走向全球视野是主要方向。随着全球化的持续推进，世界联系更加紧密，全球性问题不断涌现，社会党国际越来越将自己的政策重点从国内转向国际。分裂以来，社会党国际逐渐发展为以发展中国家社会党为主体的国际政党组织，其成员党涉及不同地区，面临的国内问题复杂多样，在民族国家范围内落实社会民主政策的差异较大。在此背景下，社会党国际越来越把政策重点放在人类所面临的共同问题上。在价值观方面，强调自由、公正、团结、民主、和平等基本价值在国际范围内的运用；在议题方面，关注冲突与和平、环境保护、移民问题等全球性问题；在具体政策方面，强调建立民主的世界社会，倡导规制全球资本，主张建立福利国家，倡导民主的全球治理等。

Fourth, the left-wing characteristics that distinguish it from the Progressive Alliance are a distinctive feature. The establishment of the Progressive Alliance was the direct cause of the split and difficulties of the Socialist International. The social democratic movement has formed a Progressive Alliance dominated by Western European social democratic parties and a Socialist International dominated by social democratic parties from developing countries. Since the split, against the background of the institutionalisation of the Progressive Alliance, the Socialist International has gradually formed theoretical propositions that belong to social democracy but are distinct from those of the Progressive Alliance. Taking the “progressivism” advocated by both as an example, compared with the Progressive Alliance, the “progressive politics” advocated by the Socialist International highlights left-wing characteristics more, emphasising safeguarding the interests of vulnerable groups and developing countries. From the perspective of the ideological spectrum, the progressive politics advocated by the Socialist International is positioned centre-left, while the progressivism advocated by the Progressive Alliance shows a centre-right tendency. From the perspective of international coalition strategies, the parties united by the Socialist International are traditional social democratic parties and nationalist parties, belonging to the traditional left-wing camp; while the Progressive Alliance unites a broader centre-left, expanding the scope of the social democratic party alliance, even including the US Democratic Party.

第四，区别于进步联盟的左翼特色是鲜明特征。进步联盟的成立是导致社会党国际分裂及陷入困境的直接原因，社会民主主义运动形成了以西欧社会党为主导的进步联盟和以发展中国家社会党为主导的社会党国际。分裂以来，在进步联盟走向机制化的背景下，社会党国际逐渐形成了同属社会民主主义但区别于进步联盟的理论主张。以二者倡导的“进步主义”为例，与进步联盟相比，社会党国际所倡导的“进步政治”更加突出左翼特色，强调维护弱势群体和发展中国家的利益。从意识形态光谱看，社会党国际倡导的进步政治位于中间偏左位置，而进步联盟主张的进步主义则呈现中间偏右趋向。从国际联合策略看，社会党国际所联合的政党是传统社会民主党、民族主义政党，属于传统左翼阵营；而进步联盟则联合了更广泛的中左翼，扩大了社会民主党联盟的范围，甚至包括美国民主党。

(II) Effects of the Adjustment of the Socialist International’s Theoretical Programme and Policy Proposals

（二）社会党国际理论纲领与政策主张调整的效果

First, from the perspective of theoretical development, the Socialist International’s attempt to shift toward “progressive politics” represents the latest exploration of the transformation and restructuring of social democratic theory. This is manifested in an effort to achieve the revival of social democracy by ideologically shifting leftward and returning to left-wing traditions, thereby promoting the transformation and development of the Socialist International’s theoretical programme. The Socialist International has endowed its basic values with new connotations in light of the characteristics of the times, achieving an updating of basic values with the times. The adjustment of the theoretical programme has ideologically consolidated consensus among member parties, preventing the Socialist International from falling into greater division. At the same time, the “progressive politics” advocated by the Socialist International strives to embody left-wing characteristics distinct from the Progressive Alliance, maintaining the Socialist International’s status as an international political actor with progressive overtones and demonstrating progressiveness. However, the following shortcomings also exist: First, insufficient theoretical innovation and a continuous decline in political leadership reflect the limitations of the Socialist International, whose membership is primarily composed of social democratic parties from developing countries, in terms of ideological and theoretical construction. The Socialist International’s advocacy of developing “progressive politics” is a theoretical choice made under the pressure of the predicament since the international financial crisis and the establishment of the Progressive Alliance. Although “progressive politics” draws on the concept of “progressivism,” it essentially still attempts to seek a “third way” between neoliberalism and traditional social democracy, albeit with a slight leftward turn. Second, insufficient theoretical systematization. Although the Socialist International is committed to developing “progressive politics,” it has not put forward a future vision for progressive politics, nor has it made specific plans for how to achieve this goal. Regarding the connotation of “progressive politics,” the Socialist International has only offered scattered discussions in leaders’ speeches or conference documents, and member parties have not engaged in in-depth exploration of it. In the elaboration of the basic values of social democracy, specific issues are often addressed with specific explanations, without a systematic summary of the basic values. In contrast, the Progressive Alliance has not only elaborated the vision of “progressive politics” through conference documents but has also conducted in-depth discussions on the basic values of social democracy through a series of theoretical seminars. For example, around democratic values, the Progressive Alliance has convened seminars in Asia and Europe and formed a policy document on democratic values, “Building Resilient Democracies.”

第一，从理论发展来看，社会党国际向“进步政治”转变的尝试是对社会民主主义理论变革与转型的最新探索，表现为试图通过意识形态向左回调、回归左翼传统以实现社会民主主义的复兴，这推动了社会党国际理论纲领的转变与发展。社会党国际结合时代特点赋予基本价值观新的内涵，实现了基本价值观的与时俱进。理论纲领的调整在思想上凝聚了成员党的共识，避免了社会党国际陷入更大的分裂。同时，社会党国际所倡导的“进步政治”致力于体现区别于进步联盟的左翼特色，维持了社会党国际作为具有进步色彩的国际政治行为主体的地位，体现出进步性。但是也存在以下不足之处：一是理论创新性不足，政治引领力不断下降，体现出以发展中国家社会党为主体的社会党国际在思想理论建设上的局限性。社会党国际主张发展“进步政治”是在国际金融危机以来的困境和进步联盟成立的压力之下作出的理论选择。“进步政治”虽然借鉴了“进步主义”理念，但本质上仍然试图在新自由主义和传统社会民主主义之间寻求“第三条道路”，只不过稍向左转。二是理论系统性不足。社会党国际虽然致力于发展“进步政治”，但并没有提出进步政治的未来愿景，也没有对如何实现这一目标进行具体规划。对于“进步政治”的内涵，社会党国际只是在领导人讲话或会议文件中有零散的论述，成员党对此并未进行深入探讨。在对社会民主主义基本价值观的阐发中，往往针对具体问题进行具体阐释，没有对基本价值观进行系统总结。反观进步联盟，不仅通过会议文件阐释了“进步政治”愿景，而且通过系列理论研讨会深入探讨社会民主主义基本价值观。比如围绕民主价值观，进步联盟召开了亚洲、欧洲研讨会，并形成了关于民主价值观的政策文件——《建立有弹性的民主》。

Second, from the perspective of policy effects, the Socialist International has achieved continuity and development at the organizational level through policy adjustments, avoiding more severe organizational splits, and has largely maintained its influence within the social democratic movement as the Progressive Alliance has gradually become more systematized. By proposing social democratic policy solutions to the challenges of the times, it has responded to the voices of developing countries and vulnerable groups, demonstrating progressiveness. By returning to the left-wing propositions of traditional social democracy, the Socialist International’s image as a “spokesperson for fairness and justice” has gradually recovered, which has positive significance for strengthening the global left-wing forces. As a long-established international political party organization, although the Socialist International has experienced internal splits, it remains an important political force within the broad world socialist movement. Its policy proposals have positive significance for regulating capitalism, improving the global governance system, promoting world peace and development, and advancing the construction of a new international political and economic order. Although the Socialist International has made policy adjustments, it still faces a series of challenges, mainly manifested in the following aspects: First, the rupture between theory and practice. The theories and policies of the Socialist International carry a utopian hue, and many of the measures it proposes remain confined to the level of theoretical propaganda. In practice, the policy discourse of the Socialist International is difficult to translate into policy advantages. Against the backdrop of the contemporary world where “capitalism is strong and socialism is weak,” it is difficult to gain dominance over global policy reform and rule-making. Furthermore, among the member parties of the Socialist International, there are many marginal small parties that cannot function as constructive opposition parties in their respective countries, which greatly limits the Socialist International’s policy transformation capacity and influence. How to put theory into practice remains a challenge. Second, the conflict between internationalism and national interests. Although the Socialist International advocates for the establishment of a new internationalism and a new culture of solidarity, there is a conflict between the internationalist mission of member parties as social democratic parties and their national interests as representatives of the domestic working class. The interests of nation-states remain the foothold of social democratic theory and policy. Due to the large number of member parties and the difficulty of coordinating interests, there are still many differences within the organization, and the future development of the Socialist International still faces many difficulties.

第二，从政策效果来看，社会党国际通过政策调整在组织层面实现了延续与发展，避免了更严重的组织分裂，在进步联盟逐渐走向体系化的背景下基本保持了在社会民主主义运动中的影响力；通过对时代挑战提出社会民主主义的政策方案，回应了发展中国家和弱势群体的呼声，体现出进步性；通过回归传统社会民主主义的左翼主张，社会党国际作为“公平公正代言人”的形象逐步回升，这对壮大世界左翼力量具有积极意义。社会党国际作为历史悠久的国际政党组织，虽然发生了内部分裂，但仍然是广义的世界社会主义运动的重要政治力量，其提出的政策主张对规制资本主义、完善全球治理体系、促进世界和平与发展、推动世界政治经济新秩序的构建具有积极意义。社会党国际虽然进行了政策调整，但是仍然面临一系列挑战，主要表现在以下方面：一是理论与实践的断裂。社会党国际的理论与政策带有乌托邦色彩，其提出的诸多措施仍然局限于理论宣传层面。在实践中，社会党国际的政策话语难以转化为政策优势。在当今世界“资强社弱”的大背景下，很难取得对全球政策改革和规则制定的主导权。此外，社会党国际成员党中存在众多边缘性小党，无法作为建设性反对党在各自国家发挥作用，这极大限制了社会党国际的政策转化力和影响力，如何将理论付诸实践仍然面临挑战。二是国际主义与国家利益的冲突。虽然社会党国际倡导建立新的国际主义和新的团结文化，但各成员党作为社会民主主义政党的国际主义使命和作为国内工人阶级代表的本国利益之间存在冲突，民族国家利益仍然是社会党理论与政策的立足点。由于成员党众多，利益难以协调，组织内部仍然存在诸多分歧，社会党国际的未来发展仍然面临诸多困境。

(III) The Essence of the Adjustment of the Socialist International’s Theoretical Programme and Policy Proposals

（三）社会党国际理论纲领与政策主张调整的实质

First, the fundamental purpose of the adjustment of the Socialist International’s theoretical programme and policy proposals is to adapt social democratic values to changes in the environment of the times. Basic values are a main thread running through the development of the Socialist International and the core of its theoretical system. Adjustments to basic values reflect changes in social democratic theory. The Socialist International understands social democracy as the realization of basic values such as freedom, justice, and solidarity in different fields. Different understandings of the means of realizing basic values often trigger transformations in social democratic theory. The 30 years after the end of the Second World War were a “golden age” for capitalist development. Social democratic parties took Keynesian macroeconomic regulation and the welfare state as the means to realize basic values, achieving great successes in social democratic construction. The famous European liberal thinker Ralf Dahrendorf thus called the 20th century the “social democratic century.” [6]6 Ralf Dahrendorf (1929–2009) was a German-British sociologist and liberal political thinker. The phrase “social democratic century” is a reference to his argument that the post-war social democratic consensus defined the political character of the 20th century in Western Europe. Since the 1970s, with the emergence of “stagflation” in European and American capitalist countries and the deepening of economic globalization, Keynesianism based on the nation-state gradually failed, and welfare state policies became unsustainable. Against this backdrop, social democratic parties innovated the means of realizing basic values, proposing a “third way” that leaned toward neoliberalism, drawing on market principles and promoting active welfare. The 2008 international financial crisis exposed the drawbacks of neoliberalism, and internal splits further impacted the Socialist International’s values. In this context, the Socialist International shifted the means of realizing basic values toward “progressive politics,” ideologically turning leftward, proposing a series of policy propositions reflecting the interests of developing countries and vulnerable groups, and advocating for “combining the principles and values representing social democracy with the opportunities provided by new information technology and communications to put them into practice” in the digital age, thereby promoting the practice and development of basic values under the new conditions of the times.

第一，社会党国际理论纲领与政策主张调整的根本目的是使社会民主主义价值观适应时代环境的变化。基本价值观是贯穿社会党国际发展的一条主线，是社会党国际理论体系的核心，基本价值观的调整反映了社会民主主义理论的变迁。社会党国际将社会民主主义理解为自由、公正、团结等基本价值在不同领域的实现，对基本价值实现方式的不同理解往往会引发社会民主主义理论的变革。第二次世界大战结束后的30年是资本主义发展的“黄金时期”，社会党把凯恩斯主义宏观经济调控和福利国家作为基本价值的实现途径，取得了社会民主主义建设的巨大成就，欧洲著名自由派思想家拉尔夫·达伦多夫由此把20世纪称为“社会民主主义的世纪”。20世纪70年代以来，随着欧美资本主义国家出现“滞胀”以及经济全球化的深入推进，基于民族国家范围的凯恩斯主义逐渐失灵，福利国家政策也难以为继。在此背景下，社会党对基本价值的实现途径进行了革新，提出了向新自由主义靠拢的“第三条道路”，借鉴市场原则，推行积极福利。2008年国际金融危机暴露了新自由主义的弊端，组织内部的分裂进一步冲击了社会党国际的价值观。在此背景下，社会党国际把基本价值的实现途径转向了“进步政治”，在意识形态上向左回调，提出了一系列反映发展中国家和弱势群体利益的政策主张，并倡导在数字化时代“将代表社会民主主义的原则和价值观与新的信息技术和通讯所提供的机会结合起来付诸实践”，以此促进基本价值观在新的时代条件下的实践与发展。

Second, the logical main line of the adjustment of the theoretical programmes and policy proposals of the Socialist International is the adjustment of the relationship between social democracy and liberalism. The Socialist International has proposed several sources of thought in its own theory and policy, but from the perspective of the basic values it pursues, “democratic socialism has only one source, namely liberalism,” specifically referring to the legal and ethical principles advocated by Enlightenment thinkers during the French Revolution, i.e., liberty, equality, and fraternity. When revising Marxism, Bernstein once pointed out that socialism, “not only in terms of chronological order but also in terms of spiritual content,” is the legitimate successor of “liberalism as a world-historical movement,” and that socialism could be called “organized liberalism.” Thomas Meyer also pointed out: “Historically, modern socialism is the thorough further development of the liberal movement of modern freedom.” Looking at the history of more than 70 years since its founding, the Socialist International has had a relationship with liberalism that is both antagonistic and cooperative. The *Frankfurt Declaration* adopted in 1951 declared a struggle “to create a free society by democratic means.” Against the backdrop of the Cold War, although the Socialist International criticized liberalism, because it abandoned the alternative of replacing the capitalist system, it had no fundamental difference from liberalism in safeguarding the interests of nation-states. At the economic level, because it abandoned public ownership of the means of production, the mixed economy advocated by the Socialist International was consistent with the purpose of liberalism to maintain private ownership of the means of production. At the social level, welfare state policies were also jointly established by social democratic parties and liberal parties. By the end of the Cold War, although the theory and policy of the Socialist International showed convergence with neoliberalism, it still reflected its characteristics as a “third force” between communism and capitalism. Since the end of the Cold War, against the backdrop of the collapse of the bipolar structure, the Socialist International has accelerated its compromise with liberalism. This compromise reached its peak with the proposal of the “Third Way” in the late 1990s. With the advancement of neoliberal globalization, the trend of convergence between the theory and policy of the Socialist International and neoliberalism has deepened. Since the beginning of the 21st century, as the drawbacks of globalization have gradually emerged, the Socialist International has gradually adjusted its relationship with neoliberalism. For example, the 22nd Congress of the Socialist International proposed the idea of global governance, explicitly opposing neoliberalism. The outbreak of the international financial crisis in 2008 marked the bankruptcy of neoliberalism characterized by *laissez-faire*. After experiencing a “deep integration” with neoliberalism, the theory and policy of the Socialist International were also stamped with the brand of neoliberalism. Since the split, against the backdrop of intensified crises both inside and outside the organization, the Socialist International has attempted to draw a clear line with neoliberalism, re-propose theories and policies that reflect the characteristics of social democracy, recover the identity features lost due to compromise with neoliberalism, and revitalize left-wing politics. The Socialist International pointed out: “Because neoliberal ideology is deeply rooted among the elite, new efforts must be made to explain the content of social democracy and make our voices heard.” However, it can be seen from the adjustment of the theory and policy of the Socialist International that while striving to “separate” from neoliberalism, the Socialist International has not proposed a systematic theory. The future development of the Socialist International will depend on how it handles its relationship with liberalism and proposes theoretical propositions that reflect its own distinctive characteristics.

第二，社会党国际理论纲领与政策主张调整的逻辑主线是调整社会民主主义与自由主义的关系。社会党国际在自己的理论与政策中曾提出过若干种思想来源，但是从其所追求的基本价值来说，“民主社会主义只有一个来源，即自由主义”，具体是指法国大革命时期启蒙思想家所提倡的法权和伦理原则，即自由、平等和博爱。伯恩施坦在修正马克思主义时就曾指出：“社会主义不仅就时间顺序来说，而且就精神内容来说”，都是“作为世界历史性运动的自由主义”的正统的继承者，可以把社会主义称做“有组织的自由主义”。托马斯·迈尔也指出：“从历史来说，现代社会主义是近代自由主义的自由运动的彻底的继续发展。”从成立70余年的历史来看，社会党国际与自由主义是既对立又合作的关系。1951年通过的《法兰克福宣言》就宣称要为“通过民主手段建立一个自由的新社会而奋斗”。在冷战背景下，社会党国际虽然批判自由主义，但由于放弃对资本主义的制度替代方案，在维护民族国家利益上它与自由主义没有根本区别。在经济层面，由于放弃生产资料公有制，社会党国际倡导的混合经济与自由主义维护生产资料私有制的目的相一致。在社会层面，福利国家政策也是社会党和自由主义政党共同建立的。至冷战结束，社会党国际的理论与政策虽然呈现出与新自由主义的趋同，但仍然体现出作为共产主义和资本主义之间“第三种力量”的特色。冷战结束以来，在两极格局坍塌的背景下，社会党国际加速了向自由主义的妥协。这种妥协以20世纪90年代后期“第三条道路”的提出为标志达到了顶峰。随着新自由主义全球化的推进，社会党国际的理论和政策与新自由主义趋同的态势加深。进入21世纪以来，随着全球化的弊端逐步显现，社会党国际逐步调整与新自由主义的关系。如社会党国际二十二大提出全球治理思想，明确反对新自由主义。2008年国际金融危机的爆发标志着以自由放任为特征的新自由主义的破产，社会党国际在经历了与新自由主义的“深度融合”后，其理论与政策也打上了新自由主义的烙印。分裂以来，在组织内外危机加剧的背景下，社会党国际试图划清与新自由主义的界限，重新提出体现社会民主主义特色的理论与政策，找回由于向新自由主义妥协而丢失的身份特征，重振左翼政治。社会党国际指出：“由于新自由主义意识形态在精英阶层中根深蒂固，必须做出新的努力来解释社会民主主义的内容，让我们的声音被听到。”但是从社会党国际理论与政策的调整可以看出，社会党国际在努力与新自由主义“分离”的同时，并未提出系统的理论。社会党国际的未来发展将取决于如何处理与自由主义的关系，提出体现自身鲜明特色的理论主张。

Third, from the perspective of scientific socialism, the theoretical programmes and policy proposals of the Socialist International lack scientificity and face structural difficulties. First, by ignoring class contradictions and conflicts, gradual reform cannot achieve “human emancipation.” Scientific socialism holds that in a class society, class struggle is inevitable and will lead to social revolution and institutional replacement, ultimately achieving communism and human emancipation. Although the social democratic theory advocated by the Socialist International does not ignore the existence of classes, it opposes resolving the class contradictions and conflicts existing in capitalist society through class struggle and revolutionary means, instead attempting to promote the gradual realization of basic values such as freedom, equality, and justice through reformist means. Since the split, although the Socialist International has promoted the transformation of social democratic theory towards “progressivism,” it still adheres to the characteristic of “reformism,” which determines that the theory advocated by the Socialist International cannot achieve the fundamental goal of “human emancipation.” Second, by ignoring the class nature of the state, it cannot truly realize socialism while recognizing the capitalist state. Scientific socialism holds that the state is essentially the product of irreconcilable class contradictions, an instrument for the dictatorship of the ruling class, and in capitalist society, an instrument for the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Therefore, the proletariat must overthrow the rule of the bourgeoisie and “use its political supremacy” to “organize itself as the ruling class.” However, the view of the state advocated by the Socialist International strongly opposes the dictatorship of the proletariat. Although the Socialist International adjusted its theoretical programme after the split, it still takes the recognition of the capitalist state and democratic political system as a basic premise. Without changing the capitalist system, the socialist ideal is difficult to truly realize. Third, the policy proposals of the Socialist International are constrained by the state of capitalist development. In 1951, the *Frankfurt Declaration* adopted at the first congress of the Socialist International continued Bernstein’s revisionism, advocating that the pursuit of socialism be based on ethical values. This policy model determined the pragmatic characteristics of the Socialist International’s policy proposals, and the premise of not overthrowing the capitalist system also determined the incompleteness of its policy proposals. Since the international financial crisis in 2008, the world economy has fallen into recession. The policy proposals characterized by macroeconomic regulation and redistribution advocated by the Socialist International have fallen into a policy dilemma due to a lack of funding sources. Social democratic parties that have moved closer to neoliberalism have been unable to propose effective countermeasures in the face of the crisis, and the practice of reverting to Keynesianism also appears out of place. In this regard, some scholars have pointed out that it is more necessary than ever to construct a progressive economic growth model that can serve as an alternative to conservative economic orthodoxy. “It is no exaggeration to say that the future of progressive politics depends on our ability to formulate such an alternative model.” However, judging from the adjustment of theory and policy since the split of the Socialist International, without touching the capitalist system, progressive politics and its policy proposals have always been constrained by the state of capitalist development, which determines that the structural difficulties of the Socialist International’s theory and policy will persist for a long time.

第三，从科学社会主义视角看，社会党国际的理论纲领与政策主张缺乏科学性，存在结构性困境。一是忽视阶级矛盾和冲突，通过渐进的改良无法实现“人的解放”。科学社会主义认为，在阶级社会，阶级斗争不可避免，并将引发社会革命和制度更替，最终实现共产主义和人类解放。社会党国际所倡导的社会民主主义理论虽然没有忽视阶级的存在，但却反对通过阶级斗争和革命手段解决资本主义社会存在的阶级矛盾和冲突，而是试图通过改良的手段促进自由、平等、公正等基本价值的渐进实现。分裂以来，社会党国际虽然推动了社会民主主义理论向“进步主义”转变，但仍旧坚持“改良主义”特色，由此也决定了社会党国际所倡导的理论无法实现“人的解放”这一根本目的。二是忽视国家的阶级性，在认同资本主义国家的前提下无法真正实现社会主义。科学社会主义认为，国家从本质上来说是阶级矛盾不可调和的产物，是统治阶级实行专政的工具，在资本主义社会是资产阶级专政的工具。因此，无产阶级必须推翻资产阶级的统治，并“利用自己的政治统治”，“组织成为统治阶级”。但是，社会党国际所倡导的国家观却极力反对无产阶级专政。虽然社会党国际分裂后对理论纲领进行了调整，但仍然把认同资本主义国家和民主政治体制作为基本前提。而在不改变资本主义制度的前提下，社会主义理想难以真正实现。三是社会党国际的政策主张受制于资本主义发展状况。1951年，社会党国际第一次代表大会通过的《法兰克福宣言》延续了伯恩施坦修正主义，主张把对社会主义的追求建立在伦理价值的基础上。这一政策模式决定了社会党国际政策主张的实用主义特征，不推翻资本主义制度的前提也决定了其政策主张的不彻底性。2008年国际金融危机以来，世界经济陷入衰退，社会党国际所倡导的以宏观调控和再分配为特征的政策主张由于缺乏资金来源，陷入政策困境。向新自由主义靠拢的社会党在危机面前无法提出有效应对举措，重拾凯恩斯主义的做法也显得不合时宜。对此，有学者指出，构建出能够作为保守主义经济正统学说替代品的进步主义经济增长模式比以往任何时候都显得更加必要。“我们可以毫不夸张地说，进步主义政治的未来取决于我们制订这样一种替代模式的能力。”但是，从社会党国际分裂以来理论与政策的调整来看，在不触动资本主义制度的前提下，进步政治及其政策主张始终受制于资本主义的发展状况，由此也决定了社会党国际理论与政策的结构性困境将长期存在。

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心