From Leftist Guerrilla to Leftist Governing Party: The Experience of Nicaragua’s Sandinista National Liberation Front

The Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN, hereafter the Sandinistas) is a successful example in Latin America of a guerrilla organization transforming into a political party. From the late 1950s to the 1990s, hundreds of guerrilla organizations were active in Latin America. They mainly took Marxism and socialism as their guiding ideology, opposed the United States, opposed dictatorships, and fought against inequality. The guerrilla movement across Latin America reached its peak in the 1960s and 1970s. Starting in 1978, Latin America began to experience the most extensive and enduring wave of democratization in its history, marked by the coming to power of civilian governments or the overthrow of dictatorships, as Latin American countries successively established democratic systems. From 1980 to 2010, there were 127 armed organizations in Latin America, of which 15 attempted to form political parties. The main cases of Latin American guerrilla groups forming parties and even achieving governance include Nicaragua’s Sandinistas, El Salvador’s Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN), Guatemala’s National Revolutionary Unity (URNG), Honduras’s Democratic Unification Party (PUD), Colombia’s April 19 Movement (M-19), Colombia’s Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC), and Uruguay’s Tupamaros National Liberation Movement (MLN-T).

尼加拉瓜桑地诺民族解放阵线（FSLN，以下简称桑解阵）是拉美地区游击队组建政党的成功范例。在20世纪50年代末至90年代，拉美地区活跃着上百个游击队组织。它们主要以马克思主义、社会主义作为指导思想，反对美国，反对独裁，对抗不平等。整个拉美地区的游击队运动在20世纪六七十年代发展至巅峰。从1978年起，拉美开始经历历史上最广泛和最持久的民主化浪潮，以文人政府上台或独裁政权被推翻为标志，拉美国家相继确立民主体制。从1980年到2010年，拉美有127个武装力量组织，其中有15个试图组建政党。拉美的游击队组建政党甚至实现执政的主要包括尼加拉瓜的桑解阵、萨尔瓦多的法拉本多·马蒂民族解放阵线（FMLN，以下简称马蒂阵线）、危地马拉全国革命联盟（URNG）、洪都拉斯的民主统一党（PUD）、哥伦比亚“四月十九日运动”（M-19）、哥伦比亚革命武装力量（FARC）和乌拉圭的图帕马罗斯民族解放运动（MLN-T）。

The Sandinistas are also a typical case of successful new party building in Latin America. From 1978 to 2005, 307 new political parties emerged in 18 Latin American countries. Among these new parties, only 11 cases were considered successful in party building, meaning the success rate for party building in Latin American countries was only 4%. Among these successful cases of party building, two were parties formed by guerrilla groups: Nicaragua’s Sandinistas and El Salvador’s FMLN. The Sandinistas were a party organization built through violent revolution in the late 1970s, possessing a broad mass base, a solid political foundation, and high internal party cohesion. This article intends to conduct a preliminary study of the experience of the Sandinistas in party building and governance, aiming to provide a case study and material for research on Latin American leftist parties.

桑解阵也是拉美地区新兴政党建设成功的典型案例。1978年—2005年期间，拉美18个国家出现了307个新兴政党。在这些新兴政党中，只有11个政党属于政党建设成功的案例，这意味着拉美国家的政党建设成功率只有4%。在这些政党建设成功的案例中，其中有两个是游击队组建的政党，即尼加拉瓜的桑解阵和萨尔瓦多的马蒂阵线。桑解阵是在20世纪70年代末的暴力革命中构建的政党组织，拥有广泛的群众基础、坚实的政治基础和高度的党内凝聚力。本文拟对尼加拉瓜桑解阵建党和执政经验做初步研究，旨在为拉美左翼政党研究提供一个案例和素材。

I. Successful Transformation from Leftist Guerrilla to Modern Leftist Party

一、从左翼游击队向现代左翼政党的成功转型

The Sandinistas are a leftist mass party with a socialist orientation in Nicaragua. It came to power through revolution in 1979, establishing the “Government of National Reconstruction.” In the early 1980s, it became the largest political force in the country and a nationwide party, governing until 1990. It lost the 1990 general election and was removed from power. In 2006, the Sandinistas won the general election again and have remained in power continuously ever since. The successful transformation of the Sandinistas from a guerrilla group into a leftist party and their sustained development are mainly attributed to their emphasis on organizational building, continuous enhancement of party cohesion, attention to expanding the party’s social base, and a more pragmatic ideological approach.

桑解阵是尼加拉瓜一个具有社会主义倾向的左翼大众型政党。它在1979年通过革命取得政权，建立“民族复兴执政委员会”。20世纪80年代初，它成为全国第一大政治力量和一个全国性政党，执政至1990年。在1990年全国大选中失利，丧失执政地位。2006年，桑解阵再次赢得大选且连续执政至今。桑解阵从游击队成功转型为左翼政党并持续发展，主要归因于它注重组织建设、不断增强政党凝聚力、重视扩大党的社会基础、思想理念更加务实。

(I) Emphasis on Organizational Building, Striving to Strengthen the Party’s Organizational Advantages

（一）注重组织建设，努力强化党的组织优势

The Sandinistas had natural organizational advantages in transitioning from a guerrilla group to forming a political party. It inherited the organizational structure, organizational discipline, and decision-making processes of the guerrilla group.

桑解阵从游击队到组建政党有天然的组织优势。它传承了游击队的组织结构、组织纪律和决策过程。

The Sandinistas had a strict vertical leadership organizational structure. Its organizational development possessed, to a certain extent, the attributes of a political party. Inspired by the Cuban Revolution, a group of young people within the Nicaraguan Socialist Party, led by Carlos Fonseca, dissatisfied with the party’s inaction, launched in 1961 a military revolutionary organization combining Marxism-Leninism and Sandinista thought, opposing imperialism and dictatorship, namely the Sandinistas. After Fonseca’s death, the organization split into three factions: the Prolonged People’s War tendency, the Proletarian tendency, and the Insurrectional tendency. Each faction had its own organizational structure, leaders, and different political platforms. Each faction disagreed on how to achieve revolutionary success and what path to take after seizing power. The Prolonged People’s War tendency emphasized concentrating revolutionary forces in rural areas, gradually raising the consciousness of peasants and marginalized groups, and seizing power at an opportune moment. The Proletarian tendency advocated for working-class leadership and opposed alliances with the bourgeoisie. The Insurrectional tendency proposed allying with the bourgeoisie, including private business owners, senior intellectuals, and religious leaders. In 1979, led by the Insurrectional tendency, the three factions reunited. In July, the Sandinistas announced the formation of a National Joint Committee, composed of leaders from the three factions, leading a broad alliance of students, trade unions, peasants, and economic elites to overthrow the Somoza family dictatorship. The unity of the three factions ultimately led to the victory of the revolution. The Prolonged People’s War and Proletarian tendencies gradually accepted the alliance position, and the ideology of the Insurrectional tendency gradually became dominant.

桑解阵具有严格的垂直领导组织结构。它的组织发展在一定程度上具有政党属性。受到古巴革命的鼓舞，以卡洛斯·丰塞卡(Carlos Fonseca)为首的尼加拉瓜社会主义党内一批青年人不满该党的无所作为，于1961年发起一个结合马克思列宁主义和桑地诺思想桑地诺思想的反对帝国主义、反对独裁的军事革命组织，即桑解阵。丰塞卡去世后，该组织分裂成三个派别，分别是人民持久战派、无产阶级派和起义派。每个派别有自己的组织结构、领导者和不同的政治纲领。每个派别就如何取得革命成功，以及在取得政权后走何种道路存在分歧。人民持久战派强调集中农村地区革命力量，逐步提高农民和边缘群体的意识，在合适时机夺取政权。无产阶级派主张工人阶级领导，反对与资产阶级联合。起义派则提出与私营业主、高级知识分子和宗教领袖等资产阶级联合。1979年，由起义派主导，三个派别重新联合。7月，桑解阵宣布成立全国联合委员会，由三个派别的领导者组成，领导一个由学生、工会、农民和经济精英组成的广泛联盟，推翻索摩查家族的独裁统治。三个派别的团结最终使革命取得胜利，人民持久战派和无产阶级派也逐渐接受了联盟立场，起义派的意识形态逐渐占据主导地位。

After the victory of the revolution, the Sandinistas defined themselves as a vanguard party, upholding the Marxist-Leninist organizational principle of “democratic centralism,” emphasizing vertical centralized leadership. This concept was based on three important components: a supreme leadership body called the “National Leadership Council” (Dirección Nacional), a party apparatus composed of a small number of people, and “mass organizations” (Organizaciones de Masas) composed of many social organizations. The party’s organizational structure was divided into four levels: national, departmental, municipal, and grassroots. At the national level, the National Leadership Council was the party’s highest leading body, composed of nine revolutionary commanders. Additionally, at the national level, there was a Sandinista Assembly, composed of 77 to 110 party members holding positions in government departments, which had representative and deliberative functions. The intermediate-level party organizations were the Regional Party Leadership Committees (CDR) distributed at the departmental and municipal levels, whose members were directly appointed by the National Leadership Council. This was the highest-level party organization at the local level. Municipal Party Leadership Committees were subordinate to the Regional Party Leadership Committees and were led by a secretary. Grassroots Party Committees (Comités de Base) were composed of 5 to 20 party members. The function of the Grassroots Party Committees was to ensure the Sandinistas’ actions and political mobilization. The entire organizational framework of the Sandinistas was built around “party members.” The party constitution clearly distinguished between members and followers. The number of Sandinista party members grew rapidly. In 1978, the Sandinistas had only 67 party members; in 1981, there were 1,500 party members; and before the 1990 elections, the Sandinistas already had approximately 50,000 party members.

革命胜利后，桑解阵将自己定义为先锋党，捍卫“民主集中制”的马克思列宁主义组织，强调垂直集中领导。这一理念基于三个重要组成部分：一个被称为“全国领导委员会”（Dirección Nacional）的最高领导层，一个由少数人组成的党的机构，以及由许多社会组织构成的“群众组织”（Organizaciones de Masas）。党的组织结构分为四个层次：全国、省级、市级和基层。在全国层面，全国领导委员会是党的最高领导机构，由九位革命将领组成。此外，全国层面还有一个桑解阵大会，由77—110名在政府部门任职的党员组成，它具有代表和审议的功能。中层党组织是分布在省市级的地区党领导委员会（CDR），其成员由全国领导委员会直接任命。这是地方最高级别的党组织。市级党领导委员会从属于地区党领导委员会，由一名书记领导。基层党委员会（Comités de Base）由5—20名党员组成。基层党委员会的职能是确保桑解阵的行动和政治动员。桑解阵的整个组织框架围绕着“党员”构建。党章明确区分党员和追随者。桑解阵的党员数量增长很快。1978年，桑解阵仅有67名党员，1981年，有1500名党员，而在1990年选举前，桑解阵已经拥有约5万名党员。

(II) Strengthening Discipline Building, Continuously Enhancing Party Cohesion

（二）加强纪律建设，持续增强政党凝聚力

Although the Sandinistas experienced internal differences during their transformation process, the party’s cohesion was not weakened. By adhering to the party’s centralized leadership and strict party discipline, the Sandinistas made the party stronger and more resilient, achieved stability in the core leadership, ensured internal unity, and thereby enhanced party cohesion.

桑解阵在其转型过程中虽然历经党内分歧，但是党的凝聚力并未受到削弱。桑解阵通过坚持党的集中领导和严明党的纪律，促使党变得更加强韧，实现核心领导层的稳定，确保党内团结，进而增强了党的凝聚力。

The Nicaraguan Sandinistas split due to differences arising from the 1990 electoral defeat. The party was divided into a Renovationist faction and a Principleist faction. The main leader of the former was former Vice President Sergio Ramírez. The Renovationists believed it was necessary to dialogue with other political forces to consolidate Nicaragua’s nascent and fragile rule of law. The latter, calling itself the Democratic Left, controlled the party’s organizational machinery and grassroots organizations, and its main leader was Daniel Ortega. The Principleist faction tended to oppose the new government, maintain the party’s militancy, and proposed that “the Sandinistas make more positive commitments to the poor, the party’s revolutionary mission, and its vanguard character.” Because the National Leadership Council failed to effectively unite the entire party, the Sandinistas held a special congress to resolve the differences. The two factions clashed openly at the special congress in May 1994 over the struggle for leadership. The result of the congress was that Ortega was elected General Secretary, and the Democratic Left became dominant. In January 1995, the Sandinistas formally split. Ramírez and others withdrew from the Sandinistas and established a new party, the Sandinista Renovation Movement.

尼加拉瓜桑解阵因1990年选举失利而产生分歧。党内分为革新派和原则指导派。前者的主要领导者是前副总统塞尔西奥·拉米雷斯（Sergio Ramírez）。革新派认为，必须与其他政治力量对话，巩固尼加拉瓜新生且脆弱的法治。后者自称民主左翼，掌控党的组织机器和基层组织，其主要领导者是丹尼尔·奥尔特加（Daniel Ortega）。原则指导派倾向于反对新政府，保持党的战斗性，并提出“桑解阵对穷人、党的革命使命和先锋性质作出更多积极的承诺”。由于全国领导委员会未能有效凝聚全党，因此桑解阵举行特别会议解决分歧。两派在1994年5月举行的特别会议上因争夺领导权而发生公开冲突。会议的结果是奥尔特加当选为总书记，民主左翼占据主导地位。1995年1月桑解阵正式分裂。拉米雷斯等人退出桑解阵并另成立桑地诺革新运动党。

The 1995 split marked the entry of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) into a new phase led by Daniel Ortega. Ortega had already stood out in the 1984 elections, serving as president for six years, and was the presidential candidate in the 1990 elections. Beginning in 1996, the FSLN held a party congress almost every year, establishing Ortega’s leadership and maintaining the stability of the core leadership. Ortega is regarded within the party as an undisputed leader, and the FSLN regained unity under his leadership.

1995年的分裂标志着桑解阵进入由奥尔特加领导的新阶段。奥尔特加早在1984年的选举中就脱颖而出，担任了六年的总统，并且是1990年大选的总统候选人。自1996年开始，桑解阵几乎每年召开一次党员代表大会，确立了奥尔特加的领导，保持了核心领导层的稳定。奥尔特加在党内被视为无可争议的领导人，桑解阵在他的领导下重新获得团结。

In addition, the FSLN actively revised its party constitution to strengthen Party leadership. The 2002 party constitution placed special emphasis on Party discipline and centralized Party leadership. The revised constitution required party members to observe Party discipline, and stipulated that all members and lower-level organs must obey the decisions of the highest leading organs; it strictly combated any form of factionalism, splittism, and opportunism, and strengthened Party unity; party members who violated the Party constitution and Party discipline, disobeyed Party resolutions, or seriously slandered or attacked Party leadership were expelled from the Party.

此外，桑解阵积极修订党章加强党的领导。2002年党的章程特别强调了党的纪律和党的集中领导。修订后的党章要求党员遵守党纪，全体党员、下级机关服从最高领导机关的决定；严厉打击任何形式的派系主义、分裂主义和机会主义，加强党的团结；违反党章党纪、不服从党的决议、严重诋毁或攻击党的领导的党员开除党籍。

(3) Emphasizing alliances with all social strata, continuously expanding the Party’s social base

（三）重视与社会各阶层联合，不断扩大党的社会基础

Based on its revolutionary left-wing history, the FSLN has its own clear political principles and relatively radical ideology. However, when participating in electoral politics, it needed to become more broad-based and representative in the process of party building in order to attract a majority of voters and thereby achieve a high approval rating. To adapt to the domestic electoral political environment, the FSLN cooperated with various popular organizations, such as trade unions, student organizations, and peasant federations, turning them into potential voters.

基于革命左翼的历史，桑解阵有自己明确的政治原则和较为激进的意识形态。然而，当参与选举政治时，它在政党建设过程中需要更具广泛性和代表性，才能吸引多数选民，进而获得较高的支持率。为了适应国内的选举政治环境，桑解阵与各民众组织，比如工会、学生组织和农民联合会合作，使其成为潜在选民。

The FSLN has a strong capacity for alliance-building and emphasizes alliances with all social strata. During the revolutionary period, it united with the Group of Twelve, composed of prominent intellectuals, business figures, and professionals, to jointly overthrow the Somoza regime, thereby forming a cross-class alliance. After the revolutionary victory, these prominent figures joined the FSLN and held important posts, expanding the Party’s social character. In addition, the FSLN has always believed that the masses must join social organizations. These organizations play a very important role in mobilizing large numbers of the masses to carry out revolutionary tasks. The Party constitution states that the task of social organizations is to protect and encourage the revolution and to cultivate true revolutionaries. The FSLN maintains a close alliance with the National Union of Farmers and Ranchers (UNAG), the Sandinista Workers’ Central Union (CST), the Nicaraguan Women’s Association (AMNLAE), the Sandinista July 19 Youth Association (Juventud Sandinista 19 de Julio), and the Sandinista Defense Committees (CDS). The representatives of these mass organizations are appointed by the FSLN, thereby providing the Party with a broad social and organizational base. According to the Party constitution, the FSLN is a political party that puts the interests of the people first and is composed of diverse social elements.

桑解阵具有较强的联盟能力，注重与社会各阶层联合。在革命时期，它联合由著名知识分子、企业人士和专业人士组成的12人集团共同推翻索摩查政权，从而形成了跨阶层联盟。革命胜利后，这些著名人士加入桑解阵担任要职，扩大了党的社会属性。此外，桑解阵始终认为群众必须加入社会组织。这些组织在召集大批群众执行革命任务方面起着非常重要的作用。党章指出，社会组织的任务是保护和鼓励革命，培养真正的革命者。桑解阵与全国农牧民联合会（UNAG）、桑地诺工人中央工会（CST）、尼加拉瓜妇女协会（AMNLAE）、桑地诺“7月19日”青年协会（Juventud Sandinista 19 de Julio）和保卫桑地诺主义者委员会（CDS）保持着紧密联盟。这些群众组织的代表由桑解阵任命，从而为党提供了广泛的社会基础和组织基础。根据党的章程，桑解阵是一个以人民利益至上、由多元社会成分构成的政党。

(4) Adapting to the new development environment, ideology and thinking become more pragmatic

（四）适应新的发展环境，思想理念更加务实

In the 1980s, the FSLN adhered to revolutionary ideology. The Party’s leaders publicly declared themselves Marxist-Leninists, with Marxism-Leninism and Sandinismo as the guiding ideology and socialism as the revolutionary direction. During its eleven consecutive years in power (1979–1990), the FSLN promoted political pluralism, allowing various political organizations to operate freely and absorbing their representatives to participate in governance; economically, it implemented a mixed economy, allowing the state-owned economy (accounting for about 40% of the total economy) to “coexist peacefully” with the private economy; it pursued a non-aligned foreign policy, but in practice its relations with the Soviet Union and Cuba grew increasingly close, while its relations with the United States deteriorated.

在20世纪80年代，桑解阵坚持革命理念，党的领导人公开表示自己是马克思列宁主义者，指导思想是马克思列宁主义和桑地诺主义，革命方向是社会主义。桑解阵在它连续执政的11年期间（1979年—1990年），在政治上推行政治多元化，允许各种政治组织自由活动，吸收其代表参与执政；经济上实行混合经济，让国营经济（约占经济总量40%）与私人经济“和平相处”；推行不结盟外交，但实际上与苏联、古巴关系日益密切，与美国的关系日益恶化。

After losing the 1990 general election, the FSLN became an opposition party. To adapt to the electoral political environment and the era it faced, the FSLN’s ideology and thinking became more pragmatic. In the 2006 general election, Ortega stated that he had abandoned his youthful radical ideas. After winning the election, the FSLN returned to power in 2007 and has now been in power continuously for over sixteen years. Upon reassuming the presidency, Ortega somewhat downplayed the radical ideological overtones, and the Party proposed building a “Christian, socialist, and solidaristic Nicaragua.” “The Nicaraguan FSLN advocates for a socialism that conforms to historical and real conditions. The characteristics of this socialism include promoting workers, small and medium producers, peasants, indigenous communities, the self-employed, various organizations with direct ownership, self-management, and community forms; protecting national production, distribution, and commercialization; and coexisting and maintaining a harmonious relationship with traditional private property within a state-protected space.”

1990年桑解阵在大选中失利，沦为在野党。为了适应选举政治环境及其所处的时代，桑解阵的思想理念更加务实。在2006年全国大选中，奥尔特加表示放弃自己青年时期的激进思想。桑解阵在赢得大选后于2007年重新执政，至今已连续执政超过16年。再度出任总统的奥尔特加在一定程度上淡化意识形态的激进色彩，该党提出建立一个“基督教的、社会主义的、团结的尼加拉瓜”。“尼加拉瓜桑解阵主张维护符合历史与现实条件的社会主义，这种社会主义的特性包括推动工人、中小生产者、农民、印第安人社区、自我就业者、直接行使所有权的各种组织、自我管理和社区形式，保护民族生产、分配和商业化；在国家保护的空间下，与传统的私人产权保持共处与和谐的关系。”

II. Why Has the FSLN Been Able to Achieve Long-Term Continuous Governance

二、桑解阵为什么能实现长期连续执政

The FSLN is the longest-ruling and largest left-wing political party in Nicaragua. Since winning the general election in 2006, the FSLN has been in power continuously for sixteen years. In November 2021, Ortega was elected president with 75.87% of the vote, achieving four consecutive re-elections. During the FSLN’s tenure in power, it created a Nicaraguan exception: sustained economic growth and stable social development in a chronically backward and impoverished country. The Party’s ability to govern continuously is closely related to its long-term emphasis on Party building, its achievement of good governance results, and its firm control over the military and police.

桑解阵是尼加拉瓜执政时间最长且规模最大的左翼政党。自2006年赢得大选以来，桑解阵已经连续执政16年。2021年11月，奥尔特加以75.87%的得票率当选总统，实现四次连选连任。桑解阵执政期间创造了一个尼加拉瓜的例外：在一个长期落后、贫困的国家实现经济持续增长和社会稳定发展。该党能连续执政与其长期重视党的建设、取得良好执政业绩、牢牢掌握军队和警察等密切相关。

(1) Long-term emphasis on Party building, adept at summarizing historical experience

（一）长期重视党的建设，善于总结历史经验

The FSLN’s ability to achieve continuous governance is closely related to its long-term emphasis on Party building and its adeptness at summarizing historical experiences and lessons. It transformed from a guerrilla force into a political party, experienced alternation between ruling and opposition, and achieved long-term continuous governance. It has been able to respond to changing environmental challenges in Nicaragua’s political development, and Party building is an important means by which it has maintained its vitality.

桑解阵能实现连续执政，与其长期重视党的建设、善于总结历史经验教训密切相关。它从游击队转型为政党，历经朝野轮替，实现长期连续执政，能够在尼加拉瓜政治发展中应对不断变化的环境挑战，党的建设是其得以保持生命力的重要途径。

In terms of Party building, the FSLN places particular emphasis on building the Party’s mass base and organizational system. The FSLN has always maintained close ties between the Party and the people, making safeguarding the people’s interests the focus of its work. At multiple party congresses, the FSLN has emphasized that its policies and propositions aim to seek well-being for the people, safeguard the people’s interests, and enable them to enjoy genuine political power. It emphasizes direct participatory democracy, opposes neoliberalism, formulates various social development plans for poverty alleviation and illiteracy eradication, and vigorously advances various livelihood programs. Therefore, the FSLN has been able to maintain a high level of popular support and possesses a relatively solid social and mass base. In addition, the FSLN places great emphasis on the Party’s organizational building, especially grassroots organizational building. Through continuously strengthening grassroots congresses and grassroots party committees, the Party’s ideas and propositions are propagated and implemented. At the same time, the FSLN actively leverages the main role of grassroots party organizations in mobilizing the masses to participate in elections, preparing election work, recruiting talent, and cultivating young party members. Compared with other left-wing political parties in Latin America, having a well-developed organizational system is an advantage of the FSLN.

在党的建设方面，桑解阵尤其重视党的群众基础和组织体系的建设。桑解阵始终保持党与民众的紧密联系，以维护民众利益作为工作重点。桑解阵在多届党员代表大会上强调其政策主张是要为人民谋福利，维护人民利益并使之享有真正的政治权力。它强调直接参与式民主，反对新自由主义，制定各种扶贫、消灭文盲的社会发展计划，大力推进各项民生计划。因此，桑解阵能保持较高的民众支持率，具有较稳固的社会基础和群众基础。此外，桑解阵非常注重党的组织建设，尤其是基层组织建设。通过不断加强基层代表大会和基层党委会，党的思想和主张得到宣传和贯彻。同时，桑解阵还积极发挥基层党组织在动员民众参与选举、筹备选举工作、吸纳人才和培养青年党员等方面的主要作用。相较于拉美其他左翼政党，拥有完善的组织体系是桑解阵的优势所在。

The FSLN is adept at summing up historical experience and lessons, always ensuring its own capacity for survival and development. After suffering three consecutive electoral defeats, the FSLN drew lessons and proactively sought cooperation with anti-FSLN forces, reducing obstacles to its continuous governance. At the 2004 commemoration of the 25th anniversary of the Sandinista Revolution, Ortega publicly apologized for attacks on Catholic members during the 1980s. The Archbishop of Managua, a leading anti-FSLN figure for decades, accepted Ortega’s invitation and held a mass to commemorate the revolution. This laid the foundation for pragmatic cooperation between the FSLN and the Church. Additionally, Ortega also sought reconciliation with private enterprise. In the 1980s, the Superior Council of Private Enterprise (COSEP) opposed the state-led economic model promoted by the FSLN and publicly announced its withdrawal from the Council of State. Thereafter, because the FSLN opposed neoliberal policies, relations between the two sides remained tense. Before the 2006 elections, Ortega proposed reconciliation to COSEP and promised that, if elected, he would give private enterprise an important role in government departments, initiating strategic cooperation between the two sides. After the FSLN returned to power in 2007, it readjusted its relationship with the private sector. The government established a “dialogue and consensus” model with COSEP, the country’s most important chamber of commerce, and cooperation between the two sides gradually became formalized and institutionalized. The FSLN allowed COSEP to participate in national economic governance and hold formal positions in government departments.

桑解阵善于总结历史经验和教训，始终保证自身生存与发展能力。在遭遇连续三次选举失利后，桑解阵汲取经验教训，主动与反桑解阵力量寻求合作，减少了影响其连续执政的阻力。在2004年庆祝桑地诺革命胜利25周年的纪念活动上，奥尔特加为20世纪80年代袭击天主教成员公开道歉。马那瓜大主教作为数十年反桑解阵的主要成员接受了奥尔特加的邀请，举行弥撒以示纪念革命。这为桑解阵和教会的务实合作奠定了基础。此外，奥尔特加还与私人企业提出和解。20世纪80年代，私人企业最高委员会反对桑解阵推行的国家主导经济模式，公开宣布退出国务委员会。此后，由于桑解阵反对新自由主义政策，双方关系一直较为紧张。2006年大选前，奥尔特加向私人企业最高委员会提出和解，并承诺当选后将发挥私人企业在政府部门的重要作用，双方开启战略合作。2007年桑解阵重新执政后，重新调整与私人部门的关系。政府与国内最重要的商会私人企业最高委员会建立了“对话与共识”模式，双方合作逐渐正式化、机制化。桑解阵允许私人企业最高委员会参与国家经济治理，在政府部门担任正式职位。

(2) Achieving Good Governance Performance, Laying an Important Foundation of Legitimacy for Continuous Governance

（二）取得良好执政业绩，为连续执政奠定了重要合法性基础

First, the foundation of governance was steadily consolidated. After returning to power in 2007, it proposed establishing a new political system, implementing direct democracy, that is, returning power to the people and expanding citizen participation. The operational mechanism of direct democracy was the Citizen Power Councils (CPCs), open to all members of the community. The FSLN also vigorously promoted the development of small and medium-sized enterprises, meeting the needs of workers, peasants, and small producers, and opposing the monopoly and concentration of big capital. These measures effectively consolidated the FSLN’s governance foundation.

首先，执政基础不断稳固。2007年重新执政后，它提出建立新的政治体制，实行直接民主，即将权力归还人民，扩大公民参与。直接民主的运行机制是公民权利委员会，向社区所有人开放。桑解阵还大力推动中小企业的发展，满足工人、农民和小生产者的需求，反对大资本的垄断和集中。这些措施有效巩固了桑解阵的执政基础。

Second, it achieved relatively good results in economic growth. During the 16 consecutive years of FSLN governance, especially from 2007 to 2018, Nicaragua achieved sustained economic growth and stable social development to a certain extent. In 2015, International Monetary Fund Executive Director Otaviano Canuto described Nicaragua as “a success story in the making.” From 2010 to 2017, Nicaragua’s average economic growth rate was 5.1%, exceeding the average growth rate of the Latin American region. After 2020, due to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, Nicaragua’s economy declined, but its economic growth still remained higher than the Latin American regional average. In 2020, Nicaragua’s economic growth was -1.8%, while the Latin American regional average was -6.8%. In 2021, the Latin American region experienced a recovery rebound of 6.7%, and in 2022 economic growth was 3.7%; over the same period, Nicaragua’s economy grew by 10.3% and 3.8% respectively, both higher than the Latin American regional average.

其次，在经济增长方面取得较好成效。桑解阵政府连续执政16年间，尤其是2007年—2018年，在一定程度上实现了尼加拉瓜的经济持续增长和社会稳定发展。2015年，国际货币基金组织执行董事奥塔维亚诺·卡努托（Otaviano Canuto）将尼加拉瓜描述为“一个正在发生的成功故事”。2010年—2017年，尼加拉瓜的经济平均增长率为5.1%，超过拉美地区的平均增速。2020年后受新冠肺炎疫情冲击，尼加拉瓜经济下滑，但经济增长仍高于拉美地区平均水平。2020年尼加拉瓜经济增长-1.8%，而拉美地区平均数为-6.8%。2021年拉美地区恢复性反弹6.7%，2022年经济增长3.7%，同期尼加拉瓜经济分别增长10.3%和3.8%，均高于拉美地区平均水平。

Third, it achieved significant progress in social development. The FSLN government focused on maintaining social fairness and justice and enhancing the well-being of the people. After 2007, it implemented a series of social reforms aimed at eliminating poverty and reducing inequality. The social policies implemented by the government covered areas such as healthcare, sanitation, education, and infrastructure. From 2009 to 2016, a series of poverty reduction programs promoted by the Ortega government achieved notable results. The national poverty rate and extreme poverty rate decreased from 42.5% and 14.6% to 24.9% and 6.9%, respectively. Furthermore, Nicaragua is regarded as “the safest country in Central America.” Central America is a region where violent crime is most rampant. Among them, the “Northern Triangle” region, comprising Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador, has one of the highest homicide rates in the world. In 2020, the homicide rates in Honduras and Guatemala were approximately 36 and 37 per 100,000 people, respectively, while Nicaragua’s homicide rate was 4 per 100,000 people.

再次，在社会发展方面取得显著进步。桑解阵政府注重维护社会公平公正，增进民众福祉。2007年以后实施了一系列社会改革，力求消除贫困和减少不平等。政府实施的社会政策覆盖医疗、卫生、教育、基础设施等领域。2009年至2016年，奥尔特加政府推行的一系列减贫计划取得显著成效。全国贫困率和极端贫困率分别从42.5%和14.6%减少至24.9%和6.9%。此外，尼加拉瓜被视为“中美洲最安全的国家”。中美洲是暴力犯罪最为猖獗的一个区域。其中，由洪都拉斯、危地马拉和萨尔瓦多构成的“北三角”地区，凶杀率堪称世界之最。2020年，洪都拉斯和危地马拉的凶杀率达到每10万人约36起和37起，而尼加拉瓜的凶杀率每10万人中4起。

Additionally, the FSLN’s stance of upholding national sovereignty and independence also earned it a reputation. The FSLN has a revolutionary tradition of daring to oppose U.S. hegemony in defense of national sovereignty and independence. President Ortega has repeatedly condemned U.S. interference in Latin American affairs at international conferences and protested U.S. sanctions against Nicaragua. In April 2022, to protest the Organization of American States’ (OAS) interference in its internal affairs, the Ortega government announced Nicaragua’s withdrawal from the OAS.

此外，桑解阵坚持维护国家主权和独立的立场也为其赢得了声誉。桑解阵有为维护国家主权和独立性，敢于反对美国霸权的革命传统。奥尔特加总统多次在国际会议上谴责美国干涉拉美事务，抗议美国对尼加拉瓜的制裁。2022年4月，为抗议美洲国家组织干涉本国事务，奥尔特加政府宣布尼加拉瓜退出美洲国家组织。

(3) Firmly Controlling the Military and Police, Providing Important Support for Continuous Governance

（三）牢牢掌握军队和警察，为连续执政提供了重要支撑

Nicaragua’s national army and national police originate from the Sandinista People’s Army and the Sandinista Police established by the FSLN. This is the most solid and enduring legacy left by Sandinismo. After the victory of the revolution in 1979, the FSLN established the Sandinista People’s Army and the Sandinista Police, subordinate to the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of the Interior, respectively. Their initial main members were all FSLN guerrillas who had participated in the uprising against the Somoza regime. The Sandinista government placed great importance on the political education of these two organizations. After the FSLN lost power in 1990 and the right wing came to power, these two organizations transformed into the Nicaraguan national army and national police, but all heads of the general staff and military regions were still held by Sandinista officers. Therefore, they have a strong sense of belonging to the FSLN. Since 2007, the national police have repeatedly emphasized their “Sandinista origins.” In 2020, Ortega, on the occasion of the 41st anniversary of the founding of the national police, pointed out that “the national police are the Sandinista police, because it represents the historical continuity and evolution of the revolutionary organization.” The FSLN’s firm control of the military and police provides important support for its continuous governance, and this is also a major difference between it and many left-wing ruling parties in the Latin American region.

尼加拉瓜国家军队与国家警察源于桑解阵建立的桑地诺人民军和桑地诺警察。这是桑地诺主义留下的最坚实和最持久的遗产。1979年革命胜利后，桑解阵建立桑地诺人民军和桑地诺警察，分别隶属于国防部和内政部。其最初的主要成员都是桑解阵游击队员，参加过反对索摩查政权的起义。桑地诺政府非常重视对这两个组织的政治教育。桑解阵1990年以后失去执政地位，右翼执政，这两个组织转型成尼加拉瓜国家军队和国家警察，但是总参谋部和军区所有负责人仍由桑地诺军官担任。因此，他们对桑解阵具有强烈的归属感。2007年以来，国家警察多次强调他们的“桑地诺起源”。2020年，奥尔特加在庆祝国家警察成立41周年之际指出，“国家警察是桑地诺警察，因为它代表了革命组织的历史延续和演进”。桑解阵牢牢掌握军队和警察，为其连续执政提供了重要支撑，这也是它和拉美地区许多左翼执政党的主要区别。

(4) Dividing Opposition Forces, Striving to Maintain Political Advantage

（四）分化反对派力量，努力保持政治优势

The FSLN adopts a strategy of dividing and weakening the opposition, which not only makes the opposition forces weak and fragmented but also provides opportunities for the FSLN’s continuous governance. Since the FSLN returned to power in 2007, the influence of Nicaragua’s main opposition parties, the Constitutionalist Liberal Party (PLC) and the Independent Liberal Party (PLI), has waned, and they have failed to challenge the FSLN in either parliament or local politics. From 2006 to 2022, the number of seats won by the PLC decreased from 25 to 9, with it winning only two seats in 2011. The number of seats won by the PLI decreased from 26 to 1. At the same time, there are many internal divisions within the opposition parties, and party leaders cannot coordinate with each other. The two major opposition parties have more competition than cooperation and cannot form a consolidated alliance. The main opposition forces that emerged from the 2018 protests, the “Citizen Alliance” and the “National Blue and White Alliance,” have loose organizational structures, lack strong leaders, wield negligible political influence, and have failed to form alliances with traditional opposition parties. Therefore, the ruling FSLN has been able to maintain its position as the largest party. In the 2021 general election, the FSLN controlled 75 seats in parliament, forming a supermajority advantage of more than two-thirds. Furthermore, the ruling FSLN also held an absolute advantage in multiple municipal elections.

桑解阵对反对派采取分化瓦解策略，既造成反对派力量薄弱和分散化，也为桑解阵连续执政提供了机遇。自桑解阵2007年再次执政以来，尼加拉瓜的主要反对党制宪自由党（PLC）和独立自由党（PLI）影响力式微，在议会和地方政治中都未能对桑解阵形成挑战。2006年—2022年，制宪自由党获得的议席数从25个减少到9个，其中2011年仅获得两个议席。独立自由党获得的议席数从26个减至1个。同时，反对党内部也存在诸多分歧，党内领导人无法协调一致。两大反对党之间竞争多于合作，不能形成巩固联盟。2018年抗议活动中产生的主要反对力量“公民联盟”与“全国蓝白联盟”组织力量涣散、缺乏强有力的领导者，政治影响力微乎其微，且未能与传统反对党结成联盟。因此，执政党桑解阵能够一直保持第一大党地位。在2021年大选中，桑解阵在议会控制75个席位，形成超过2/3的多数席位优势。此外，执政党桑解阵在多次市政选举中也占有绝对优势。

(5) Focusing on Strengthening Cooperation with Left-Wing Forces in Other Countries, Seeking Regional and International Support

（五）注重与其他国家左翼力量加强合作，争取地区和国际性支持

At the regional level, amid the rise of the “Pink Tide” in Latin America, the Sandinista government actively participated in regional organizations built by left-wing countries in Latin America. In 2007, Nicaragua joined the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA), promoted by left-wing governing countries such as Cuba, Venezuela, and Bolivia, expanding cooperation with relevant countries in areas such as trade, economy, and energy. The Sandinista government became the primary anti-U.S. force in the Western Hemisphere. The Sandinistas actively supported the practical exploration of “21st-century socialism” in Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador, and other Latin American countries, promoting Nicaragua as an important component of the Latin American left-wing “Pink Tide.” At the same time, the Sandinista government was a major participant and promoter of the São Paulo Forum, strengthening dialogue with multiple left-wing parties in Latin America and jointly opposing imperialism and neoliberalism. In recent years, the Sandinista government has faced condemnation and sanctions from the Organization of American States (OAS) for using强硬手段 to deal with domestic protests and for taking actions in the 2021 elections that disadvantaged opposition candidates. The São Paulo Forum sided with the Sandinistas, explicitly rejecting the OAS resolution and firmly supporting the Sandinistas.

在地区层面，在拉美兴起“粉红浪潮”之际，桑解阵政府积极参与拉美左翼国家构建的区域性组织。2007年，尼加拉瓜加入古巴、委内瑞拉、玻利维亚等左翼执政国家推行的“美洲玻利瓦尔联盟”，扩大与相关国家在经贸、能源等领域的合作，桑解阵政府成为西半球主要的反美力量。桑解阵积极支持委内瑞拉、玻利维亚、厄瓜多尔等拉美国家“21世纪社会主义”的实践探索，推动尼加拉瓜成为拉美左翼“粉红浪潮”的重要组成部分。同时，桑解阵政府还是圣保罗论坛的主要参与者和推动者，与拉美多个左翼政党加强对话，共同反对帝国主义和新自由主义。近年来，桑解阵政府因采用强硬手段应对国内抗议活动，以及在2021年大选中采取不利于反对派候选人参选的行动，遭到美洲国家组织的谴责和制裁。圣保罗论坛站在桑解阵一边，明确拒绝美洲国家组织的决议，坚决支持桑解阵。

At the global level, the Sandinista government actively promoted cooperation with developing countries, including China. Nicaragua’s two diplomatic recognitions of China both occurred during Sandinista rule. The ruling Sandinista party has historical ties with China. China supported Ortega in the early days of his administration, leading to Nicaragua’s establishment of diplomatic relations with China in 1985. In 1990, Nicaragua’s right-wing government re-established “diplomatic relations” with the “Taiwan authorities.” China announced the suspension of diplomatic relations with Nicaragua. On December 10, 2021, the Ortega government announced that Nicaragua would resume diplomatic relations with China. In 2022, with Nicaragua joining the Belt and Road Initiative, bilateral economic and trade cooperation opened a new chapter.

在全球层面，桑解阵政府积极推动与包括中国在内的发展中国家的合作。尼加拉瓜对华两次建交都是在桑解阵执政时期。执政党桑解阵与中国有历史渊源，中国对执政初期的奥尔特加予以支持，促成尼加拉瓜在1985年与中国建交。1990年，尼加拉瓜右翼政府同“台湾当局”“复交”。中国宣布中止与尼加拉瓜的外交关系。2021年12月10日，奥尔特加政府宣布尼加拉瓜与中国复交。2022年，随着尼加拉瓜加入“一带一路”建设，双边经贸合作开启新局面。

III. The Sandinistas Need to Address New Governance Challenges

三、桑解阵需要应对新的执政难题

The Sandinistas won the election again in 2021, with Ortega successfully re-elected as president and beginning a new five-year term in January 2022. However, facing a complex domestic and international situation, the Sandinistas must navigate a more challenging governance environment, and the prospects for long-term rule face certain uncertainties. Under the new governance environment, the Sandinista government needs to address a series of new governance challenges, particularly the need to further strengthen Party building, maintain social stability on the basis of achieving economic growth, alleviate political and social crises, and mitigate the adverse effects of external risks.

桑解阵2021年再次赢得大选，奥尔特加成功连选连任总统，并于2022年1月开启五年的新任期。然而，面对复杂的国内外形势，桑解阵需要应对的执政环境更加复杂，长期执政前景面临一定的不确定性。在新的执政环境下，桑解阵政府需要应对一系列新的执政难题，特别是需要进一步加强党的建设，在实现经济增长的基础上维护社会稳定，缓解政治社会危机，化解外部风险造成的不利影响等。

(1) Further Strengthen Party Building and Continuously Improve Governance Efficiency

（一）进一步加强党的建设，不断提高执政效率

The Sandinistas have successfully governed continuously for over 16 years. Adapting to changes in the governance environment and improving governance efficiency and the capacity to withstand risks are their main challenges. Although the Sandinistas have always focused on strengthening Party building, there remain a series of problems in their own construction, mainly manifested as rigid organizational structures, incomplete theoretical systems, and inadequate cadre teams. Under conditions of long-term Party governance, if these problems are not effectively improved, they may reduce governance efficiency, cause a certain degree of damage to the Party’s prestige and image, and affect its goal of achieving long-term rule. Only by keeping pace with the times and pursuing reform and innovation in ideological and theoretical construction, organizational construction, cadre training, and institutional construction can the Party maintain its advanced nature and vitality. Furthermore, the governance environment for the Sandinistas after their 2021 election victory is harsher than ever. Domestic contradictions and international sanctions from European and American countries subject the Party to severe governance tests. Strengthening Party building, improving governance efficiency, safeguarding the fundamental interests of the people, and seeking an independent path of development are the main issues the Sandinistas must address to consolidate their governing foundation.

桑解阵已经成功连续执政超过16年，顺应执政环境的变化，提高执政效率和抵御风险的能力是其面临的主要挑战。虽然桑解阵一直注重加强党的建设，但自身建设仍存在一系列问题，主要表现为组织机构僵化、理论体系不完备、干部队伍不健全等。在党长期执政的环境下，这些问题如不能得到有效改善，可能降低执政效率，对党的威信和形象造成一定程度的损害，影响其实现长期执政的目标。该党只有在思想理论建设、组织建设、干部培养以及制度建设等方面做到与时俱进和改革创新，才能保持先进性和活力。此外，桑解阵在2021年大选获胜后的执政环境比以往更加严酷，国内矛盾和国际上来自欧美国家的制裁使该党面临严峻执政考验。加强党的建设、提高执政效率、维护好民众的根本利益、寻求独立自主的发展道路，是桑解阵稳固执政根基需要重视的主要问题。

(2) Restore Economic Growth and Strive to Create a Favorable Governance Environment

（二）恢复经济增长，努力创造良好执政环境

Due to the sustained impact of the 2018 domestic political and social conflict, as well as the shocks of the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic and two hurricanes, Nicaragua’s economy continued to shrink from 2018 to 2020, with growth rates falling to -3.4%, -3.8%, and -1.8%. The World Bank estimates that in 2023, Nicaragua’s economy will slide from growth of about 4% in 2022 to about 2.0%. In the first eight months of 2021, Nicaragua’s public debt increased to approximately USD 9.2 billion, accounting for 67.5% of GDP, of which external debt reached USD 7.5 billion. At the same time, economic aid received by Nicaragua dropped sharply. The main aid donor, Venezuela, has always been a political and economic ally of Nicaragua, but due to its own dual political and economic crisis, the economic aid it provides to Nicaragua has decreased dramatically. Additionally, the United States has adopted a series of punitive measures against Nicaragua, restricting multilateral institutions such as the World Bank, the Inter-American Development Bank, and the International Monetary Fund from providing loans to Nicaragua. In 2021, the amount of international aid Nicaragua received was roughly the same as in 2020, less than 50% of the 2017 level.

受2018年国内政治社会冲突的持续影响以及2020年新冠肺炎疫情和两场飓风的冲击，2018年—2020年，尼加拉瓜经济持续萎缩，经济增长率降至-3.4%、-3.8%、-1.8%。世界银行预计，2023年尼加拉瓜经济将在2022年增长约4%的水平上滑落至约2.0%。2021年前8个月，尼加拉瓜公共债务增至约92亿美元，占GDP的比重为67.5%，其中外债达到75亿美元。同时，尼加拉瓜获得的经济援助大幅下降。主要援助国委内瑞拉一直是尼加拉瓜的政治经济联盟，但由于该国陷入政治经济双重危机，向尼加拉瓜提供的经济援助急剧减少。此外，美国对尼加拉瓜采取了一系列惩罚性举措，限制世界银行、美洲开发银行、国际货币基金组织等多边机构为尼加拉瓜提供贷款。2021年，尼加拉瓜获得的国际援助额与2020年基本持平，不足2017年的50%。

Affected by sluggish economic growth, the government faces increased fiscal pressure, limited capacity for social spending, and threats to the sustainability of social policies and programs. In 2020, the government’s social spending accounted for 11.4% of GDP, of which social security spending accounted for less than 10%. The economic recession has exacerbated poverty and inequality. From 2020 to 2022, the poverty rate rebounded, accounting for about 50% of the total population. Therefore, the Ortega government needs to focus on boosting the economy, restoring economic growth, and improving people’s livelihoods. This is also a severe test of the Ortega government’s governance capacity.

受经济增长低迷影响，政府面临的财政压力增加，社会支出能力受限，社会政策以及社会计划的可持续性面临威胁。2020年，政府的社会支出占GDP的比重为11.4 %，其中社会保障的支出占比不到10%。经济衰退造成贫困和不平等加剧，2020年—2022年，贫困人口反弹，约占总人口的50%。为此，奥尔特加政府需致力于提振经济，恢复经济增长，改善民生。这也是对奥尔特加政府执政能力的严峻考验。

(3) Ease Social Contradictions and Maintain Overall Political and Social Stability

（三）缓和社会矛盾，维护政治社会稳定大局

The Sandinista government still needs to take measures to alleviate the consequences of the political and social crisis. The large-scale social protests that erupted in 2018 lasted for several years, plunging the country into its most serious political crisis since the 1980s. This political crisis gave rise to new anti-Ortega political forces and also eroded the alliance between the government, big business, and the church. Furthermore, the economic recession and political-social conflicts remain unresolved. Dissatisfaction with the ruling Sandinista party among some social groups remains strong, and Ortega’s approval rating has fallen to its lowest level in over a decade. After 2021, the scale of social protests diminished and gradually subsided, but the root causes of the political crisis have not been fundamentally eliminated. The contradictions between the ruling party and the opposition have not been resolved, and social discontent continues to emerge. If Nicaragua’s economic or political situation deteriorates sharply, demonstrations and protests may break out again, and divisions within the regime may also appear. If handled improperly, this could trigger new conflicts. Easing social contradictions and maintaining social stability are among the difficult problems that the Sandinista government in Nicaragua must address.

桑解阵政府仍需要采取措施缓解政治社会危机的后果。2018年爆发的大规模社会抗议活动持续数年，导致该国陷入20世纪80年代以来最严重的政治危机。这场政治危机催生了反奥尔特加的新兴政治力量，也侵蚀了政府、大企业和教会之间的联盟。此外，经济衰退和政治社会冲突仍未有效解决，部分社会群体对执政党桑解阵的不满情绪依然强烈，奥尔特加的支持率降至十多年来最低水平。2021年以后社会抗议的规模减小并逐渐归于平静，但导致政治危机的根源并未从根本上消除，执政党和反对派的矛盾并未得到解决，社会不满情绪仍不断出现。如果尼加拉瓜的经济或政治形势急剧恶化，示威抗议活动可能再次爆发，政权内部也有可能出现分化。如果处理不当，就有可能引发新冲突。缓和社会矛盾、维护社会稳定是尼加拉瓜桑解阵政府必须要应对的难题之一。

(4) Improve the External Environment and Timely Mitigate the Adverse Effects of External Risks

（四）改善外部环境，及时化解外部风险造成的不利影响

Since the FSLN returned to power in 2007, bilateral relations between Nicaragua and the United States have remained tense. The United States has continuously increased its sanctions against Nicaragua. From 2008 to 2011, the United States announced the freezing of Nicaragua’s status as a recipient country and formally closed the “Millennium Challenge Account” aid program for Nicaragua. From 2012 to the present, the United States has accused Nicaragua of electoral irregularities and lack of transparency, and has consistently sought to suspend various forms of aid to Nicaragua either through multilateral institutions or directly on its own. The legitimacy of Nicaragua’s 2021 general election was widely questioned by Western countries, with more than 40 countries, including the United States, the United Kingdom, the European Union, and the Organization of American States, refusing to recognize the election results. The Ortega government has faced external isolation and sanctions. U.S. President Joe Biden issued a statement banning Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega, his wife Vice President Rosario Murillo, and several ministers and senior officials from entering the United States. The United Kingdom and Canada also announced new rounds of sanctions against multiple Nicaraguan government officials. In October 2022, the United States expanded sanctions against Nicaragua on the grounds that the Nicaraguan government had strengthened its cooperation with Russia; the sanctions included prohibiting U.S. companies from operating in Nicaragua’s gold industry and imposing restrictions on Nicaragua’s imports and exports. The continuous pressure from Western countries has been both a burden and a driving force for the Ortega government, pushing it to explore measures and countermeasures to break through Western diplomatic isolation and sanctions and to enhance political legitimacy. How to improve the external environment is an unavoidable issue for the Ortega government.

桑解阵2007年重新执政以来，尼加拉瓜与美国的双边关系持续紧张。美国不断加大对尼加拉瓜的制裁。2008年—2011年，美国宣布冻结尼加拉瓜的受援国地位，正式关闭对尼加拉瓜的“千年挑战账户”援助项目。2012年至今，美国指责尼加拉瓜选举违规和缺乏透明度，一直力图通过多边机构或本国直接暂停对尼加拉瓜的各项援助。2021年尼加拉瓜大选的合法性受到西方国家的普遍质疑，美国、英国、欧盟及美洲国家组织等40多个国家拒绝承认选举结果。奥尔特加政府受到外部孤立和制裁。美国总统拜登发表声明禁止尼加拉瓜总统奥尔特加、其妻子副总统罗萨里奥·穆里略（Rosario Murillo）以及数名部长和高级官员进入美国。英国和加拿大也宣布对尼加拉瓜多名政府官员采取新一轮制裁。2022年10月，美国以尼加拉瓜政府加强与俄罗斯的合作为由，扩大对尼加拉瓜的制裁，制裁措施包括禁止美国公司在尼加拉瓜的黄金行业开展业务，对尼加拉瓜的进出口进行限制等。西方国家的不断打压，对奥尔特加政府既是压力也是推力，推动其探索打破西方的外交孤立和制裁、提升政治合法性的措施和对策。如何改善外部环境是奥尔特加政府无法回避的问题。

The Sandinista National Liberation Front of Nicaragua is a left-wing mass-type political party. Whether in terms of its founding process or its path of growth, its ideological orientation or its governing experience, it possesses a certain typicality. The FSLN’s ideology shares general characteristics of left-wing parties: it endorses socialist propositions, advocates for building a “socialist Nicaragua,” and supports the practical exploration of “21st-century socialism” in Venezuela and other Latin American countries. However, it has a clear pragmatic tendency and has not implemented large-scale socialist practical exploration in its own country as Venezuela and others have. The party has also joined the Socialist International, exhibiting some characteristics of a social democratic party, but its democratic socialist coloring is neither typical nor strong; instead, it more prominently reflects the features and traits of Latin American leftism, as well as the characteristics of national socialism in the Latin American region.

尼加拉瓜桑解阵是左翼大众型政党，无论是其建党历程还是成长道路，无论是其意识形态取向还是执政经验，都具有一定的典型性。桑解阵的意识形态具有左翼政党的一般特点，赞成社会主义的主张，主张建设“社会主义的尼加拉瓜”，支持委内瑞拉等拉美国家“21世纪社会主义”的实践探索。但它有明显的务实主义倾向，并没有像委内瑞拉等国家那样在本国推行大规模的社会主义实践探索。该党还加入社会党国际，具有社会民主主义政党的一些特点，但其民主社会主义的色彩既不典型也不浓厚，而是更多体现出拉美左翼色彩和特点，以及拉美地区民族社会主义的特征。

The FSLN places emphasis on organizational building and discipline building within the party, achieving good governance performance over its long period in power. In terms of revolutionary historical achievements and governing experience, it possesses advantages that other political parties in the country find difficult to match. However, as a party that has been in power continuously for many years, the FSLN still faces enormous governing pressure and a series of severe challenges. Although it is the largest political force in Nicaragua, with deep social roots and strong political and social influence, it also has defects that are difficult for it to overcome on its own. After winning the 2021 general election, how the FSLN can further strengthen Party building, maintain political and social stability, and mitigate the adverse effects of external risks are major issues it needs to resolve in the future.

桑解阵注重党的组织建设和纪律建设，在长期的执政过程中取得良好执政业绩。在革命历史功绩和执政经验方面，它拥有该国其他政党难以达到的优势。但作为连续执政多年的政党，桑解阵仍然面临着巨大的执政压力和一系列严峻挑战。它虽是尼加拉瓜第一大政治力量，具有深厚的社会根基和强大的政治社会影响力，但也有自身难以克服的缺陷。桑解阵在2021年大选获胜后如何进一步加强执政党建设、维护政治社会稳定、化解外部风险带来的不利影响是其未来需要解决的重大问题。

(Author: Li Han, Deputy Secretary-General and Assistant Researcher of the Central America and Caribbean Research Center, Institute of Latin American Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences)

（作者：李菡，中国社会科学院拉丁美洲研究所中美洲和加勒比研究中心副秘书长、助理研究员）

Online Editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心