The First International and the Historical Origins of Socialist Party Foreign Exchanges

The historical origins of party foreign exchanges belong to the foundational theoretical research on party diplomacy and are currently a weak and rather controversial research topic. Existing research and representative views are mainly concentrated in three areas: Some scholars believe that “‘party diplomacy’ can be traced back as early as the period of the First International and the Second International, with the international unity of proletarian parties regarded as ‘the germ of party diplomacy.’” [1]1 The First International (International Workingmen's Association, 1864–1876) and the Second International (1889–1916) were early international organizations of socialist and labor parties. Other scholars argue that the occurrence of the October Revolution in Russia, especially the founding of the Third International in March 1919, gave rise to party diplomacy in the true sense. Still other scholars contend that before 1919, all communist parties outside the Soviet Communist Party lacked legitimacy in their own countries, and their foreign exchange activities did not represent the will of the state; in this sense, “tracing the origins of party diplomacy back to the Communist International or even earlier is clearly inappropriate.” It should be said that the academic efforts to trace the historical origins and significance of party diplomacy have been positively meaningful. At the same time, the significant differences among the views of various scholars reflect that current academic research still has shortcomings in foundational areas such as the convergence and divergence between party diplomacy and party foreign exchanges, as well as the typological understanding of party foreign exchanges.

政党对外交往的历史起源,属于政党外交基础理论研究,是当前十分薄弱且颇具争议的研究议题。既有研究及代表性观点主要集中在三个方面:有的学者认为,“‘政党外交’最早可追溯到第一国际、第二国际时期,无产阶级政党国际联合被视为‘政党外交的萌芽’”。另有学者认为,俄国十月革命的发生尤其是1919年3月第三国际的成立,才产生了真正意义上的政党外交。还有的学者认为,1919年之前,除苏共以外的其他各国共产党均在本国不具有合法性,且其对外交往行为不代表国家意志,在这个意义上,“把政党外交的起源追溯到共产国际甚至更早,明显不妥。”应该说,学界为追溯政党外交的历史缘起及其意义所做的学术努力是富有积极意义的。同时,不同学者观点间的显著差异,反映出了当前学界在关涉政党外交与政党对外交往的相合与殊异,以及政党对外交往的类型化认知等基础论域研究中仍存在不足。

In fact, the “creators of this phenomenon of party politics—party foreign exchanges—were initially not primarily bourgeois parties, but proletarian parties.” [2]2 This is a paraphrase of a common argument in Chinese scholarship on party diplomacy. It can be said that it originated from socialist parties, developed through socialist parties, and “gradually grew on the basis of the international communist movement.” [3]3 This is a quotation from a Chinese scholarly work on the history of international communist movements. Historically, the timely emergence of the International Workingmen’s Association (hereinafter referred to as the “First International”) in 1864, and its proletarian party-type international unity, represent the historical origin of socialist party foreign exchanges. Guided theoretically by scientific socialism, aiming for the emancipation of the working class, organized through the construction of a proletarian party different from all old parties, based on the organizational principle of unity and solidarity among proletarian parties, with the great mission of seizing state power, and through rich practical creation, it continuously accumulated empirical material for socialist party foreign exchanges within the world socialist movement. Based on a typological understanding of socialist party politics, establishing the scientific connotation, value dimensions, and generative mechanisms of socialist party foreign exchanges, and comprehensively summarizing the theoretical viewpoints and historical legacy of the First International’s socialist party foreign exchanges based on its practical exploration of proletarian party-type international unity and socialist party foreign exchanges, not only helps to deepen and advance foundational research on party diplomacy and enrich the setting of innovative topics within the field of socialist party politics, but also helps to provide necessary theoretical resources and knowledge increments for constructing the theory of the Chinese Communist Party’s party diplomacy, continuously enhancing the contribution of the Chinese Communist Party’s party diplomatic practice.

事实上,政党对外交往这一政党政治现象的“创造者最初主要不是资产阶级政党,而是无产阶级政党。”可以说,它源于社会主义政党,发展于社会主义政党,是在“国际共产主义运动基础上逐渐成长起来的”。历史地看,1864年国际工人协会(以下简称“第一国际”)的时代性出场,及其无产阶级政党性国际联合,代表着社会主义政党对外交往的历史起源。它以科学社会主义为理论指导,以工人阶级的解放为目标追求,以建设与一切旧政党不同的无产阶级政党为组织载体,以无产阶级政党的团结和联合为组织原则,以夺取政权为伟大使命,并以丰富实践创造不断推动世界社会主义运动中的社会主义政党对外交往经验素材的积累。基于社会主义政党政治的类型化认知,确立社会主义政党对外交往的科学内涵、价值维度与发生机理,根据第一国际无产阶级政党性国际联合与社会主义政党对外交往的实践探索,全面总结第一国际社会主义政党对外交往的理论观点与历史遗产,不仅有助于深化和推进政党外交基础理论研究,丰富社会主义政党政治论域的创新议题设置,而且有助于为构建中国共产党政党外交理论提供必要的理论资源和知识增量,不断提升中国共产党政党外交实践的贡献。

I. Socialist Party Foreign Exchanges: A Typological Understanding Based on Socialist Party Politics

一、 社会主义政党对外交往: 基于社会主义政党政治的类型化认知

Concept formation is a fundamental dimension of knowledge production and theoretical innovation in socialist party politics, mainly including two generative paths: theoretical and empirical. “Theoretical generation” aims to reveal the connotation and extension of a specific concept, as well as the similarities and differences with its adjacent categories; “empirical generation” aims to explore the practical mechanisms of concept creation from empirical facts.

概念生成是社会主义政党政治知识生产与理论创新的基本维度,主要包括理论性与经验性两种生成路径。“理论性生成”旨在揭示特定概念的内涵与外延以及与其相近范畴的异同;“经验性生成”意在从经验事实中探求概念创造的实践机理。

(1) “Party foreign exchanges” and “party diplomacy” are two important categories that are both opposed to and interrelated with each other. Clarifying the convergence and divergence between them is the primary prerequisite for establishing the scientific connotation of socialist party foreign exchanges.

（一）“政党对外交往”与“政党外交”是既相互对立又彼此关联的两个重要范畴,厘清二者间的相合与殊异,是确立社会主义政党对外交往科学内涵的首要前提

Generally speaking, party foreign exchanges refer to the practical form of external activities carried out by a party around its own development and value realization when it has not yet taken state power. A closely related concept is party diplomacy, which refers to the values, policy propositions, and practical activities upheld by the ruling party of a sovereign state in the process of safeguarding the party’s ruling security, realizing the national interests of the state, and the common interests of mankind, using inter-party consultation and cooperation to promote inter-state coordination and cooperation as a practical method, and targeting other countries’ ruling parties, opposition parties, or international party organizations as the main objects of exchange. The convergence between the two lies in that both refer to the international exchange behavior of political parties, jointly indicating the trend of party internationalization against the backdrop of the era of party politics, marking the international display of party capabilities and the international exertion of party roles, and revealing the natural requirement and inevitable result of the development of party politics. The divergence is mainly manifested in three points. First, in terms of subject qualification, party diplomacy possesses the legitimate qualification to represent the will of the state and state power, achieving an organic integration of the ruling party’s consciousness and the state’s will, and promoting the dynamic alignment of party power, people’s power, and state power; party foreign exchanges are a self-expression of party consciousness and do not possess the political right to represent state power. This is the most fundamental difference between the two. Second, in terms of the historical dimension, taking state power is the necessary path for party foreign exchanges to achieve a value leap and morphological transformation into party diplomacy. That is to say, marked by whether the party has taken state power, the external activities carried out by a party before taking power are called “party foreign exchanges,” while the external practices carried out after becoming the ruling party can be called “party diplomacy.” Correspondingly, party foreign exchanges take the pursuit of the party’s own survival and development rights, the realization of party interests, and the acquisition of state power as core content. Party diplomacy takes maintaining the party’s ruling status, building state power, and promoting inter-state relations as core content. Third, in terms of developmental logic, party foreign exchanges are the logical premise and necessary preparation for party diplomacy, while party diplomacy is the qualitative re-creation and inevitable result of party foreign exchanges.

一般而言,政党对外交往是指政党在尚未执掌国家政权之时,围绕自身发展与价值实现所展开的对外活动的实践形态。与之相近的概念是政党外交,它是指主权国家执政党以政党间协商合作促进国家间协调合作为实践方式,以别国执政党、在野党或国际性政党组织为主要交往对象,在维护政党执政安全、实现本国国家利益和人类共同利益的过程中所秉持的价值理念、政策主张及其实践活动。两者相合之处在于它们均指涉政党的国际交往行为,共同表明的是政党政治时代背景下的政党国际化趋势,标识的是政党能力的国际展现与政党作用的国际发挥,揭示的是政党政治发展的当然要求和必然结果。分歧之处则主要表现为三点。其一,在主体资格方面,政党外交具有代表国家意志和国家政权的合法资格,实现了执政党意识与国家意志的有机融合,推动了党权、民权、政权的动态对接;政党对外交往则是对政党意识的自我表达,并不具备代表国家政权的政治权利。这是两者最根本的区别。其二,在历史维度方面,执掌政权是政党对外交往实现向政党外交价值跃升与形态变迁的必由之路。也就是说,以政党是否执掌政权为标志,政党在执政之前所展开的外部活动被称为“政党对外交往”,在成为执政党之后开展的对外实践可称为“政党外交”。相应地,政党对外交往以追求自身政党生存和发展权利、实现政党利益、取得国家政权为核心内容。政党外交以维护自身执政地位、建设国家政权和促进国家关系为核心内容。其三,在发展逻辑方面,政党对外交往是政党外交的逻辑前提和必要准备,政党外交是政党对外交往的品质再造与必然结果。

(2) Socialist Party Foreign Exchanges: Scientific Connotation and Value Dimensions

（二）社会主义政党对外交往: 科学内涵与价值维度

As a typological expression and organic component of socialist party politics, socialist party foreign exchanges are the practical form of external activities carried out by a Marxist party around its own development and value realization when it has not yet taken state power. They are the concrete expression of Marxist party consciousness in external practice. From the perspective of value orientation, “striving for the emancipation of the working class” is the fundamental purpose and core essence of socialist party foreign exchanges. It reflects the socialist party’s “general expression of the existing class struggle and the actual relations of the historical movement before our eyes,” [4]4 This is a paraphrase of the Communist Manifesto's description of communism. indicating that the socialist party should not become the tail of a particular bourgeois party but should be an independent party, pursuing its own aims and politics, that is, “the politics of the workers.” [5]5 This refers to the distinction between "workers' politics" and bourgeois politics, a concept from Marx and Engels. From the perspective of practical requirements, “uniting the still scattered movements,” [6]6 This is a paraphrase of the First International's founding aim. relying on the power of “unity and solidarity” within each country’s workers’ movement, and using the fraternal alliance of workers of all countries to confront the fraternal alliance of capitalists of all countries, are the principles that socialist party foreign exchanges must follow to fulfill their mission and tasks. From the perspective of evaluative criteria, in the process of “striving everywhere for unity and coordination among the democratic parties of the whole world,” [7]7 This is a paraphrase of the Communist Manifesto's concluding call. socialist party foreign exchanges focus on alleviating the poverty of the working class, improving the living conditions of the working class, and safeguarding the rights of the working class. In other words, socialist parties must take “presenting the conditions for the emancipation of the working class” [8]8 This is a paraphrase of the First International's founding principles. as the starting point and foothold for conducting foreign exchanges, always “standing in the forefront of the only resolutely revolutionary class, the proletariat,” [9]9 This is a paraphrase of the Communist Manifesto's description of the communists. always standing at the forefront of overcoming difficulties, always standing among the masses of the people, and taking the interests of the entire proletariat and the interests of the various stages of development of the entire proletarian revolutionary movement as an important rationale and value yardstick for measuring the effectiveness and level of their own foreign exchanges.

作为社会主义政党政治的类型化表达与有机构成,社会主义政党对外交往是马克思主义政党在尚未执掌国家政权之时,围绕自身发展与价值实现所展开的对外活动的实践形态,是马克思主义政党意识在对外实践中的具象化表达。从价值指向看,“争取工人阶级解放”是社会主义政党对外交往的根本目的和主旨要义。它反映了社会主义政党对“现存的阶级斗争、我们眼前的历史运动的真实关系的一般表述”,表明了社会主义政党不应成为某一个资产阶级政党的尾巴,而应当成为一个独立的政党,且从事它自己的目的和政治,即“工人的政治”。从实践要求看,“把各个仍然分散的运动联合起来”,依靠每个国家工人运动“团结和联合”的力量,以各国工人的兄弟联盟来对抗各国资产者的兄弟联盟,是社会主义政党对外交往为实现使命任务必须遵循的原则。从衡量标准看,社会主义政党对外交往在“到处都努力争取全世界民主政党之间的团结和协调”的过程中,着眼于减轻工人阶级的贫困、改善工人阶级的生活、维护工人阶级的权利。换言之,社会主义政党必须将“表现出工人阶级解放的条件”作为开展对外交往的出发点和落脚点,始终“站在唯一坚决革命的阶级即无产阶级的最前列”,始终站在攻坚克难最前沿,始终站在人民群众之中,将代表整个无产阶级的和整个无产阶级革命运动的各个发展阶段的利益,作为衡量自身对外交往成效和水平的重要理据和价值尺度。

(3) The Generative Mechanism of Socialist Party Foreign Exchanges

（三）社会主义政党对外交往的发生机理

Marx and Engels’ thought on inter-party relations laid the theoretical foundation for the development of socialist parties’ foreign exchanges. Marx and Engels’ thought on inter-party relations is the knowledge system and realization mechanism concerning socialist parties’ foreign exchanges. It was formed in the process of Marx and Engels profoundly revealing the brutality and internationality of capital’s rule, in the process of leading the working class to safeguard its own interests and democratic rights, and in the scientific conception of how the working class “unites through organization and obtains guidance through knowledge” so as to complete “achieving the economic emancipation of the working class through winning political power.” It comprises the theoretical viewpoints and action strategies regarding socialist parties’ foreign exchanges. Marx and Engels’ exposition on the internationality of capital’s rule expresses the objective conditions for the emergence of socialist parties’ foreign exchanges; their exposition on the oppression suffered by the working class in European countries contains the subjective aspect of the emergence of socialist parties’ foreign exchanges; their exposition on the internationality of the proletariat’s liberation struggle reflects the main content of socialist parties’ foreign exchanges; and their exposition on the great mission of the proletariat reveals the goal pursuit of socialist parties’ foreign exchanges.

马克思恩格斯党际关系思想为社会主义政党对外交往的开展奠定了理论基础。马克思恩格斯党际关系思想,是关于社会主义政党对外交往的知识体系与实现机制。它是马克思恩格斯在深刻揭示资本统治的残酷性与国际性基础上,在领导工人阶级维护自身利益和民主权利的过程中,在关于工人阶级如何“通过组织而联合起来并获得知识的指导”,进而完成“通过赢得政权来达到工人阶级的经济解放”的科学设想中,形成的关于社会主义政党对外交往的理论观点和行动策略。马克思恩格斯关于资本统治具有国际性的论述,表达的是社会主义政党对外交往产生的客观条件;关于欧洲国家里工人阶级所遭受压迫的论述,内蕴的是社会主义政党对外交往产生的主观方面;关于无产阶级解放斗争具有国际性的论述,反映的是社会主义政党对外交往的主要内容;关于无产阶级伟大使命的论述,揭示的是社会主义政党对外交往的目标追求。

Socialist party politics, which originated in the mid-19th century, is the logical prerequisite for the emergence of socialist parties’ foreign exchanges. As an important political process and practical form in the new type of human political civilization, socialist party politics “originated in the historical process of social development transformation and the internationalization of European workers’ political movements against the backdrop of the European capitalist crisis in the mid-19th century; it started with ‘the first step in the revolution of the working class is to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling class, to win the battle of democracy’; and it develops in the value pursuit of achieving immense abundance of material wealth, a great elevation of the people’s spiritual realm, and the free and comprehensive development of every individual.” [10]10 Wang Shaoxing, “Socialist Party Politics: Connotation, Characteristics, and Advantages,” *Social Science Research*, no. 1 (2020). In terms of its basic content, it mainly includes socialist parties’ activities surrounding their own development and value realization, as well as the intra-party politics, inter-party politics, party-government politics, party-society politics, and foreign exchanges or party diplomacy thus formed. Among these, foreign exchanges or party diplomacy answer the question of the “international expression” of party value. Socialist party politics is the logical prerequisite for the emergence of socialist parties’ foreign exchanges, and socialist parties’ foreign exchanges are the objective requirement and logical necessity of the development of socialist party politics. Therefore, the maturity level and degree of systematization of socialist party politics fundamentally determine the quality of the theory and practice forms of socialist parties’ foreign exchanges, as well as the historical height and scientific degree they can possibly attain.

肇始于19世纪中期的社会主义政党政治是社会主义政党对外交往产生的逻辑前提。作为人类新型政治文明形态中的重要政治过程和实践形式,社会主义政党政治“发端于19世纪中期欧洲资本主义危机背景下社会发展转型和欧洲工人政治运动国际化的历史进程,起步于‘工人革命的第一步就是使无产阶级上升为统治阶级,争得民主’,发展于实现物质财富极大丰富、人民精神境界极大提高、每个人自由而全面发展的价值追求。”就其基本内容而言,主要包括社会主义政党围绕自身发展与价值实现以及由此形成的党内政治、党际政治、党政政治、党社政治、政党对外交往或政党外交。其中,政党对外交往或政党外交回答了政党价值的“国际表达”问题。社会主义政党政治是社会主义政党对外交往产生的逻辑前提,社会主义政党对外交往是社会主义政党政治发展的客观要求和逻辑必然。因此,社会主义政党政治的成熟水平及其体系化程度,从根本上决定着社会主义政党对外交往的理论与实践形态的质量与可能达到的历史高度与科学程度。

The sharp contradiction between the “increase in wealth” of the European bourgeoisie and the “intensification of poverty” of the working class is the social root of the emergence of socialist parties’ foreign exchanges. With the development of European industry and the expansion of trade in the 1850s and 1860s, the poverty of the workers and the class oppression they suffered not only did not diminish but became more severe. “These economic facts formed the basis for the emergence of modern class antagonisms; these class antagonisms, in countries where they have been fully developed through large-scale industry, and therefore particularly in England, are in turn the basis for the formation of parties, the basis for party struggles, and thus also the basis for all political history.” [11]11 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Selected Works of Marx and Engels*, vol. 4 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012), p. 192. This basis historically endowed the workers’ movement with a new practical consciousness, namely, that they “must be universally developed through the establishment and union of trade unions in all countries,” [12]12 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Complete Works of Marx and Engels*, vol. 21 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2003), p. 106. to strive for their own equal rights and obligations, to achieve the liberation of proletarian labor, and thereby to complete “the transformation of the entire condition of society.” [13]13 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Complete Works of Marx and Engels*, vol. 21, p. 106. This is the “secret of the success” of the emergence of socialist parties’ foreign exchanges.

欧洲社会资产阶级“财富增加”与工人阶级“贫困加剧”之间的尖锐矛盾是社会主义政党对外交往产生的社会根源。随着19世纪50、60年代欧洲社会工业的发展和贸易的扩大,工人的贫困及其遭受的阶级压迫不仅没有减轻反而愈加严重。“这些经济事实形成了产生现代阶级对立的基础;这些阶级对立,在它们因大工业而得到充分发展的国家里,因而特别是在英国,又是政党形成的基础,党派斗争的基础,因而也是全部政治史的基础。”这一基础历史地赋予了工人阶级运动新的实践自觉,即他们“必须通过所有各国工会的建立与联合而普遍地开展起来”,争取自身平等的权利和义务,实现无产阶级劳动的解放,进而完成“社会的全面状况的变革。”这是社会主义政党对外交往产生且“获得成功的秘密所在。”

The establishment of proletarian parties and their international united activities provided the organizational conditions for the emergence of socialist parties’ foreign exchanges. Historically, the establishment of the Communist League in 1847 injected strong organizational impetus into the struggle of the working class of all countries against the bourgeoisie to a certain extent. Although after the defeat of the 1848 revolutions, “all the party organizations and party newspapers of the working class on the continent were destroyed by the iron fist of violence,” [14]14 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Selected Works of Marx and Engels*, vol. 1 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012), p. 410. the act of “organizing the proletarians into a class, and thus into a party” [15]15 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Selected Works of Marx and Engels*, vol. 1, p. 410. had already become a life element and scientific gene of the working class. Especially in the struggle against Bakuninism, an important experience gained by the proletariat was that “the best way to free the workers from this domination of the old parties is to establish a proletarian party in each country.” [16]16 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Selected Works of Marx and Engels*, vol. 3 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012), p. 170. By the end of the 19th century, with the continuous development of workers’ movements in Europe and America and the widespread dissemination of Marxism, working-class parties in many countries sprang up like mushrooms, laying a solid organizational foundation for realizing the great “international united action.” [17]17 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Selected Works of Marx and Engels*, vol. 1, p. 410.

无产阶级政党的建立及其国际联合活动为社会主义政党对外交往的产生提供了组织条件。历史地看,1847年共产主义者同盟的建立,在一定程度上为世界各国工人阶级在反对资产阶级的斗争中注入了强劲的组织动力。尽管在1848年革命失败之后,“大陆上工人阶级所有的党组织和党的机关报刊都被暴力的铁腕所摧毁”,但是,将“无产者组织成为阶级,从而组织成为政党这件事”,已融为工人阶级的生命元素与科学基因。尤其在反对巴枯宁主义的斗争中,无产阶级获得的重要斗争经验是,“要使工人摆脱旧政党的这种支配,最好的办法就是在每一个国家里建立一个无产阶级的政党”。19世纪末,随着欧美各国工人运动不断发展和马克思主义广泛传播,众多国家工人阶级政党如雨后春笋般涌现,为实现伟大的“国际联合行动”奠定了坚实的组织基础。

II. The Proletarian Party-Type International Union of the First International and the Practical Exploration of Socialist Parties’ Foreign Exchanges

二、第一国际无产阶级政党性国际联合与社会主义政党对外交往的实践探索

As the first proletarian international union in human history, the First International possessed distinct party attributes. This is mainly reflected in its political characteristics such as having a scientific guiding ideology, a complete political program, systematic organizational statutes, a clear value orientation, and actual organizational leadership. In the process of political creation surrounding its own development and value realization, it heralded the historical emergence of socialist party politics, endowed the international union of proletarian parties with a new practical form, and opened the historical序幕 of socialist parties’ foreign exchanges.

作为人类历史上第一个无产阶级国际联合,第一国际具有鲜明的政党属性。这主要体现在其拥有科学的指导思想、完备的政治纲领、系统的组织章程、鲜明的价值指向以及组织的实际领导权等政治特性上。它在围绕自身发展与价值实现的政治创造过程中,昭示了社会主义政党政治的历史性出场,赋予了无产阶级政党国际联合新的实践形态,开启了社会主义政党对外交往的历史序幕。

(I) The Practice of the First International in Voicing Support for and Assisting the Liberation and Revolutionary Struggles of Oppressed Nations, Enriching and Strengthening the Content and Influence of Socialist Parties’ Foreign Exchanges

（一）第一国际声援和支持各国被压迫民族解放和革命斗争的实践,丰富和壮大了社会主义政党对外交往的内容与影响

Broadly supporting the strike movements of the working class in various European countries was the primary task of the proletarian party-type international union of the First International. From the Geneva Congress to the Basel Congress, the most prominent feature of the First International’s struggle was: the bourgeoisie’s blows against the workers became heavier, broader, and more frenzied, while the resistance of the entire working class became more unified, united, and unstoppable. The successive outbreaks of workers’ strike movements in many European countries became political struggles for the recognition of their organizational principles. This struggle was not only a test of all organized workers’ strength but also a powerful integration of the First International’s capacity for party foreign exchanges. To this end, Marx proposed that the First International “performs a special function, namely, to counter the capitalists’ habitual conspiracy of using foreign workers as tools against native workers during strikes and lockouts.” [18]18 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Complete Works of Marx and Engels*, vol. 21, p. 108. Guided by this spirit, the successive congresses of the First International not only made supporting workers’ strike movements a main agenda item but also continuously sent representatives to travel among the workers of various countries to conduct on-site investigations and raise funds for support, calling upon all upright male and female workers of the civilized world to support the just struggle of the workers against capital’s tyranny, both morally and materially. The practice of the First International in supporting workers’ strike struggles during this period made “the ruling forces of the old world feel the power of the young, hitherto unknown great force,” [19]19 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Complete Works of Marx and Engels*, vol. 21, p. 109. enriched the content of socialist parties’ foreign exchanges, and enhanced their international prestige and influence.

广泛支持欧洲各国工人阶级罢工运动,是第一国际无产阶级政党国际联合的首要任务。从日内瓦大会到巴塞尔大会期间,第一国际斗争的最突出特点是:资产阶级对工人的打击愈加沉重、广泛和疯狂,而整个工人阶级的反抗也变得更加一致、团结和不可遏止。欧洲多国工人罢工运动的相继爆发,成为争取承认他们组织原则性的政治斗争。这一斗争不仅成为对一切有组织的工人力量的检验,更是对第一国际政党对外交往能力的强力整合。为此,马克思提出第一国际“执行着一项特殊职能,这就是反击资本家在罢工和同盟歇业时一贯采用的以外国工人作工具来对付本国工人的阴谋。”在这一精神指引下,第一国际召开的历次代表会不仅将支持工人罢工运动作为主要议程,还不断派代表奔波于各国工人群众中间进行实地调查和募捐支援,号召文明世界一切正直的男女工人们从道义上和物质上支援工人反对资本专横的正义斗争。该时期第一国际支持各国工人罢工斗争的实践,让“旧世界的统治力量领教了年轻的迄今未有的巨大力量的厉害”,丰富了社会主义政党对外交往的内容,提升了其国际威信和影响力。

Resolutely supporting national liberation struggles and the political movements of workers for democratic rights in various countries. During their leadership of the First International, Marx and Engels always regarded supporting the independent liberation of nations as an important task of the International. They believed that if “the independence and unity of each nation are not restored, then neither the international union of the proletariat nor the harmonious and conscious cooperation of nations for common goals is possible.” [20]20 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Selected Works of Marx and Engels*, vol. 1, p. 427. Without national unity, national existence is nothing but an illusion. The First International itself was a product of British workers supporting the Polish people’s uprising against the oppression of Tsarist Russia. Therefore, the First International called upon the working class of all countries to stand on the internationalist position and resolutely support the Polish people’s liberation movement and the Irish people’s patriotic movement against Britain. It can be said that the victory of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie is the signal for the liberation of all oppressed nations. Although some movements ultimately ended in failure, they still powerfully impacted the reactionary rule of the bourgeoisie and promoted the political movement of the working class for democratic rights.

坚决支持各国民族解放斗争和工人争取民主权利的政治运动。马克思恩格斯在领导第一国际期间,始终把支持民族的独立解放视为国际的一项重要任务。他们认为,如果“不恢复每个民族的独立和统一,那就既不可能有无产阶级的国际联合,也不可能有各民族为达到共同目的而必须实行的和睦的与自觉的合作。”没有民族统一,民族生存只不过是一个幻影。而第一国际本就是英国工人声援波兰人民起义反对沙皇俄国压迫斗争的产物。因此,第一国际号召世界各国工人阶级站在国际主义立场上,坚决支持波兰人民解放运动和爱尔兰人民反英爱国运动。可以说,无产阶级对资产阶级的胜利,就是一切被压迫民族获得解放的信号。尽管部分运动最终归于失败,但它仍有力冲击了资产阶级的反动统治,促进了工人阶级争取民主权利的政治运动。

Actively supporting and endorsing the Paris Commune revolution. As the “spiritual offspring” of the First International, the General Council of the First International always closely monitored the latest developments of the revolution. During the Commune revolution, the International actively established contact with Serrailier and others, learned about the situation in Paris, conveyed the spirit of the First International, and called on branches, members, and the broad working class to actively support the Commune movement. The Commune revolution thus received “the joyful support of the entire international proletariat.” [21]21 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Collected Works*, Vol. 17, p. 383. [Translator’s note: This is a standard citation format for the Chinese edition of the Marx-Engels Collected Works; the English edition reference would be to a similar passage in Marx’s writings on the Paris Commune.] After the revolution failed, facing persecution and a media siege by the enemy, Marx led the First International to help revolutionaries evade persecution, raise funds, and find meeting points and lodgings, striving to defend the political legacy of the Commune cause. Although the Paris Commune existed for only 72 days, the Commune revolution, with its spirit of internationalism, consolidated the First International’s proletarian party-type international alliance, a “fighting organization of the association aimed at liberating labor and eliminating national conflicts.” In this sense, it not only shaped and gathered the practical forces of the First International’s branches and the international alliances of proletarian parties in various countries, but also, through the civilizational integration of proletarian internationalism, cultivated the life value and spiritual quality of socialist parties’ foreign exchanges.

积极声援和支持巴黎公社革命。作为第一国际的“精神产儿”,第一国际总委员会始终密切注视着革命的最新动向。在公社革命期间,国际积极同塞拉叶等人建立联系,了解巴黎的情况,传达第一国际的精神,并号召支部、委员和广大工人积极支援公社的运动。公社革命由此得到了“整个国际无产阶级欢欣鼓舞的声援。”革命失败后,面对敌人的迫害和舆论围剿时,马克思领导第一国际帮助革命者躲避迫害、筹款支助以及寻找接头地点和住处,努力捍卫着公社事业的政治遗产。虽然巴黎公社只存在了72天,但公社革命以国际主义的精神凝聚了第一国际无产阶级政党性国际联合这一“旨在解放劳动和消灭民族纠纷的协会的战斗组织。”在这个意义上,它不仅塑造和汇聚了第一国际各支部以及各国无产阶级政党国际联合的实践力量,更以无产阶级国际主义的文明集成培育了社会主义政党对外交往的生命价值与精神品质。

(II) The First International safeguarded the independent and autonomous rights of the working class and its political organizations in ideology, organization, and action, reflecting the necessary requirements of socialist parties’ foreign exchanges

（二）第一国际保障工人阶级及其政治组织在思想上、组织上和行动上的独立自主权利,体现了社会主义政党对外交往的应然要求

The First International’s “Provisional Rules of the International Working Men’s Association” (hereinafter “the Rules”) granted the working class and its political organizations legitimate rights to independence and autonomy. First, it stipulated the independent and autonomous rights of the International’s members in organizational terms. Its members could “while forming a permanent league of close cooperation, completely preserve their own existing organizations.” Second, it clarified the independent and autonomous rights of the First International’s members in ideological terms. Without violating the general direction of the Association, the First International “allowed each branch to be responsible for its own program” and “permitted each branch to hold its own theoretical views on the actual movement.” Third, it elucidated the independent and autonomous rights of the First International’s members in action. The First International “had a special organizational structure that granted each national or local federation full freedom of action”; it did not prescribe the specific forms of workers’ political movements in various countries, nor did it require that international alliances be identical in every detail. It should be said that the Rules, through legal procedures, “recognized the natural rights of parties and clarified them in written form,” thereby forming the legitimate rights of socialist parties’ foreign exchanges. It fundamentally revealed the basic connotation of what socialist parties should possess or enjoy in their foreign exchanges, and how they should possess or enjoy such rights.

第一国际的《国际工人协会共同章程》（简称“章程”）赋予了工人阶级及其政治组织独立自主的合法权利。首先,它规定了国际成员组织上的独立自主权利。其成员可以“在彼此结成亲密合作的永久联盟的同时,完全保存自己原有的组织。”其次,它明确了第一国际成员思想上的独立自主权利。在不违背协会总方向的前提下,第一国际“允许每个支部自己对自己的纲领负责”,“容许每个支部对实际运动抱有自己的理论观点”。最后,它阐明了第一国际成员在行动上的独立自主权利。第一国际“具有一种特殊的组织结构,这种结构给予每个全国性的或地方性的联合会以充分的行动自由”,它并不规定各国工人政治运动的具体形式,不要求国际联合在一切细枝末节上都完全一样。应当说,《章程》从法定程序上“对政党天然权利加以认可并通过条文形式予以明确”,进而形成了社会主义政党对外交往的合法权利。它从根本上揭示了社会主义政党对外交往应当拥有或享受什么,及其如何拥有或享有等问题的基本内涵。

The widespread establishment of socialist parties and workers’ parties in European and American countries in the later period of the First International, along with the upsurge in international united actions of proletarian parties, were the practical achievements of workers’ parties in various countries fully mastering their independent and autonomous rights. For a long time, the First International carried out extensive work to establish socialist parties in various countries. In the 1870s and 1880s, the first batch of socialist parties and organizations were widely established in European and American countries, actively undertaking the political mission of achieving national independence and liberation. Although the organizational form of the First International could no longer meet the needs of the development of the proletarian revolutionary movement, the class consciousness, class struggle, and political organization it contained had become the common property of the proletariat in all countries—this was the achievement of the First International. And “Germany was the country where the political organization of the working class was organized into a party in a model form and where trade union organizations closely linked to the party were established; at the same time, the active and effective development of the workers’ party in Germany also had a demonstrative effect.” This indicates that, under the new historical conditions where the international alliance of proletarian parties had greatly developed, workers’ parties in various countries should, based on the established historical context of their own activities, give a revolutionary response consistent with their own realities to the historical task of national liberation, and independently explore revolutionary paths. This is the fundamental manifestation of the independent and autonomous rights of socialist parties.

第一国际后期社会党和工人党在欧美各国的普遍建立,以及无产阶级政党国际联合行动的高涨,是各国工人政党充分掌握独立自主权利的实践成果。长期以来,第一国际为在各国建立社会主义政党进行了大量工作。19世纪70、80年代,第一批社会主义政党和组织在欧美各国普遍建立起来,积极承担起实现各国民族独立解放的政治使命。尽管第一国际的组织形式已不能适应无产阶级革命运动发展的需要,但它内蕴的阶级意识、阶级斗争和政治组织等内容,已经成为一切国家无产阶级的共同财产,这是第一国际的功绩所在。而“德国是工人阶级的政治组织以典范的形式组织成为政党并建立了与党密切联系的工会组织的国家,同时工人阶级政党在德国的积极而有成效的发展也具有示范作用。”这表明,在无产阶级政党国际联合得到极大发展的新历史条件下,各国工人政党应根据自身活动的既定历史场景,对本国实现民族解放的历史任务予以符合自身实际的革命性回应,独立自主地探索革命道路,是社会主义政党独立自主权利的根本体现。

Based on the above historical facts, the international alliance of proletarian parties never replaces the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat in various countries; “international alliance can only exist between nations, and therefore the existence of these nations, their autonomy and independence in internal affairs, is itself included in the concept of internationalism.” [22]22 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Collected Works*, Vol. 39, p. 84. It can be said that the independence and autonomy of proletarian parties in various countries is the logical prerequisite for realizing the international alliance of proletarian parties; “the foundation and source of strength of the international alliance of the proletariat lie in the independent activities of the proletariat in each country.” [23]23 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, Vol. 30, p. 260. Together, these constitute the interactive logic of value integration and practical coupling between “independence and autonomy” and “international alliance” in socialist parties’ foreign exchanges.

根据上述历史事实,无产阶级政党国际联合从不取代各国无产阶级的革命斗争,“国际联合只能存在于国家之间,因而这些国家的存在、它们在内部事务上的自主和独立也就包括在国际主义这一概念本身之中。”可以说,各国无产阶级政党的独立自主是实现无产阶级政党国际联合的逻辑前提,“无产阶级国际联合的基础和力量的源泉,在各国无产阶级的独立活动中”，二者共同构成了社会主义政党对外交往“独立自主”与“国际联合”间价值融通与实践耦合的互动逻辑。

(III) The principles observed by the First International in formulating revolutionary programs and handling relations among its internal proletarian members and sectarian interest groups demonstrated the tactical flexibility of socialist parties in handling foreign exchange relations

（三）第一国际在制定革命纲领、处理内部各无产阶级成员以及宗派利益团体关系所遵守的原则,彰显了社会主义政党处理对外交往关系的策略灵活

The formulation of the First International’s revolutionary program adhered to the tactic of “substantively resolute, formally moderate.” When drafting and formulating the First International’s program and rules, Marx, proceeding from the actual conditions of the European workers’ movement at the time and the complexity of the First International’s membership, believed that the purpose of the First International was to unite the working class of Europe and America into a great army. The First International must have a program that “would not shut out the British trade unions, the Proudhonists of France, Belgium, Italy, and Spain, and the Lassalleans of Germany.” [24]24 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Collected Works*, Vol. 31, p. 17. Therefore, the formulation of the Rules had to adopt the tactic of “substantively resolute, formally moderate,” “to express our views in a form acceptable to the workers’ movement at its current level.” [25]25 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Collected Works*, Vol. 31, p. 17. It made every effort to avoid splitting the Association into bourgeois and proletarian elements on theoretical grounds, ultimately enabling “socialism to develop from a few small sects into a powerful party that made the entire official world tremble.” [26]26 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Collected Works*, Vol. 22, p. 409.

第一国际革命纲领的制定奉行“实质坚决,形式温和”的策略。在起草和制定第一国际纲领和章程时,马克思从当时欧洲工人阶级运动以及第一国际成员具有复杂性的实际出发,认为第一国际的目的是要把欧美工人阶级联合成一支大军。第一国际必须拥有一个“不致把英国工联,法国、比利时、意大利和西班牙的蒲鲁东派以及德国的拉萨尔派拒之于门外的纲领。”因此,《章程》的制定必须采取“实质上坚决,形式上温和”的策略,“把我们的观点用目前水平的工人运动所能接受的形式表达出来”。尽最大努力避免这个协会分裂成为理论方面的资产阶级分子和无产阶级分子,最终使得“社会主义从一些小的宗派发展成了一个使整个官方世界发抖的强大政党。”

In handling relations among its internal proletarian members, the First International adhered to the tactic of “unity and solidarity, sincere criticism.” The main body of the First International’s proletarian party-type international alliance consisted primarily of socialist individuals, socialist schools of thought, trade union organizations, and proletarian parties. As different practical forms of the workers’ movement, although their theoretical views and practical strategies differed, these subjects more or less expressed the common aspiration of the working class to pursue liberation. Therefore, when facing differences, the First International consistently adhered to the tactic of “unity and solidarity, sincere criticism,” proposing that “every member of the International Association, when moving from one country to another, should receive brotherly help from the workers who have joined the Association.” [27]27 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Collected Works*, Vol. 17, p. 478. At the same time, the unity of the proletariat in various countries did not exclude mutual criticism. Without such criticism, unity could not be achieved. Without criticism, mutual understanding was impossible, and thus unity was out of the question. It can be said that every development of the First International’s party-type international alliance and the practice of socialist parties’ foreign exchanges, wherever it occurred, was always realized through “unity—criticism.”

第一国际在处理内部各无产阶级成员之间关系时,坚持“团结一致、诚恳批评”的策略。第一国际无产阶级政党国际联合的主体,主要由社会主义者个人、社会主义流派、工会组织和无产阶级政党构成。作为工人运动的不同实践样态,虽然他们的理论观点与实践策略有所差异,但这些主体或多或少地表达了工人阶级追求解放的共同愿望。因此,在面对分歧时,第一国际始终坚持“团结一致、诚恳批评”的策略,提出“国际协会的每个会员,在由一个国家迁居另一国家时,应得到加入协会的工人的兄弟般的帮助。”与此同时,各国无产阶级的团结并不排斥相互间的批评。没有这种批评就不可能达到团结。没有批评就不能互相了解,因而也就谈不到团结。可以说,第一国际政党性国际联合与社会主义政党对外交往实践的每一次发展,无论在什么地方总是在“团结———批评”中实现的。

In dealing with groups seeking sectarian interests, the First International adopted a policy of “tit-for-tat, open exposure, resolute struggle, and thorough attack.” As the First International grew and strengthened, Proudhonism, trade unionism, Bakuninism, and the divisive conspiratorial activities of their sectarian groups emerged, causing “the International to experience a crisis such as it had never undergone since its foundation.” [28]28 This quotation is from Marx’s letter to Paul Lafargue, written around 19 April 1870, concerning the intrigues of the Bakuninist faction within the First International. Marx and Engels believed that “there is only one way to deal with all these intrigues, but it is a way with destructive power: to expose them completely. To thoroughly unmask these intrigues is to render them powerless.” Guided by this principle, the Marxists of the First International waged a fierce struggle against these divisive forces over issues such as the national liberation struggle, the leadership of the First International, and the path and goals of the emancipation of the working class. They refuted the reformist ideas, bourgeois stance, and chauvinist errors of the sectarian groups, elucidated the great significance of the proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat for the cause of proletarian emancipation, crushed the divisive forces and their schemes, and safeguarded to the greatest extent the unity of the international workers’ movement and the international alliance of proletarian parties.

第一国际在处理同谋求宗派利益团体关系时,采取“针锋相对,公开揭露,坚决斗争,彻底打击”的方针。在第一国际日益发展壮大之时,出现了蒲鲁东主义、工联主义、巴枯宁主义及其宗派团体的分裂阴谋活动,使“国际经受着从它创立以来从未经受过的危机”。马克思恩格斯认为,“要对付这一切阴谋诡计,只有一个办法,然而是具有毁灭性力量的办法,这就是把它彻底公开。把这些阴谋诡计彻头彻尾地加以揭穿,就是使它们失去任何力量。”在这一原则指引下,第一国际的马克思主义者同上述分裂势力,围绕民族解放斗争、第一国际领导权、工人阶级解放道路和目标等问题展开了激烈斗争,批驳了宗派团体的改良主义思想、资产阶级立场和沙文主义错误,阐明了无产阶级革命与无产阶级专政对无产阶级解放事业的伟大意义,粉碎了分裂势力及其图谋,最大程度地维护了国际工人运动与无产阶级政党国际联合的团结。

(4) In its struggle against the hegemonic acts of European imperialist powers contending for world hegemony and spheres of influence, the First International practiced the principle of international peace and justice in the foreign exchanges of socialist parties.

（四）第一国际在反对欧洲帝国主义列强争夺世界霸权和势力范围强权行径的斗争中, 践行了社会主义政党对外交往的国际和平与正义原则

In its resolute opposition to the colonial plunder of vast backward countries and regions by developed capitalist countries, the international alliance of proletarian parties of the First International consistently adhered to the theoretical view that “the elimination of military rule is a very necessary prerequisite for the common emancipation of the European proletariat,” vigorously advocated upholding the principle of international peace and justice, made great contributions to promoting the national liberation struggle and the independence movement of colonies, and fundamentally endowed the foreign exchanges of socialist parties with the basic value orientation of peace and justice.

第一国际无产阶级政党国际联合在坚决反对发达资本主义国家对广大落后国家和地区进行殖民掠夺的斗争中,始终坚持“消除军事统治乃是欧洲无产阶级共同解放的一个十分必要的先决条件”的理论观点,大力提倡坚持国际和平与正义原则,对推动民族解放斗争和殖民地独立运动作出了巨大贡献,从根本上赋予了社会主义政党对外交往和平与正义的基本价值定位。

The First International held multiple meetings to clarify its attitude of opposing imperialist wars and upholding international peace. In September 1866, the Geneva Congress advocated eliminating Russia’s reactionary influence in Europe through the exercise of the right to national self-determination. In September 1867, the Lausanne Congress discussed and passed the resolution “The Attitude of the Proletariat towards War,” clarifying the fundamental attitude of the First International towards war. In 1868, the Brussels Congress explicitly stated the position the working class should take in the event of war. After the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War in 1870, the First International successively issued the “First Address of the General Council of the International Working Men’s Association on the Franco-Prussian War” and the “Second Address of the General Council of the International Working Men’s Association on the Franco-Prussian War,” clarifying that the war was provoked by the ruling classes of both France and Prussia, with the aim of contending for European hegemony and suppressing domestic revolutionary movements. These two addresses pointed out that the proletariat must distinguish the nature of wars, support just wars, oppose hegemonism and colonial plunder, and issued the slogan that “the union of the working classes of all countries will ultimately eradicate all wars.” These various revolutionary struggles enriched the practical material for the foreign exchanges of socialist parties, demonstrated the immense power of the international alliance of proletarian parties of the First International, enhanced the prestige of socialist parties among the working masses of various countries, and rapidly elevated the international influence of socialist parties’ foreign exchanges.

第一国际召开多次会议明确了其反对帝国主义战争与坚持国际和平的态度。1866年9月,日内瓦代表大会主张通过行使民族自决权来消除俄国在欧洲的反动影响。1867年9月,洛桑代表大会讨论并通过了《无产阶级对待战争的态度》议案,阐明了第一国际对待战争的根本态度。1868年,布鲁塞尔代表大会明确工人阶级在一旦发生战争时应持的立场。1870年,普法战争爆发后,第一国际先后发表了《国际工人协会总委员会关于普法战争的第一篇宣言》《国际工人协会总委员会关于普法战争的第二篇宣言》,明确了这场战争是法国和普鲁士的统治阶级双方挑起的,目的都是为了争夺欧洲霸权和扼杀国内革命运动。这两篇宣言指明了无产阶级必须区分战争性质,支持正义战争,反对霸权主义和殖民掠夺,并发出“全世界工人阶级的联合终究会根绝一切战争”的口号。上述种种革命斗争活动,丰富了社会主义政党对外交往的实践素材,彰显了第一国际无产阶级政党国际联合的巨大威力,提高了社会主义政党在各国工人群众中的威望,使社会主义政党对外交往的国际影响得到迅速提升。

III. Theoretical Views and Historical Legacy of the First International’s Socialist Party Foreign Exchanges

三、 第一国际社会主义政党对外交往的理论观点与历史遗产

The practice of the First International’s socialist party foreign exchanges was the result of the historical confluence of social, political, economic, cultural, and organizational factors in mid-19th century Europe. It was a practical manifestation of Marxist theory on inter-party relations under specific temporal and spatial conditions, and a political phenomenon that emerged when the development of human social productive forces and social modernization had evolved to a certain stage. Although its level of growth and degree of development were constrained by the limitations of the temporal and spatial field at that time, presenting an obvious immaturity and tentativeness, the theoretical views and historical legacy it nurtured and crystallized have a foundational significance for the innovative development of socialist parties’ foreign exchanges and even the party diplomacy of socialist states.

第一国际社会主义政党对外交往实践,是19世纪中期欧洲社会政治、经济、文化、组织等因素的历史合力的结果,是马克思主义党际关系理论在特定时空条件下的实践样态,是人类社会生产力发展与社会现代化演进到一定阶段而产生的政治现象。虽然它的成长水平与发展程度受制于当时时空场域的限制,而呈现出明显的稚嫩状态与尝试性。但它所孕育和凝结的理论观点与历史遗产,对社会主义政党对外交往乃至社会主义国家政党外交的创新发展都具有奠基意义。

(1) The First International’s socialist party foreign exchanges originated from the value pursuit of the labor emancipation and economic emancipation of the working class, and developed for the realization of the value of the complete emancipation and all-round development of humanity, fundamentally annotating the moral and value high ground of socialist parties’ foreign exchanges.

（一）第一国际社会主义政党对外交往基于工人阶级的劳动解放和经济解放的价值追求而产生, 为人的彻底解放和全面发展的价值实现而发展, 从根本上注释了社会主义政党对外交往的道义和价值制高点

From the First International’s adoption of “acknowledging truth, justice, and morality” as the basis of relations among its members, to the great goal of achieving “labor emancipation” and “economic emancipation,” to making private relations and relations among nations abide by “the simple laws of morality and justice,” and finally to the call “Workers of the world, unite!”, all this demonstrates the people-centered core value of socialist parties’ foreign exchanges. It emerged for the realization of the complete emancipation of humanity, grew with the all-round development of humanity, presented a new and higher form of “party diplomacy of socialist states” after seizing political power, and will ultimately withdraw from the historical stage with the realization of the ultimate value of humanity. This is the logical progression of the unity of value rationality, practical rationality, and instrumental rationality in socialist parties’ foreign exchanges.

从第一国际以“承认真理、正义和道德”作为其成员关系的基础,到以实现“劳动解放”和“经济解放”这一伟大目标,再到使私人关系与各民族间关系遵守“简单的道德和正义的准则”,最终号召“全世界无产者,联合起来”,无不彰显着社会主义政党对外交往以人民为中心的核心价值。它为实现人的彻底解放而产生,随着人的全面发展而壮大,在执掌政权后呈现出“社会主义国家政党外交”这一新的更高级的样态,最终也必将因人类终极价值的实现而退出历史舞台,是社会主义政党对外交往价值理性、实践理性与工具理性相统一的逻辑进路。

The practical activities of socialist parties’ foreign exchanges are a process of coordinated development of self-revolution, political revolution, and social revolution, led by the proletariat and its broad allies, to realize their own value and the all-round development of humanity. The class character and advanced nature of socialist parties fundamentally determine that achieving the complete emancipation of the proletariat is the highest value pursuit of their foreign exchanges. It can be said that the First International’s socialist party foreign exchanges took “the question of for whom” as the touchstone for testing the effectiveness of their own foreign exchanges, consistently adhered to the people’s standpoint, and took the practical logic of exchanges for the people, exchanges relying on the people, exchanges benefiting the people, and exchanges protecting the people as the value destination, collectively marking the moral and value high ground of socialist parties’ foreign exchanges.

社会主义政党对外交往的实践活动,是率领无产阶级及其广大同盟者,为了实现自己的价值和人的全面发展而进行的自我革命、政治革命和社会革命的协同发展过程。社会主义政党的阶级性和先进性,从根本上决定了实现无产阶级的彻底解放是其展开对外交往的最高价值追求。可以说,第一国际社会主义政党对外交往将“为什么人的问题”作为检验自身对外交往成效的试金石,始终坚持人民立场,以交往为了人民、交往依靠人民、交往造福人民、交往保护人民的实践理路作为价值归宿,集中标识了社会主义政党对外交往的道义和价值制高点。

(2) The ups and downs experienced by the First International’s socialist party foreign exchanges reveal the most fundamental issue of socialist parties’ foreign exchanges, namely, that struggle calls for the strong leadership of socialist parties.

（二）第一国际社会主义政党对外交往历经的跌宕起伏,揭示了社会主义政党对外交往最根本的问题,即斗争呼唤社会主义政党的坚强领导

Looking at the tortuous practical exploration of the First International’s socialist party foreign exchanges, there was both the unprecedented grand occasion of the workers’ meeting at St. Martin’s Hall upon the founding of the First International in 1864, and the ideological collisions and fierce confrontations between Marxists and non-Marxists when formulating the International’s program and statutes; it both converged the revolutionary torrent of the working classes of all countries opposing all existing social and political systems, giving birth to the great practice of the Paris Commune revolution, and suffered ruthless persecution and disruption by bourgeois reactionary governments, falling into a low ebb; it both experienced comprehensive prosperity with local organizations spread across 17 countries in Europe, America, and Africa, with nearly one million members, and, under the interaction of “the breakdown of ‘cooperation’ between political factions and the fragility of the organization itself,” encountered the “inevitable disintegration” of the International.

纵观第一国际社会主义政党对外交往跌宕起伏的实践探索,既有1864年第一国际成立时圣马丁教堂工人聚会的史上空前盛况,也有制定国际纲领与章程时马克思主义者与非马克思主义者间的思想碰撞与激烈交锋;既汇聚了各国工人阶级一切反对现存社会制度和政治制度的革命洪流,孕育了巴黎公社革命这一伟大实践,也遭受了资产阶级反动政府无情的迫害与捣乱而陷入低谷;既经历了地方组织遍及欧、美、非三大洲17国,且会员近百万的全面繁荣,也在“政治派别之间‘合作’的破裂和组织本身脆弱性”相互作用下,遭遇国际“不可避免的瓦解”。

An important understanding that can be gained is that foreign exchanges of socialist political parties must be led by the political party, and party leadership is the fundamental guarantee for socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges. Wherever the leadership of a socialist political party is upheld well, the practice of its foreign exchanges flourishes; conversely, wherever it is not, that practice suffers setbacks. The core issue of socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges is that struggle calls for the leadership of a strong socialist political party. The greatest advantage of socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges lies in the Party’s “strong leadership,” and the greatest danger lies in the Party’s “weakened leadership.” It is necessary to concretize the Party’s “strong leadership” into the Party’s “leadership effectiveness,” integrate Party leadership into the entire process of foreign exchanges, and make “strong leadership” truly the life element and political soul of socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges, thereby realizing the value transformation from “the Party’s capability” to “the Party’s governance.” The stronger the will of the working class to oppose the rule of the bourgeoisie, the more it is necessary to continuously consolidate the solid foundation of socialist party leadership, ensuring that socialist party leadership always provides prerequisite capability support, fundamental value orientation, and critical political guarantees for socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges.

可以得到的重要认识是,社会主义政党对外交往必须由政党领导,政党领导是社会主义政党对外交往的根本保证。凡是社会主义政党领导坚持得好,社会主义政党对外交往实践就兴旺发达;反之,社会主义政党对外交往实践就遭受挫折。社会主义政党对外交往最核心的问题就是斗争呼唤强有力的社会主义政党的领导。社会主义政党对外交往的最大优势在于党的“领导坚强”,最大危险在于党的“领导弱化”,必须把党的“领导坚强”,具象化为党的“领导效能”,把党的领导融入对外交往全过程,使“坚强领导”真正成为社会主义政党对外交往的生命要素与政治灵魂,进而实现“政党之能”向“政党之治”的价值转换。工人阶级反对资产阶级统治的意愿越强,就越要不断夯实社会主义政党领导的坚实基础,确保社会主义政党领导始终为社会主义政党对外交往提供前提性的能力支撑、根本性的价值定位、关键性的政治保障。

(III) The strategic principles and practical principles followed by the First International in socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges contain the basic principles of the Marxist theory of inter-party relations and bear the basic norms that must be upheld in the party diplomacy of socialist countries.

（三）第一国际社会主义政党对外交往遵循的策略原理和实践原则,内蕴着马克思主义党际关系理论的基本原理,承载着社会主义国家政党外交必须坚持的基本准则

The First International’s socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges contain a law: the “independence” of international members and the “united movement” of the International are mutually conditional and mutually reinforcing. “Independence” is the prerequisite and foundation of international unity, and international cooperation “is only possible among equals”; the “united movement” is the value leap and advanced form of the new realm of development of international members’ foreign exchanges. Experience shows that without the “independence” of international members, the international united movement of proletarian political parties of the world would go astray; without the “united movement” of international proletarian political parties, international members would become a heap of loose sand and lose their vitality. It can be said that “independence” is the foundation for establishing socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges, and the “united movement” is the path for strengthening them. Together, they constitute the basic principles of the Marxist theory of inter-party relations.

第一国际社会主义政党对外交往内蕴一条规律,即国际成员“独立自主”与国际“联合运动”互为条件、相互促进。“独立自主”是国际联合的前提和基础,且国际合作“只有在平等者之间才有可能”;“联合运动”则是国际成员对外交往发展新境界的价值跃升与高级形态。经验表明,没有国际成员的“独立自主”,会使国际无产阶级政党国际联合运动进入歧途;而没有国际无产阶级政党的“联合运动”,会导致国际成员成为一盘散沙而失去生机。可以说,“独立自主”是立社会主义政党对外交往之本,“联合运动”是强社会主义政党对外交往之路,二者共同构成了马克思主义党际关系基本原理。

The scientific nature and vitality of the Marxist theory of inter-party relations are not only proven by the rise and advancement of the international unity of world proletarian political parties and the diplomacy of the Russian socialist ruling party during the periods of the First International, the Second International, and the Communist International; they are also witnessed by the history of the gathering and disintegration of the Cominform [29]29 The Cominform (Information Bureau of the Communist and Workers’ Parties) was established in 1947 as a coordinating body for European communist parties, dissolved in 1956. of the nine European communist and workers’ parties and the socialist camp after World War II; they are further confirmed by the low ebb of the international communist movement and the international united movement of proletarian political parties after the drastic changes in Eastern Europe; and they are also proven by the vigorous rise and forceful advancement of the party diplomacy of socialist countries, primarily represented by the Communist Party of China, since the new century. To continue the historical value, spatial value, and epochal value of these basic principles in the new historical spectrum and spatiotemporal extension, it is necessary to integrate the basic principles of the Marxist theory of inter-party relations with the specific realities of each country, forming basic norms for the party diplomacy of socialist countries with their own characteristics.

马克思主义党际关系理论的科学性与生命力,不仅被第一国际、第二国际以及共产国际时期世界无产阶级政党国际联合与俄国社会主义执政党外交的兴起与推进所证明;也被二战后欧洲九国共产党和工人党情报局、社会主义阵营的集聚与分化的历史所鉴证;更被东欧剧变后国际共产主义运动与无产阶级政党国际联合运动陷入低谷所证实;还被新世纪以来以中国共产党为主要代表的社会主义国家政党外交的勃然兴起与奋力推进所证明。为在新的历史光谱与时空延展中,延续这一基本原理的历史价值、空间价值与时代价值,就必须将马克思主义党际关系基本原理同各国具体实际相结合,形成具有自身特点的社会主义国家政党外交基本准则。

(IV) The primary and tentative nature of the First International’s practice of socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges inherently determines the need to continuously deepen the scientific quality of socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges and comprehensively enhance the theoretical consciousness of socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges.

（四）第一国际社会主义政党对外交往实践的初级性和尝试性, 内在决定了必须不断深化社会主义政党对外交往的科学品质, 全面增强社会主义政党对外交往的理论自觉

On the basis of upholding “Workers of the world, unite!”, the First International for the first time proposed that achieving the “economic emancipation” and “liberation of labor” of the working class is the great goal of socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges; for the first time clarified that “seizing political power” is the great mission of socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges; for the first time established practical principles such as “brotherly help among workers,” “the power of unity and alliance,” and “full freedom of action” that socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges should follow; and for the first time formulated the strategic flexibility of “substantively resolute, formally moderate” for socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges. Of course, “immature theories correspond to immature conditions of capitalist production and immature class conditions.” [30]30 This is a paraphrase of Friedrich Engels’s observation in *Socialism: Utopian and Scientific* (1880) that immature socialist theories correspond to immature capitalist and class conditions. The many “firsts” of the First International are rooted in the economic production of the historical era in which it was situated and the social structure arising from it, and are the political and spiritual products of that era.

第一国际在坚持“全世界无产者,联合起来”的基础上,首次提出了实现工人阶级的“经济解放”与“劳动解放”是社会主义政党对外交往的伟大目标;首次明确了“夺取政权”是社会主义政党对外交往的伟大使命;首次确立了“工人的兄弟般的帮助”“团结和联合的力量”“充分的行动自由”等社会主义政党对外交往应遵循的实践原则;首次制定了“实质坚决,形式温和”的社会主义政党对外交往的策略灵活。当然,“不成熟的理论,是同不成熟的资本主义生产状况、不成熟的阶级状况相适应的。”第一国际众多“第一次”植根于其所处历史时代的经济生产以及由此产生的社会结构,是该时代政治和精神的产物。

Practice has proven that whether the practice of the First International’s socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges can achieve qualitative improvement and incremental development lies precisely in continuously deepening the scientific quality of socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges and comprehensively enhancing the theoretical consciousness of socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges, that is, forming a scientific understanding of the theoretical principles and strategic principles of socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges. Among these, theoretical principles reflect the objective aspect of socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges, mainly revealing issues such as their essential characteristics, scientific connotations, supporting elements, and value orientation; strategic principles reflect the subjective aspect of socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges, mainly revealing issues such as their practical principles, strategic adherence, and institutional guarantees. It can be said that the developmental level and maturity of the theoretical principles of socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges collectively embody the depth and the possible degree of scientific realization of their strategic principles. Therefore, to comprehensively enhance the scientific quality of socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges, efforts must be made both in fully understanding the theoretical principles and strategic principles of socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges and in accurately grasping the regular understanding of socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges. In the organic unity of full understanding and accurate grasping, the theoretical consciousness of socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges is continuously enhanced.

实践证明,第一国际社会主义政党对外交往实践能否实现质化提升与增量发展,关键在于不断深化社会主义政党对外交往的科学品质与全面增强社会主义政党对外交往的理论自觉,即形成对社会主义政党对外交往的理论原理、策略原理的科学认知。其中,理论原理体现的是社会主义政党对外交往的客观方面,主要揭示其本质特征、科学内涵、支撑要素、价值指向等问题;策略原理反映的是社会主义政党对外交往的主观方面,主要揭示其实践原则、策略遵循、机制保障等问题。可以说,社会主义政党对外交往理论原理的发育水平与成熟程度,集中体现着社会主义政党对外交往策略原理的深刻程度与可能实现的科学程度。因此,全面提升社会主义政党对外交往的科学品质,既要在全面认识社会主义政党对外交往的理论原理与策略原理方面下功夫,又要在准确掌握社会主义政党对外交往的规律性认识方面下功夫。在全面认识与准确掌握的有机统一中,不断增强社会主义政党对外交往的理论自觉。

(V) The world-historical scale and international spatial scope presented by the First International’s practice of socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges indicate that socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges must take the realization of the common values of all humanity as their pursuit and actively assume the socialist party responsibility of creating a new form of human political party political civilization and promoting the progress of human civilization.

（五）第一国际社会主义政党对外交往实践所呈现的世界历史尺度与国际空间范围, 昭示了社会主义政党对外交往必须以实现全人类共同价值为追求, 积极承担起创造人类新型政党政治文明形态与推动人类文明进步的社会主义政党责任

The First International created a unified strategy for the joint struggle of the proletariat and its organizations of various countries, laid the organizational foundation for the world socialist movement, realized the comprehensive liberation of the entire proletariat at the ideological level and in the material sense, forged the proletarian political party as the highest political leadership force of the world working class’s united movement, gave birth to socialist party politics as a new form of human political civilization, and opened up broad space for socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges. This inherently determines the value implication of the First International’s socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges in opening a new chapter in world history, and externally requires that the spatial scope radiated by the First International’s socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges must necessarily undergo a basic picture extending from the nation-state to the world. Fundamentally different from capitalist political parties’ foreign exchanges, socialist political parties’ foreign exchanges take the “civilizational creation” of the new form of political party politics and the inclusive coexistence of existing human “civilizational continuity” as their growth mechanism, and take the condensation of the common values of all humanity to promote the progress of human civilization as their practical foundation. Their historical advancement conforms to the historical evolutionary trend in which capitalist political party political civilization must inevitably give way to socialist political party political civilization, fits the profound transformation of the political superstructure triggered by the interaction between social productive forces and social relations of production, and truly responds to the epochal demands of promoting the coordinated development of human societal modernization, as well as the socialist party responsibility of building a world of universal security, common prosperity, openness and inclusiveness, and clean and beautiful.

第一国际创造了各国无产阶级及其团体联合斗争的统一策略,奠定了世界社会主义运动的组织基础,实现了整个无产阶级在思想层面与物质意义上的全面解放,锻造了无产阶级政党这一世界工人阶级联合运动的最高政治领导力量,催生了社会主义政党政治这一人类新型政治文明形态,开拓了社会主义政党对外交往的广阔空间。这就从内在上决定了第一国际社会主义政党对外交往所具有的开创世界历史新篇章的价值意蕴,从外在上要求第一国际社会主义政党对外交往辐射空间范围,必然经历从民族国家向世界范围延展的基本图景。与资本主义政党对外交往存在本质不同,社会主义政党对外交往以新型政党政治形态的“文明创造”与人类已有“文明存续”的兼容并包为成长机理,以凝聚全人类共同价值推动人类文明进步为实践基点。它的历史性推进,顺应了资本主义政党政治文明必然让位于社会主义政党政治文明的历史演进潮流,契合了社会生产力与社会生产关系交互作用而引发的政治上层建筑的深刻蜕变,真正回应了推动人类社会现代化协同发展的时代诉求,以及构建普遍安全、共同繁荣、开放包容、清洁美丽的世界这一社会主义政党责任。

Facing the epochal changes in the modernization and development of human society, socialist parties’ foreign exchanges will inevitably follow the great logic of modernization in which “particular practice” bears “the universal of humanity,” and “the universal of humanity” is embodied in “particular practice.” Through their unique systemic value-cognition methods and global practice-promotion pathways, in the process of promoting inter-state coordination and cooperation through world-party exchanges and consultation, consolidating the political foundation for the common progress of human civilization through the exchange and mutual learning of world parties’ governance experience, and advancing the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity through the modernization of the party governance system and governance capacity, they will elevate the experience condensed from their own foreign practice into a regular understanding of the diplomacy of political parties worldwide, especially socialist parties, and make important contributions to establishing the position and role of socialist party politics in human political civilization.

面向人类社会现代化发展的时代性变迁,社会主义政党对外交往必将遵循“特色实践”承载“人类一般”,“人类一般”寓于“特色实践”的现代化成长大逻辑,并以其独特的系统性价值认知方式与全球性实践推进路径,在以世界政党交往协商促进国家间协调合作、以世界政党治国理政经验交流互鉴夯实人类文明共同进步的政治基础、以政党治理体系和治理能力现代化推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化的政治文明创造过程中,将自身对外实践所凝结而成的经验总结,跃升为世界各国政党特别是社会主义国家政党外交的规律性认识,为确立社会主义国家政党政治在人类政治文明中的地位和作用作出重要贡献。

(Author bios: Yang Xiuwen, Wang Shaoxing, School of Marxism, Shandong University)

（作者简介：杨修文、王韶兴，山东大学马克思主义学院）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心