An Analysis of Lenin’s Thought on Party Leadership in *On the Grain Tax*

General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized in his report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC: “We have exercised full and rigorous governance over the Party and strengthened Party leadership in an all-around way, making it clear that the most essential characteristic of socialism with Chinese characteristics is the leadership of the Communist Party of China, that the greatest strength of the socialist system with Chinese characteristics is the leadership of the Communist Party of China, and that the Communist Party of China is the highest political leadership force.”[1]1 Xi Jinping, “Hold High the Great Banner of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive in Unity to Build a Modern Socialist Country in All Respects — Report to the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China,” October 16, 2022. This is the profound examination of the work of Party leadership by the Chinese Communists, with Xi Jinping at their core, in the context of the New Era. Party leadership refers to the guiding and leading role played by a Marxist party in the cause of the proletarian revolution. In the course of human social development, any practical activity that transforms the objective world, any organized social activity, requires a leading core. In 1917, the world’s first socialist state — Soviet Russia — was established under the leadership of the Bolshevik Party, with Lenin as its leader. After the October Revolution, hostile forces at home and abroad refused to accept defeat and attempted to join forces to strangle the newborn Soviet regime in its cradle. Therefore, in 1921, the “War Communism policy” was implemented. However, with the end of the war, contradictions that had previously remained hidden gradually came to light: fuel crises and grain crises emerged one after another, and peasant-centered uprisings flared up in succession. Consequently, on the basis of listening to multiple opinions and analyzing the political, economic, and cultural situation in Soviet Russia, Lenin completed *On the Grain Tax*. Its great significance lay in explaining to the people of Soviet Russia the essence of the “New Economic Policy” and strengthening the leadership of the Soviet regime. Chinese scholars believe that Lenin’s *On the Grain Tax* possesses rich theoretical value. Among them, Yu Liangzao holds that Lenin’s idea that improving the people’s livelihood should start with the peasantry has referential significance for China’s current economic reform and social development.[2]2 See Yu Liangzao, “Lenin’s Thought on Improving People’s Livelihood Starting with the Peasantry and Its Contemporary Significance,” *Studies on Lenin*, no. 1, 2010. In the New Era, studying and analyzing Lenin’s *On the Grain Tax*, and learning how Soviet Russia, in order to consolidate its newborn regime, implemented the “New Economic Policy,” eased relations between the ruling party and the workers and peasants, and raised the level of Party leadership, is conducive to the Communist Party of China learning from and drawing on this experience in the context of the changes unseen in a century, thereby further strengthening the work of Party leadership.

习近平总书记在党的二十大报告中强调：我们全面加强党的领导，明确中国特色社会主义最本质的特征是中国共产党领导，中国特色社会主义制度的最大优势是中国共产党领导，中国共产党是最高政治领导力量。[1] 这是以习近平同志为核心的中国共产党人，在新时代的背景下，对党的领导工作的深刻审视。党的领导是指在无产阶级革命事业中马克思主义政党所起的指引和领导作用。在人类社会发展过程中，任何一项改造客观世界的实践活动，任何有组织的社会活动，都需要一个领导核心。1917年，世界上第一个社会主义国家——苏维埃俄国，在以列宁为领袖的布尔什维克党的领导下被建立。十月革命后，国内外敌对势力不甘心失败，企图联合起来将新生的苏维埃政权扼杀在摇篮中。因此，1921年，实行“战时共产主义政策”，但是，随着战争的结束，原本一直处于隐蔽状态的矛盾逐渐暴露，燃料危机和粮食危机接踵出现，以农民为核心的暴乱此起彼伏。因此，列宁在倾听多方意见和分析苏维埃俄国政治、经济、文化等形势的基础上，创作完成《论粮食税》，其重要意义是向苏维埃俄国人民解释“新经济政策”的实质，加强苏维埃政权的领导。中国学者们认为列宁《论粮食税》理论价值丰厚，其中俞良早认为列宁关于改善人民的生活应该从农民入手的思想，对当今中国的经济改革和社会发展都具有借鉴意义。[2] 新时代，对列宁《论粮食税》的研究与解析，学习苏维埃俄国为了巩固新生的政权，通过实施“新经济政策”，缓和了执政党和工人、农民之间的关系，提高了党的领导水平，这有利于中国共产党在百年未有之大变局的时代背景下学习、借鉴，从而进一步加强党的领导工作。

I. Lenin’s Reflections on Enhancing the Party’s Leadership Capacity in Backward Soviet Russia

一、列宁对在落后的苏维埃俄国提高党的领导力的思考

After the victory of the October Revolution, imperialist states internationally, in order to strangle the first socialist state in its cradle, carried out armed intervention in Soviet Russia, while domestic White Guards colluded with the imperialists to launch armed rebellions. In 1918, the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) led by Lenin and the Soviet government, in order to defend and consolidate the fruits of the October Revolution and to maximize the mobilization of the limited industrial resources and agricultural products available at the time, implemented the “War Communism policy.” The core of this policy was the “surplus grain appropriation system,” i.e., the requisition of all surplus grain and part of the grain rations from the peasants, with the government paying a certain amount of currency, and the prohibition of all private grain trade. This was in practice no different from uncompensated confiscation, and it ensured the needs of the war to a certain extent, preventing the collapse of the Bolshevik regime. However, with the end of the war, contradictions that had previously remained hidden gradually came to light.

十月革命胜利后，国际上帝国主义国家为了将第一个社会主义国家扼杀在摇篮里，对苏维埃俄国进行武装干涉，国内白匪则与帝国主义勾结进行武装叛乱。1918年，列宁领导的联共（布）中央和苏维埃政府，为了保卫和巩固十月革命的成果，为了最大限度地动员当时有限的工业资源和农产品，实行“战时共产主义政策”。这一政策的核心是实行“余粮收集制”，即向农民征收全部余粮和部分口粮，由政府付给一定货币，禁止一切私人粮食买卖，这实际上和无偿征收没有区别，并在一定程度上保证了战争的需要，避免了布尔什维主义政权的崩溃。但是，随着战争的结束，原本一直处于隐蔽状态的矛盾逐渐暴露。

At the beginning of 1921, Soviet Russia experienced a severe fuel crisis and grain crisis. At that time, the supply of fuel and raw materials was extremely difficult; factories shut down, and workers in some factories began to agitate, going on strike and demanding improved living conditions. Peasants extensively concealed their planted acreage and total grain output. Coupled with the frenzied incitement of hostile forces, peasant-centered uprisings flared up in succession in Siberia, Ukraine, and elsewhere. Those participating in the uprisings included not only middle peasants but also a considerable number of rich peasants. In areas where no uprisings occurred, large numbers of peasants sent letters of complaint and petition to Soviet authorities at various levels or to grain agencies, and many of these letters were delivered directly to Lenin.

1921年初，苏维埃俄国出现严重的燃料危机和粮食危机。当时燃料原料供应极其困难，工厂停产，一些工厂的工人开始骚动，举行罢工，要求改善生活。农民大量隐瞒种植面积和粮食总产量，加上敌对势力的疯狂煽动，在西伯利亚、乌克兰等地以农民为中心的暴乱此起彼伏地出现，参加暴动的不仅有中农，还有相当一部分富农。在没有发生暴动的地区，大量农民给各级苏维埃政权或者粮食机关写了申诉信和请求信，其中许多书信直接被送到列宁手中。

In the face of the enormous gap between theory and reality, Lenin gradually came to recognize that the economic position of the masses led to their wavering faith, making them prone to turning toward capitalism at critical moments; he recognized the important role of workers and peasants in social stability, the consolidation of state power, and the strengthening of Party leadership; and he recognized that only by adhering to the leadership of the Communist Party and upholding the faith in communism could it be possible to lead all the exploited working masses together toward socialism. On the basis of listening to multiple opinions and comprehensively analyzing the political, economic, and cultural situation in Soviet Russia, he pointed out the urgency and importance of abolishing the “War Communism policy,” and on February 8, 1921, he drafted the “Preliminary Draft of Theses on the Peasant Question,” proposing the replacement of the “surplus grain appropriation system” with a “grain tax” and the transition from the “War Communism policy” to the “New Economic Policy.”

列宁在理论与现实的巨大反差面前，逐渐认识到人民群众所处的经济地位导致了他们信仰不坚定，关键时候容易走向资本主义；认识到工人、农民对于社会稳定、政权巩固、加强党的领导等方面的重要作用；认识到只有坚持共产党的领导，坚持共产主义的信仰，才能够领导全体被剥削劳动群众一起走向社会主义。他在倾听多方意见，全面分析苏维埃俄国政治、经济、文化等形势后，指出废除“战时共产主义政策”的紧迫性和重要性，并在1921年2月8日起草《农民问题提纲初稿》，提出以“粮食税”取代“余粮收集制”，由“战时共产主义政策”过渡到“新经济政策”的决议。

Through the “grain tax,” Lenin reduced the grain tax quota to allow the peasants to recuperate and build up their strength, and expanded the freedom for peasants to put their surplus grain after taxation into local economic circulation and other measures, thereby stimulating the peasants’ production enthusiasm. However, the “Left” Communists launched fierce attacks on and distortions of Lenin’s “New Economic Policy.” Proceeding from superficial phenomena, they believed that this was taking the capitalist road and denied the necessity of the transitional period. In addition, Party cadres and members within the country were also full of doubts about the “New Economic Policy.” In order to unify the thinking of the entire Party and enhance the Party’s leadership capacity, Lenin wrote and publicly published *On the Grain Tax*, explaining to the broad masses of Party cadres, members, and the people the basis and significance of implementing the “New Economic Policy.”

列宁通过“粮食税”降低粮食税额让农民休养生息，扩大农民纳税后的余粮投入地方经济流转的自由等措施，激发农民的生产积极性。但是，“左”派共产主义者对列宁的“新经济政策”展开猛烈的抨击和歪曲，他们从表层现象出发，认为这是在走资本主义道路，否认过渡阶段的必要性。此外，国内的党员干部们对“新经济政策”也疑虑重重。为了将全党思想统一起来，提高党的领导力，列宁撰写并公开发表《论粮食税》，向广大党员干部和人民群众解释“新经济政策”的实施依据和意义。

II. The Core Essence of Lenin’s Thought on Party Leadership in *On the Grain Tax*

二、列宁《论粮食税》中关于党的领导思想的核心要义

In *On the Grain Tax*, Lenin expounded a series of new viewpoints and new ideas concerning the thought on Party leadership, namely: replacing the “surplus grain appropriation system” with the “grain tax” to strengthen the centralized and unified leadership of the Party; utilizing capitalism to develop socialism and improve the Party’s self-building; and opposing bureaucracy to strengthen the Party’s organizational leadership capacity. He explained to the broad masses of Party cadres, members, and the people the essence and significance of the “New Economic Policy,” stimulated the peasants’ production enthusiasm, safeguarded the Party’s unity in politics, ideology, and organization, and enhanced the Party’s leadership capacity.

列宁在《论粮食税》中阐述了关于党的领导思想的一系列新观点、新思想，即以“粮食税”代替“余粮收集制”，加强党的集中统一领导；利用资本主义发展社会主义，完善党的自身建设；反对官僚主义，强化党的组织领导力。他向广大党员干部和人民群众解释了“新经济政策”的实质和意义，激发农民的生产积极性，维护了党在政治、思想和组织上的统一，提高了党的领导能力。

(A) Replacing the “Surplus Grain Appropriation System” with the “Grain Tax” to Strengthen the Centralized and Unified Leadership of the Party

（一）以“粮食税”代替“余粮收集制”，加强党的集中统一领导

Lenin profoundly recognized that only a party based on iron discipline could lead the masses to revolutionary victory, thereby strengthening the centralized and unified leadership of the Party and continuously exploring in revolutionary practice. In 1921, Soviet Russia found the path for a country with a preponderance of small-peasant economy to transition to the socialist economic stage, proposing the replacement of the “surplus grain appropriation system” with the “grain tax.” Lenin pointed out: “The grain tax is a form of transition from the special ‘War Communism,’ which was forced upon us by extreme poverty, economic ruin, and war, to normal socialist exchange of products.”[3]3 V. I. Lenin, *On the Grain Tax*, *Collected Works*, vol. 41, p. 208. It satisfied the economic demands of the workers and peasants, made the workers and peasants believe that the ruling party was a party willing to work for their welfare, eased the contradictions between the ruling party and the workers and peasants, and achieved unity within the entire Party. This, to a certain extent, strengthened the centralized and unified leadership of the Party.

列宁深刻认识到一个以铁的纪律为基础的政党，才能带领人民群众走向革命的胜利，从而加强党的集中统一领导，并在革命实践中不断摸索。1921年，苏维埃俄国找到了小农经济占优势的国家向社会主义经济阶段过渡的道路，提出以“粮食税”代替“余粮收集制”。列宁指出：“粮食税，是从极度贫困、经济破坏和战争迫使我们所实行的特殊的‘战时共产主义’向正常的社会主义的产品交换过渡的一种形式。”[3] 满足了工人、农民等的经济要求，使工人、农民相信执政党是愿意为他们谋福利的政党，缓和了执政党与工人、农民之间的矛盾，实现了全党的团结，这在一定程度上增强了党的集中统一领导。

Soviet Russia relied on the “surplus grain appropriation system” to ensure the basic supply of grain to the front. However, in the actual process of implementation, due to narrow local fragmentation, coupled with a lack of effective management in some areas and the persistent use of crude and brutal methods, it placed a heavy burden on the peasants, exacerbated the contradictions between the ruling party and the worker-peasant classes, and provoked strong resistance from the worker-peasant classes. In some areas, due to the shortage of fuel and raw material supplies, many factories were forced to shut down, and workers began to agitate and go on strike. In some areas, peasants were unwilling to grow grain or tried to grow as little as possible, and some areas even saw uncooperative actions such as deliberately reducing cultivated land, which caused a sharp contraction in agriculture.

苏维埃俄国依靠“余粮收集制”，保证了前线粮食的基本供给，但在实际的实行过程中，由于狭隘的地方分散性，加上部分地区缺乏有效的管理，一味地采取简单粗暴的方式，给农民带来沉重的负担，加剧了执政党和工农阶级之间的矛盾，激起工农阶级的强烈反抗。部分地区由于燃料原料供应匮乏，不少工厂被迫停产，工人开始骚动，举行罢工。部分地区出现了农民不愿种粮或尽可能少种粮的现象，甚至有些地区出现了故意缩减耕地等不合作行动，这造成了农业急剧萎缩。

In Soviet Russia, where peasants constituted the majority of the population, it was necessary to adopt certain measures to raise peasants’ enthusiasm for production in order to increase grain supplies for the workers at the front. In the classical works of Marx and Engels, the ideal method for achieving communism was to exchange grain for the industrial goods peasants needed. However, for Soviet Russia, which had just ended the war, it was basically impossible to restore large-scale socialist production in the short term. Therefore, the best way to make the transition to socialism was to implement a “tax in kind,” collecting grain from the peasants as a tax. After paying the “tax in kind,” the peasants could dispose of the remaining surplus grain on their own, and the government would then use industrial goods produced by restoring industrial production to exchange for the remaining grain. The amount of the “tax in kind” was greatly reduced compared with the amount of grain handed over under the “surplus appropriation system.” The government also allowed peasants to lease land conditionally and to use hired labor, thereby lightening the peasants’ burden and thus easing the contradiction between the government and the peasants.

在农民占主要人口的苏维埃俄国，必须要采取一定措施，提高农民生产积极性，才能增加前线工人的粮食补给。在马克思恩格斯经典著作中，理想的实现共产主义的办法是用农民所必需的工业品来换取粮食。但是，对于刚刚结束战争的苏维埃俄国来说，短期内基本不能恢复社会主义大生产。因此，向社会主义过渡最好的办法，是通过实行“粮食税”，从农民手里把粮食当作税收征来，农民在交纳“粮食税”后，剩下的余粮由自己支配，再用恢复工业生产的工业品去换取剩余的粮食。“粮食税”的数额比“余粮收集制”时的交粮数额大为减少，政府还允许农民有条件地出租土地，使用雇佣劳动等，减轻了农民的负担，从而缓和了政府与农民之间的矛盾。

In 1921, the “tax in kind” replaced the “surplus appropriation system.” Lenin emphasized that the essence of the “tax in kind” was to find a point of conjunction between the socialist economy and the small-peasant economy; it was a tax levied on agriculture and belonged to the category of agricultural tax. Under the social conditions of the time, the “tax in kind” was an economic policy readily acceptable to the peasants, a stimulus, motive force, and impetus that could enable small peasants to engage in production. To a certain extent, it lightened the economic burden on workers and peasants, thereby improving the living conditions of workers and peasants, consolidating the worker-peasant alliance and the dictatorship of the proletariat, consolidating the position of the Soviet regime as the ruling party, achieving unity within the Party, ensuring that the cause of the Party and the people advanced in the correct direction, and strengthening the centralized and unified leadership of the Party.

1921年，“粮食税”取代“余粮收集制”。列宁强调“粮食税”的实质是寻找社会主义经济与小农经济的一个结合点，是向农业征收的一种税，它属于农业税性质。在当时的社会背景下，“粮食税”是一项易于农民接受的经济政策，是一种能促使小农从事经营的刺激、动因和动力。它在一定程度上减轻了工人、农民的经济负担，进而改善工农的生活状况，巩固了工农联盟和无产阶级专政，巩固了苏维埃政权作为执政党的地位，实现了党内团结，确保党和人民的事业沿着正确方向前进，加强了党的集中统一领导。

(II) Using Capitalism to Develop Socialism and Perfecting the Party’s Self-Building

（二）利用资本主义发展社会主义，完善党的自身建设

“Party building is the Party’s own ‘internal cultivation’; Party leadership is the Party’s external manifestation of power.” [4]4 This is a paraphrase of a common formulation in Chinese Marxist discourse on Party building; the original source is not specified in the text. In the course of revolutionary practice, Lenin gradually came to realize that for the proletariat to win its own liberation, fulfill the great mission of building a socialist society, and achieve the great goal of communism, it was necessary to uphold the leadership of a Marxist political party and continuously perfect the Party’s self-building, so as to enhance the Party’s leadership capacity. At that time, Soviet Russia had just emerged from the baptism of war; “what is needed now is an economic breathing spell.” [5]5 V. I. Lenin, *On the Tax in Kind* (1921). Therefore, the real conditions for crossing the “Caucasian chasm” [n1] — that is, for a direct transition to the stage of socialism — did not exist. Proceeding from the Marxist historical materialist viewpoint, Lenin stressed that it was necessary to start from the actual conditions of imperialist development and the specific national conditions of Soviet Russia, to strengthen the Party’s methods of leadership, adjust the Party’s work content, continuously complete the Party’s self-building, inspect the effectiveness of the Party’s work, and find a method for the transition to socialism in both theory and practice.

“党的建设是党本身的‘内功’，党的领导是党的外在表现力。”[4] 列宁在革命实践中逐渐意识到，无产阶级争取自身解放，完成建设社会主义社会的伟大使命、实现共产主义的伟大目标，必须要坚持马克思主义政党的领导，不断完善党的自身建设，才能提高党的领导力。当时苏维埃俄国刚刚结束战争的洗礼，“现在需要有一个经济上的喘息时机”[5] ，因此，不具备跨越“卡夫丁峡谷”的现实条件，即直接过渡到社会主义的阶段。列宁依据马克思主义的唯物史观，强调应该从帝国主义发展现状和苏维埃俄国的具体国情出发，加强党的领导方式，调整党的工作内容，不断完成党的自身建设，检查党的工作效果，在理论与实践中找到向社会主义过渡的方法。

In *On the Tax in Kind*, Lenin proposed: “We should use capitalism (especially by channeling it into the track of state capitalism) as the intermediate link between small production and socialism, as a means, a path, a method, and a mode of raising the productive forces.” [6]6 Ibid. He believed that state capitalism should be used as an intermediate link in the social development of Soviet Russia, so as to make the transition to socialism — that is, to channel capitalism into the track of state capitalism, and then channel state capitalism into socialism. In popular terms, this meant using capitalism to develop socialism. Although state capitalism was backward compared with socialism, it was progressive compared with the petty-bourgeois economy of Soviet Russia. Lenin therefore stressed the use of state capitalism as an intermediate link in the transition from small production to socialism.

在《论粮食税》中，列宁提出：“我们应该利用资本主义（特别是要把它纳入国家资本主义的轨道）作为小生产和社会主义之间的中间环节，作为提高生产力的手段、途径、方法和方式。”[6] 他认为要利用国家资本主义作为苏维埃俄国社会发展的中间环节，从而过渡到社会主义，即把资本主义纳入国家资本主义的轨道，再把国家资本主义纳入社会主义。通俗地说，就是利用资本主义发展社会主义。国家资本主义与社会主义相比虽然是落后的，但是与苏维埃俄国的小资产阶级经济相比却有进步性，列宁因此强调利用国家资本主义作为从小生产向社会主义过渡的中间环节。

However, the Soviet government’s approach was questioned by the “Left” faction, which argued that this was a regression to a capitalist state. They did not understand that the transition to state capitalism was a step forward, and therefore they loudly propagated the negation of leaders and the negation of the Party’s role. Lenin believed that implementing the “tax in kind” might lead to the revival of the petty bourgeoisie and capitalism, but this was no reason to prohibit the development of capitalism. “The emergence and development of the capitalist economy has a history of several hundred years, and it has already accumulated much experience beneficial to raising labor productivity.” [7]7 This appears to be a paraphrase or summary by the authors; no direct source is given in the text. In fact, after several hundred years of development, capitalist society had overcome the shortcomings of feudal society, experienced a period of brilliance, and accumulated valuable experience. The development of socialism could not simply negate capitalism wholesale.

但是，苏维埃俄国政府的做法遭到了“左”派的质疑，“左”派认为这是在倒退回资本主义状态，他们不理解向国家资本主义过渡是一个进步，因此，他们大肆宣扬否定领袖、否定党的作用。列宁认为实行“粮食税”可能会导致小资产阶级和资本主义的复活，但是不能因为这个原因就禁止资本主义的发展。“资本主义经济的产生和发展已经有几百年的历史，已经形成了许多有利于提高劳动生产率的经验。”[7] 事实上，资本主义社会经过几百年的发展，克服封建主义社会的弊端，经历过辉煌、积累了宝贵经验。社会主义的发展，并不能全盘否认资本主义。

The state capitalism Lenin spoke of was capitalism that the proletarian state both restricted and defined the scope of its activities. On the one hand, as a product of concentrated large-scale socialized production, state capitalism involved forms of production and circulation supervised by the state, which was conducive to the development of the Soviet Russian economy and enhanced the masses’ sense of identification with the Party’s leadership. On the other hand, state capitalism was also a mode of investment and operation, in which production and circulation aimed at obtaining profit. Using it meant paying capitalists a relatively large “value” at the cost of certain sacrifices, and therefore it had to be restricted.

列宁所说的国家资本主义，是无产阶级国家对其加以限制，又规定其活动范围的资本主义。一方面，国家资本主义作为集中进行社会化大生产的产物，监督的生产和流通的形式由国家进行，从而有利于苏维埃俄国经济的发展，提高人民群众对党的领导认同感。另一方面，国家资本主义又是一种投资经营方式，生产和流通以期获得利润为目标，利用它付给资本家较多的“价值”，以某些牺牲为代价，因此必须对其加以限制。

Lenin creatively answered the question of how to build socialism in Soviet Russia, where the small peasantry constituted the overwhelming majority of the population. On this basis, the Soviet regime transformed the work style of the government, used state capitalism to reorganize nationwide large-scale production organizations, conformed to the characteristics of the production and life of the worker and peasant classes at the time, activated the circulation between industry and agriculture, maintained the Party’s purity, and marked historical progress rather than regression. It enabled the worker and peasant classes to clearly recognize the nature of the Soviet regime and to support the Soviet regime more deeply from the bottom of their hearts. To a certain extent, this raised the level of Party leadership in Soviet Russia, perfected the Party’s self-building, and consolidated the Party’s leading position.

列宁创造性地回答了在小农占绝大多数人口的苏维埃俄国怎样建设社会主义的问题。基于此，苏维埃政权转变政府工作作风，利用国家资本主义来整顿全国性大生产组织，顺应了当时工农阶级生产、生活的特点，激活了工农业之间的流转，保持了党的纯洁性，标志着历史的进步而不是倒退。使工农阶级清楚地认识到苏维埃政权的性质，在内心深处更加拥护苏维埃政权，这在一定程度上提升了苏维埃俄国党的领导水平，完善了党的自身建设，巩固了党的领导地位。

(III) Opposing Bureaucratism and Strengthening the Party’s Organizational Leadership

（三）反对官僚主义，强化党的组织领导力

In Lenin’s view, the Party organization “has inexhaustible reserves of strength,” [8]8 The original source of this quotation is not specified in the text. because in organizing the masses, the Party organization possesses a unique organizational leadership capacity that can mobilize the masses to participate. It is a product of balancing the contradictions among the environment, the organization, and the individual. However, the essence of bureaucratism in Soviet Russia was the remnant of feudal ideology. Its characteristic was that leaders were divorced from reality, stood aloof, and were indifferent to the hardships of the masses; it was an irresponsible form of organizational leadership that could, to a certain extent, damage the image of the Party and state organs. After the October Revolution, Soviet Russia established a new proletarian state apparatus characterized by simplicity and efficiency. However, because Soviet Russia was deeply influenced by the historical traditions of Tsarist Russia, the problem of bureaucratism constantly emerged within the new state apparatus, and the Party’s organizational leadership capacity weakened.

在列宁看来，党组织“它有着无穷无尽的后备力量”[8] ，原因在于党组织在组织群众工作方面，拥有独特的组织领导力，能发动群众参与其中，是平衡环境、组织与个体之间矛盾的产物。然而，苏维埃俄国官僚主义产生的实质是封建思想的残余，其特征是领导者脱离实际，高高在上，不关心群众疾苦，是不负责任的组织领导力，它在一定程度上会损坏党和国家机关的形象。十月革命后，苏维埃俄国建立了具有精简和精干特点的无产阶级新国家机关。但是，由于苏维埃俄国深受沙俄历史传统的影响，导致新国家机关中官僚主义问题不断出现，党的组织领导力弱化。

At the Tenth Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), Lenin pointed out: “Bureaucratism in our state system has become such a festering sore that our Party program also mentions it, because it is connected with this petty-bourgeois spontaneity and its disorganization.” [9]9 V. I. Lenin, “Report on the Tax in Kind” at the Tenth Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), March 15, 1921. [n1] “Crossing the Caucasian chasm” (跨越卡夫丁峡谷) is a reference to Marx’s late writings on the possibility of Russia’s rural commune bypassing the capitalist stage of development, drawing on the historical metaphor of the ancient Roman defeat at the Caudine Forks. In Chinese Marxist discourse, it is used to denote the possibility of a direct transition to socialism without fully developing capitalism. During the civil war, due to the needs of social development, the state organs absorbed a large number of specialists and managerial personnel from the old institutions. This directly led to a gradual increase in the number of state functionaries, while at the same time the bad habits and work styles of the old institutions were also brought in, resulting in bloated and cumbersome organs and rampant corruption. At the same time, many opportunists took the opportunity to infiltrate the ranks of the Communist Party, and bureaucratism revived within the Communist Party itself. Many Party cadres became formalistic, alienated from the grassroots and from practice, engaged in superficial work without doing real things, held endless meetings, and engaged in empty talk that floated on the surface and could hardly penetrate to the grassroots. This posed a serious threat to the development of commodity circulation and severely affected the implementation of various Party and state tasks.

列宁在俄共（布）第十次代表大会上指出：“官僚主义在我们国家制度中已经成为这样一种脓疮，以致我们的党纲也提到了它，这是因为它和这种小资产阶级自发势力及其涣散性有联系。”[9] 在国内战争期间，由于社会发展的需要，国家机关吸收大量的旧时机构中的专家和管理人员。这直接导致了国家机关的工作人员逐渐增多的同时，旧时机构中的不良习惯和作风，也被带入其中，造成机关庞大臃肿，贪污腐败盛行。同时，不少机会主义者乘机混入共产党的队伍中，官僚主义在共产党内部复活起来。不少党员干部流于形式，远离基层、远离实践，做表面工作，不做实事，不停地开会，空谈主义浮在表层难以深入基层等。这对于发展商品经济流转工作产生严重的威胁，严重地影响党和国家各项工作的开展。

In Soviet Russia at that time, where small peasants constituted the overwhelming majority of the population, the small producers, whose main component was the peasantry, exhibited the characteristics of dispersion and disorganization; they were the social root of bureaucratism. Lenin pointed out: “Our Party program sets forth that the struggle against bureaucratism is a particularly protracted task. The more dispersed the peasants are, the more difficult it is to avoid bureaucratism in the central organs.”[10]10 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, Vol. 32, p. 180. (Original Chinese note: Lenin, *Complete Works of Lenin*, 2nd ed., Vol. 41, p. 26.) The small producers represented by the peasants had a relatively low cultural level. To link the struggle against bureaucratism with the circulation between industry and agriculture, it was necessary to strengthen the leadership of the Party. Only by continuously enhancing the Party’s organizational leadership could the relationship between the state and the peasants be stabilized and the nascent regime be consolidated.

在当时一个小农人口占绝大多数的苏维埃俄国，以农民为主要成分的小生产者呈分散性和涣散性的特点，它们是产生官僚主义的社会根源。列宁指出：“我们的党纲提出，同官僚主义作斗争的任务是一个特别长期的工作。农民愈分散，中央机关的官僚主义也就愈难避免。”[10] 以农民为代表的小生产者文化素质较低，要将反对官僚主义和发展工农业之间的流转联系起来，只有加强党的领导，不断提高党的组织领导力，才能稳定国家与农民之间的关系，才能巩固新生的政权。

At the same time, Lenin emphasized the need to combat bureaucratism under the leadership of the Party and to strengthen the Party’s organizational leadership. “We will do everything possible to promote workers from below in order to eliminate bureaucratism.”[11]11 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, Vol. 32, p. 181. (Original Chinese note: Lenin, *Complete Works of Lenin*, 2nd ed., Vol. 41, p. 27.) On the one hand, it was necessary to improve the organs organizationally, select young and vigorous Party members and cadres to join the Party organization, and increase the strength of communist forces. On the other hand, personnel in the organs had to seek truth from facts, go down to the grassroots to conduct investigations, and continuously accumulate practical experience. In order to enliven the exchange between industrial and agricultural products, local authorities should give full play to their initiative and enhance the Party’s mass organizational capability.

同时，列宁强调要在党的领导下同官僚主义作斗争，加强党的组织领导力。“我们将尽一切可能从下面提拔工人以消除官僚主义。”[11] 一方面，要在组织上改善机关，选拔年轻有朝气的党员干部加入党组织，增加共产主义力量。另一方面，机关工作人员要实事求是深入基层调研，不断积累实践经验。为了活跃工农业产品之间的交换，地方应充分发挥积极主动性，增强党的群众组织力。

III. The Enlightenment of Lenin’s Thought on Party Leadership in *On the Grain Tax* for the Chinese Communist Party in Strengthening Party Leadership in the New Era

三、列宁《论粮食税》中党的领导思想对新时代中国共产党加强党的领导的启示

Lenin completed *On the Grain Tax*, explaining to the masses the significance of the “New Economic Policy” centered on the “grain tax,” which theoretically enriched and developed Marxism and still holds important reference significance for the development of socialism with Chinese characteristics. In terms of content, although *On the Grain Tax* appears at a macro level to be an interpretation of the “New Economic Policy,” it essentially expounds on issues related to how a country with a predominantly small-peasant composition can strengthen Party leadership. The interpretation of the “New Economic Policy” in *On the Grain Tax* mentions that an important condition for the stable construction of the ruling party is safeguarding the legitimate rights and interests of the peasants. From the perspective of the significance of *On the Grain Tax* for the Communist Party in strengthening Party leadership, Lenin expressed his views on Party leadership from multiple angles and dimensions, which has important theoretical, practical, and contemporary significance for strengthening the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party in the New Era.

列宁创作完成《论粮食税》，向人民群众解释了以“粮食税”为核心的“新经济政策”的意义，在理论上丰富和发展了马克思主义，对于中国特色社会主义的发展仍然有重要的借鉴意义。从内容上说，《论粮食税》虽然宏观上看是对“新经济政策”的解读，但实质上是在阐述以小农为主要成分的国家如何加强党的领导的相关问题。《论粮食税》对“新经济政策”的解读中提到，执政党建设稳固的重要条件，是维护农民合法权益。从《论粮食税》对共产党加强党的领导的意义上来看，列宁从多角度、多维度表述了对党的领导的看法，这对新时代加强中国共产党的领导具有重要的理论意义、实践意义和现实意义。

First, safeguard the fundamental interests of the masses. One of the reasons for the failure of the “War Communism policy” was that it did not take into account the interests of the peasants, leading to even greater hardship in their lives, which in turn caused instability in later social development and serious uprisings. After the “New Economic Policy,” the “surplus grain appropriation system” was replaced by the “grain tax.” After paying the grain tax, peasants had the right to dispose of their grain independently, their own problems of food and clothing were resolved, and their basic interests were guaranteed. It was under these conditions that the relationship between the ruling party and the worker-peasant classes was eased, thereby consolidating the nascent Soviet regime. Therefore, in the construction of socialist modernization with Chinese characteristics in the New Era, Party members and cadres must earnestly pay attention to the issues of the people’s interests and thoroughly implement the spirit of the 20th National Congress of the CPC. On the one hand, they should adhere to bottom-line thinking, resolve the worries of the people, and be close confidants of the masses; on the other hand, they should correct their attitude toward the masses, work with full enthusiasm to seek benefits for the masses, and always place the masses in the highest position in their hearts.

首先，维护人民群众的根本利益。“战时共产主义政策”失败的原因之一，是没有兼顾农民的利益，导致农民生活更加困苦，因此后期社会发展不稳定，出现严重的暴乱。“新经济政策”后，“余粮收集制”被“粮食税”取代，农民在交完余粮后，拥有对粮食的自主支配权，自身的温饱问题得到解决，基本利益也得到保障。正是在这种条件下，缓和了执政党与工农阶级之间的关系，从而巩固了新生的苏维埃政权。因此，在新时代中国特色社会主义现代化建设中，党员干部要切实关注人民的利益问题，深入贯彻党的二十大精神，一方面，坚持底线思维，解百姓忧心事，做群众贴心人；另一方面，端正对人民群众的态度，满腔热情地为人民群众谋利益，始终把人民群众放在心中的最高位置。

Second, uphold the Party’s leadership over all work. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized: “We are a large party, leading a large country, and undertaking a great cause. We must be adept at strategic thinking and at seeing and thinking about problems from a strategic perspective.”[12]12 Xi Jinping, *On Grasping the Overall Situation, Making Plans, and Implementing Policies*, *Qiushi*, 2022, No. 21. (Original Chinese note: Xi Jinping, “On Grasping the Overall Situation, Making Plans, and Implementing Policies,” *Qiushi*, 2022, No. 21.) The political ecosystems of Chinese and foreign political parties are vastly different, reflected in differences in national political structures and processes. However, it must be clearly recognized that, whether at the central or local level, the Chinese Communist Party is both the leading party and the ruling party. Lenin mentioned many times in *On the Grain Tax*: use every means to resolutely develop circulation, and do not be afraid of capitalism.[13]13 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, Vol. 32, p. 183. (Original Chinese note: Lenin, *Complete Works of Lenin*, 2nd ed., Vol. 41, p. 221.) The economic development of Soviet Russia proved that Lenin’s thinking was correct. China’s reform and opening up is also an example of using capitalism to develop socialism. Since then, China has embarked on a path of socialism with Chinese characteristics and has become the world’s second-largest economy. China has created a miracle of rapid economic development rarely seen in the world, and none of this is possible without the Party’s leadership over all work. In the New Era, China has proposed the rural revitalization strategy. At the same time, it must learn from and draw on the advanced experience of Western countries in closely integrating agriculture with science and technology. In the process of learning, it must uphold the Party’s leadership over all work.

其次，坚持党对一切工作的领导。习近平总书记强调：“我们是一个大党，领导的是一个大国，进行的是伟大的事业，要善于进行战略思维，善于从战略上看问题、想问题。”[12] 中外政党的政治生态迥然不同，体现在国家政治结构与过程有所区别，但是要清楚地认识到，不论在中央抑或在地方，中国共产党均是领导党与执政党。列宁在《论粮食税》中多次提到：要用一切办法坚决发展流转，不要害怕资本主义。[13] 苏维埃俄国经济的发展证明列宁的思路是正确的，中国的改革开放，也是利用资本主义来发展社会主义的例子，自此中国走出一条具有中国特色的社会主义道路，成为世界第二大经济体。中国创造了世所罕见的经济快速发展奇迹，这一切离不开党对一切工作的领导。新时代，中国提出乡村振兴战略，同时要学习借鉴西方国家将农业与科技紧密结合的先进经验，在学习的过程中，要坚持党对一切工作的领导。

Finally, resolutely oppose bureaucratism and do a good job in building a clean Party and government. In the process of promoting rural construction in the Soviet Union, Lenin actively explored ways to solve the problem of bureaucratism that emerged, allowing peasants to personally participate in grassroots work, and continuously encouraged peasants through policies, prompting them to fully exercise their supervisory rights. At present, in some rural areas, there are Party members and cadres who deal with突击 inspections perfunctorily, focus on superficial work and image projects for their own assessment indicators, engage in fraud and deception, and seriously damage the legitimate rights and interests of the broad masses of peasants. Therefore, based on specific circumstances, false performance should be removed from the evaluation system, indicators that affect real performance should be incorporated into the indicator system, and internet technologies such as 5G, cloud computing, and big data should be used for real-time supervision to enhance the scientificity and authenticity of evaluations. In addition, it is necessary to unify collective thinking, deepen the Party’s line, principles, and policies, do a good job in ideological leadership and education guidance for Party members, cadres, and the masses, and consolidate a common ideological foundation.

最后，坚决反对官僚主义，做好党风廉政建设。列宁在推动苏联农村建设的过程中，为了解决出现的官僚主义问题，积极探索并让农民亲自参与基层工作，并不断在政策上积极鼓励农民，促使农民充分行使自己的监督权。目前，一些农村地区存在着党员干部应付突击检查工作，为了自身的考核指标，注重表面工作、形象工作，弄虚作假、欺上瞒下，严重损害了广大农民的合法权益。因此，要根据具体的情况，将虚假绩效剔除评估体系，将影响真实绩效的指标纳入指标体系，并利用互联网技术，如5G、云计算、大数据等新技术进行实时监督，增强评估的科学性与真实性。此外，还需要统一集体思想，把党的路线方针政策推向深入，做好党员干部、人民群众的思想引领和教育引导，巩固共同的思想基础。

In summary, more than a hundred years have passed since the publication of *On the Grain Tax*, and the contemporary era and environment in which China finds itself are completely different from those of Soviet Russia at that time. However, the thought on Party leadership in *On the Grain Tax* has not become outdated. It not only provided theoretical guidance for the economic construction of Soviet Russia at that time, strengthened Party leadership, and consolidated the nascent Soviet regime, but also became one of the important theoretical sources for China’s economic system reform. In the New Era, studying and drawing on the content of Lenin’s thought on Party leadership in *On the Grain Tax* is conducive to fully demonstrating the leadership advantages of the Chinese Communist Party and the institutional advantages of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and to realizing the grand goal of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. It is of great significance for the Chinese Communist Party to strengthen Party leadership.

综上，《论粮食税》发表距今已百年有余，当今中国所处的时代环境与苏维埃俄国当时的环境也截然不同，但《论粮食税》中关于党的领导思想并没有过时，它不仅为当时的苏维埃俄国经济建设提供理论指导，加强了党的领导，巩固了新生的苏维埃政权，也成为中国经济体制改革的重要理论来源之一。新时代，学习借鉴列宁《论粮食税》中关于党的领导思想的内容，有利于充分彰显中国共产党的领导优势和中国特色社会主义的制度优势，实现中华民族伟大复兴的宏伟目标。对中国共产党加强党的领导，具有重要意义。

(This article is a phased result of the 2023 Hubei Province Party Building Research Project, project number 2023X32)

（本文系2023年度湖北省党的建设研究课题（项目编号：2023X32）阶段性成果）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心