The Argentine Communist Party’s Exploration of the Socialist Path and an Assessment of It

The Communist Party of Argentina (hereinafter referred to as the CPA) is the first communist organization in Latin America. Over the past century, the CPA has continuously explored the socialist path and striven to promote the localization of Marxism, but the harsh external environment has limited the thoroughness and effectiveness of its struggle. In its early period, the CPA actively carried out a series of revolutionary struggles against imperialism and the domestic reactionary classes, exerting a certain influence on Argentine political life, but this was insufficient to establish a socialist regime. After World War II, the CPA began to explore the realization of socialism under peaceful conditions and conducted a series of struggles against autocracy and dependency, but none achieved the expected results. After the end of the Cold War, the CPA focused on expanding its influence through parliamentary elections and on promoting the increase of domestic socialist factors by participating in state power, but the results remained relatively limited. Overall, the CPA’s exploration of socialism has not been successful. This is a common phenomenon faced by non-ruling communist parties in developing countries, and the fundamental reason is that the subjective and objective conditions for realizing socialism in these countries are not yet in place.

阿根廷共产党（以下简称“阿共”）是拉美地区第一个共产主义组织。百年来，阿共不断探索社会主义道路，致力于推动马克思主义本土化，但严峻的外部环境限制了其斗争的彻底性和有效性。在成立早期，阿共积极开展了一系列反对帝国主义和本国反动阶级的革命斗争，在阿根廷政治生活中产生了一定影响，但不足以建立社会主义政权。二战后，阿共开始探索在和平条件下实现社会主义，并进行了一系列反专制和反依附的斗争，但均未能取得预期成果。冷战结束后，阿共专注于通过议会选举扩大自身影响力，通过参与国家政权来推动国内社会主义因素的增加，但成效仍相对有限。总体说来，阿共对社会主义的探索并未取得成功，这是发展中国家非执政的共产党面临的普遍现象，根本原因在于在这些国家实现社会主义的主客观条件尚不具备。

I. The Centennial Development Process of the Argentine Communist Party

一、阿根廷共产党的百年发展进程

Looking at the centennial development process of the CPA, its exploration of socialism exhibits distinct stage-based characteristics, which can be broadly divided into the following three phases.

纵观阿共的百年发展进程，它对社会主义的探索呈现出明显的阶段性特征，大体可分为以下三个阶段。

(I) The Period of Revolutionary Struggle (1918–1945)

（一）革命斗争时期（1918—1945年）

In its early period, the CPA advocated overthrowing capitalism and establishing a socialist society through intense class struggle, i.e., violent revolution.

在成立早期，阿共主张通过激烈的阶级斗争即暴力革命的方式推翻资本主义，建立社会主义社会。

Similar to the situation of communist parties in some other Latin American countries, the CPA also emerged from the domestic social democratic party. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the left-wing political atmosphere in Argentina was strong. Various socialist currents of thought brought by European immigrants, especially scientific socialism, spread rapidly, profoundly influencing the domestic workers’ movement. Against this backdrop, some progressive social organizations were successively established. In 1888, the International Socialist Group was founded in Buenos Aires; in 1892, the Buenos Aires Socialist Federation was established; in 1895, the Argentine Socialist Workers’ Party was founded and renamed the “Socialist Party of Argentina” in 1896. Against the background of the upsurge of the workers’ movement and the drastic changes in the domestic and international situation caused by World War I, a split occurred within the Socialist Party of Argentina: the party leader and a group of elites took the opportunist path, denying class struggle, which aroused serious discontent among the left wing within the party. For this reason, in January 1918, hundreds of party members from 22 local organizations, led by Rodolfo Ghioldi and Victorio Codovilla, among others, founded the International Socialist Party; in December 1920, the party was renamed the Communist Party of Argentina.

与拉美地区部分国家共产党的情况类似，阿共也脱胎于本国的社会民主党。19世纪末20世纪初，阿根廷左翼政治气氛浓厚，欧洲移民带来的各种社会主义思潮尤其是科学社会主义迅速传播，深刻影响了国内的工人运动。在此背景下，一些进步的社会组织先后建立。1888年，国际社会主义小组在布宜诺斯艾利斯成立；1892年，布宜诺斯艾利斯社会主义联合会成立；1895年，阿根廷社会主义工人党建立，并于1896年更名为“阿根廷社会党”。在工人运动高涨和一战导致国内外形势剧烈变化的背景下，阿根廷社会党内部发生分化：党领袖和一批精英走上了机会主义道路，他们否定阶级斗争，从而引起了党内左派的严重不满。为此，1918年1月，22个地方组织的数百名党员在鲁道夫·吉奥尔蒂、柯都维亚等人的带领下成立了国际社会党；1920年12月，该党更名为阿根廷共产党。

The CPA is the first communist party in Latin America, opening a new chapter in Argentina’s socialist revolution and spurring the birth of communist parties in other countries in the region. At its founding, the CPA was a working-class party adhering to Marxism and class struggle. Its revolutionary goal was to liberate the working class and the masses from the bondage of capitalism and establish a socialist society, believing that this goal could only be achieved through revolution. This simple aspiration ran through the entire early revolutionary period of the CPA. The early CPA also believed that trade unions were a powerful weapon for liberating the working class and that socialist revolution should be actively carried out through trade unions. The CPA placed great importance on the role of trade union organizations in the workers’ movement and facilitated the establishment of Argentina’s unified trade union organization, the Trade Union Federation. Under the organizational leadership and active participation of the CPA, the Trade Union Federation organized a series of struggle movements by workers, striking at capitalism and pushing Argentina in a socialist direction. For example, the workers’ general strike in January 1919, organized and led by the CPA, eventually escalated into street battles with government forces, resulting in over 2,000 deaths and more than 4,000 injuries, known as the “Bloody Week” in the history of the Argentine workers’ movement; in 1920, the CPA organized a May Day march in Buenos Aires demanding the release of political prisoners and the repeal of anti-worker laws, which was ultimately suppressed by the reactionary regime. In the following decade, the Argentine workers’ movement was at a low ebb, and the CPA was declared an “illegal organization.” In the 1930s–1940s, the CPA once again began to lead the workers’ movement, with relatively large-scale actions including a strike of 70,000 construction workers launched together with other left-wing forces in October 1935, and a nationwide strike in January 1936 organized by 68 trade unions in support of the construction workers. Against the backdrop of the continuous spread of fascist forces and the approaching danger of war, the CPA, together with other progressive forces, carried out a series of anti-fascist and anti-imperialist struggles, successively establishing anti-fascist and anti-imperialist people’s committees in several major cities, and promoting the formation of an anti-fascist and anti-imperialist people’s front. After the outbreak of World War II, the CPA adopted the “Program for the Establishment of an Anti-Fascist Democratic Front,” jointly promoted the establishment of a national anti-fascist democratic front with other progressive forces, and actively participated in revolutionary struggles against fascism and domestic reactionary forces. In the later period of this stage, with the rise of the representative of the emerging bourgeoisie, Juan Perón, and the Peronist Party, and under the influence of Browderist revisionism [1]1 Browderist revisionism refers to the line of Earl Browder, leader of the Communist Party USA, who during World War II advocated class collaboration and the dissolution of communist parties into broader coalitions, a position later rejected by the international communist movement., the CPA lost its leadership over the trade unions, believing that socialism could be achieved through a reformist path of cooperation and compromise, which led to a major setback in its socialist movement.

阿共是拉美地区第一个共产主义政党，开创了阿根廷社会主义革命的新篇章，并带动了该地区其他国家共产党的诞生。成立之初，阿共是坚持马克思主义、坚持阶级斗争的工人阶级政党，其革命目标是将工人阶级和人民群众从资本主义的奴役中解放出来、建立社会主义社会，认为这一目标只有通过革命的方式才能实现。这一朴素的愿望贯穿于阿共早期革命的始终。早期阿共还认为工会是解放工人阶级的强大武器，要积极通过工会开展社会主义革命。阿共十分重视工会组织在工人运动中的作用，并促成了阿根廷统一的工会组织——工会联盟的建立。在阿共的组织领导和积极参与下，工会联盟组织工人进行了一系列的斗争运动，打击了资本主义，推动了阿根廷向社会主义方向前进。例如，阿共组织领导的1919年1月工人大罢工最后演变成与政府军的街垒战斗，战斗导致2000多人死亡、4000多人受伤，是阿根廷工人运动史上“血腥的一周”；1920年，阿共组织了布宜诺斯艾利斯“五一”游行，要求释放政治犯、取消反工人法案等，游行最终被反动政权镇压。此后十年，阿根廷工人运动都处于低谷，阿共也被判定为“非法组织”。20世纪30—40年代，阿共重新开始领导工人运动，规模比较大的如1935年10月同其他左翼力量一起发动的70000名建筑工人大罢工，1936年1月组织68个工会参与的声援建筑工人的全国性罢工运动。在法西斯势力不断蔓延和战争危险不断逼近的背景下，阿共与其他进步力量开展了一系列反法西斯、反帝国主义的斗争，相继在一些大城市成立了反法西斯、反帝国主义的人民委员会，并推动建立反法西斯、反帝国主义人民阵线。二战爆发后，阿共通过了《关于建立反法西斯民主阵线的纲领》，与其他进步力量共同推动建立了全国反法西斯民主阵线，积极参加反对法西斯和本国反动势力的革命斗争。这一阶段后期，随着新兴资产阶级代表人物胡安·庇隆和阿根廷正义党的兴起，加之白劳德修正主义的影响，阿共失去了对工会的领导权，认为可以通过合作与妥协的改良主义方式走向社会主义，从而导致其社会主义运动遭遇重大挫折。

During this period, the CPA was illegal for most of the time. Due to the harsh environment, the CPA’s membership grew slowly, from 766 at its founding to just over 10,000 by the end of World War II, and its socialist goals were far from being achieved.

这一时期，阿共多数时间处于非法状态，由于环境严酷，阿共党员队伍发展缓慢，由成立之初的766人发展到二战结束也不过万余人，其社会主义的目标远未实现。

(II) The Stage of Peaceful Struggle (1945–1990)

（二）和平斗争阶段（1945—1990年）

After World War II, the CPA began to participate in domestic political activities as a legal party, striving to explore a path to socialism peacefully through parliamentary struggle. During this period, Argentina experienced several military coups, forcing the CPA to go underground, shifting its focus of struggle to winning its own legal status, and hoping to put forward socialist propositions when conditions permitted. In 1945, the CPA, together with the Radical Civic Union and the Socialist Party, formed the Democratic Union and participated in the general election in early 1946, winning 100,000 votes but no seats. In the same year, the CPA also joined the General Confederation of Labor controlled by the ruling party, proposing to support the Perón government’s stance on safeguarding national independence. After the Perón government was overthrown by a military coup in 1955, the CPA immediately went underground and proposed the following year a path of peacefully moving toward democracy, national independence, and socialism, advocating an anti-imperialist agrarian revolution. Despite being illegal, the CPA dared to struggle, even issuing a special statement in 1958 denouncing the government’s martial law and persecution actions, emphasizing that “communists will spare no effort in the struggle.” In 1973, the 14th Congress of the CPA proposed that the revolution at the current stage was a “democratic, agrarian, and anti-imperialist revolution, with the goal of achieving socialism,” but it did not specify the content and form of this socialism.

二战后，阿共开始作为合法政党参与国内政治活动，致力于通过议会斗争，探索和平走向社会主义的道路。阿根廷在此期间发生了数次军人政变，阿共不得不转入地下活动，其斗争重心便转移到争取自身的合法地位上来，并希望在条件允许的情况下提出社会主义主张。1945年，阿共同阿根廷激进党、社会党等组建了民主联盟，参加了1946年初的大选，赢得了十万张选票，但未获议席。同年，阿共还加入了执政党控制的总工会，提出支持庇隆政府维护民族独立的主张。1955年庇隆政府被军人政变推翻后，阿共随即转入地下活动，并于次年提出和平走向民主、民族独立和社会主义道路，实行反帝国主义的土地革命的主张。处于非法状态的阿共敢于斗争，甚至于1958年专门发表声明抨击政府的戒严和迫害行动，强调“共产党人将不遗余力地进行斗争”。1973年，阿共十四大提出，现阶段的革命是“民主的、土地的和反对帝国主义的革命，目标是实现社会主义”，至于这种社会主义的内容和形态是什么，则没有具体阐明。

During this period, although the CPA was in adversity, it still strove to organize and participate in the workers’ movement and achieved some results. In 1956, the CPA organized and launched a workers’ strike in Buenos Aires; in 1969, it organized a metalworkers’ strike and supported the Cordobazo uprising [2]2 The Cordobazo was a major popular uprising in the city of Córdoba, Argentina, in May 1969, led by students and workers against the military dictatorship, which significantly influenced the country’s political landscape.; in 1982, it led trade unions in organizing a nationwide 24-hour general strike involving 6 million workers. In addition, during this period, the CPA also focused on expanding its influence in rural areas, leading or co-leading more than 250 agricultural workers’ unions, establishing in 1964 the “Movement for the Strengthening of Agricultural Workers and Stevedores of Argentina,” promoting rural land reform, defending the interests of peasants, and injecting some socialist elements into specific struggle actions.

这一时期阿共虽身处逆境，但仍努力组织和参与工人运动，并取得了一些成果。1956年，阿共组织发动了布宜诺斯艾利斯工人罢工；1969年组织了金属工人罢工，并支持科尔多瓦市起义；1982年领导工会组织了有600万工人参加的全国24小时总罢工。此外，阿共这一时期也重视扩大在农村地区的影响，领导或参与领导了250多个农业工人工会，于1964年建立了“争取和加强阿根廷农业工人和装卸工人联合会运动”，推动农村土地改革，捍卫农民的利益，并在具体的斗争行动中注入了一些社会主义因素。

During this period, the CPA passed a series of important documents concerning the peaceful transition to socialism, democratic reform, land revolution, the united front, and other matters, which constituted the main content of its exploration of the socialist path. Of great significance was the CPA’s 16th National Congress in 1986, at which it proposed to achieve a shift in politics and strategy, stating that “turning to social democracy is a deviation,” that it was necessary to “break politically with dogmatism and sectarianism,” and deciding to resume the line of revolutionary struggle, accumulate strength in order ultimately to seize state power, and establish socialism. In 1990, the CPA’s 17th National Congress was convened against the backdrop of serious ideological and line differences within the Party; some members of the Political Bureau even proposed dissolving the CPA and establishing a broader organization, but the congress rejected this proposal and reaffirmed the line of the 16th Congress.

这一时期，阿共通过了有关和平过渡到社会主义、民主改革、土地革命、统一战线等内容的一系列重要文件，构成其关于社会主义道路探索的主要内容。具有重大意义的是1986年阿共十六大，会上提出要实现政治和策略上的转变，表示“转向社会民主主义是一种走偏”，要“在政治上与教条主义和宗派主义决裂”，并决定恢复走革命斗争的路线，积蓄力量以最终夺取政权，建立社会主义。1990年，阿共十七大在党内出现严重思想和路线分歧的背景下召开，有的政治局委员甚至提出解散阿共、建立更广泛的组织，但大会否决了这一提议，重申了十六大的路线。

In the nearly half-century after World War II, the CPA’s membership fluctuated sharply, oscillating between a minimum of 30,000 and a maximum of 150,000. The class base and mass base of both the CPA and socialism were weakening, and the CPA itself was long mired in a predicament of development.

二战后的近半个世纪，阿共党员队伍增减剧烈，党员数量在最少的3万到最多的15万之间来回波动。阿共与社会主义的阶级基础和群众基础都在弱化，阿共自身也长期处于发展窘境。

(III) Period of Transformation and Adjustment (1990 to the present)

（三）转型调整时期（1990年至今）

The drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe had a serious impact on many Latin American communist parties, including the CPA, and the CPA’s efforts to explore socialism were also considerably shaken. After the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the CPA continued to split and fragment: the social-democratic forces advocating the establishment of a “new leftist front” suffered defeat, and their main representative, Álvarez, along with some “reformists,” announced their withdrawal from the Party; the mainstream forces within the Party emphasized continuing to uphold tradition, adhering to Marxism-Leninism, and taking as their goal the establishment of an “independent democratic state” and a “people’s government,” ultimately “achieving national liberation and socialism.” In 1994, CPA Central Committee Secretary Alejandro Mosquera, having lost confidence in the Party’s development, led some Party members to withdraw from the Party and, together with other organizations, founded a new center-left party, the National Unity Front.

苏东剧变对包括阿共在内的许多拉美国家共产党产生了严重影响，阿共探索社会主义的努力也受到较大冲击。苏东剧变后，阿共持续分化、分裂：主张建立“新左派阵线”的社会民主主义势力遭遇失败，其主要代表人物阿尔瓦雷斯和部分“革新派”宣布退党；党内主流势力则强调要继续坚持传统，坚持马克思列宁主义，以建立“独立的民主国家”和“人民政府”、最终“实现民族解放和社会主义”为目标。1994年，阿共中央书记亚历杭德罗·莫斯克拉因对党的发展失去信心，率领部分党员退党，并与其他组织联合创建了一个新的中左翼政党——国家团结阵线。

During this period, the CPA emphasized summing up and reflecting on the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, arguing that it was necessary to renew the concept of socialism, stressing that socialism should implement the “most effective democracy” in the political, economic, and social spheres, and that revolution and democracy must be recombined; otherwise, the socialist program could not be realized. From the mid-1990s onward, the CPA devoted itself to advancing the realization of socialism indirectly through the legal parliamentary path, and actively formed electoral alliances with center-left parties. In the 1997 parliamentary elections, it finally won one seat, but lost it again in 2003. The CPA’s 23rd Congress in 2004 reflected on this, emphasizing the need to continue upholding the line of the 16th Congress, promote national independence and social liberation, and gradually advance socialist change. Thereafter, the CPA generally implemented this line, embedding the struggle for socialism within concrete activities for political and economic independence and the protection of people’s livelihood rights, making winning elections the focus of carrying out socialist revolution. In 2011, the CPA participated in the electoral alliance “Victory Front” led by the Justicialist Party, and after winning, became a party in government; in the 2015 general election, it continued to support the Justicialist Party, and after suffering defeat, became a party out of government; in 2019, it again participated in the “Everyone’s Front” led by the Justicialist Party, and after winning, once again became a party in government, but did not obtain any positions in the cabinet. In early 2023, on the occasion of celebrating the 105th anniversary of the CPA’s founding, it reaffirmed its commitment to the cause of national independence and social liberation, announcing that it would fight to achieve new unity and establish a programmatic political front to confront the right wing, neoliberalism, and imperialism, and promote the realization of socialism.

这一时期，阿共强调对苏东剧变的总结和反思，认为有必要更新社会主义观念，强调社会主义应在政治、经济和社会方面实行“最有效的民主”，要把革命和民主重新结合起来，否则社会主义方案就不可能实现。20世纪90年代中期以来，阿共致力于通过合法的议会道路来迂回推动社会主义的实现，并积极与中左翼政党组成选举联盟。1997年议会选举中终于获得一个席位，但在2003年再次失去。2004年阿共二十三大对此进行了反思，强调要继续坚持十六大的路线，推动民族独立与社会解放，渐进地推动社会主义变革。此后阿共总体上执行了这一路线，把争取社会主义的斗争嵌入争取政治和经济独立、维护民生权益的具体活动中，将赢得选举作为进行社会主义革命的重心。2011年，阿共参与正义党主导的竞选联盟“胜利阵线”，获胜后成为参政党；2015年大选中继续支持正义党，在遭遇失利后成为在野党；2019年再度参与正义党领导的“全民阵线”，获胜后重新成为参政党，但在内阁中没有获得职位。2023年初，在庆祝阿共成立105周年之际，它重申了对民族独立和社会解放事业的承诺，宣布要通过战斗来实现新的团结，建立有纲领性的政治阵线，以对抗右翼、新自由主义和帝国主义，推动社会主义的实现。

II. Characteristics of the Argentine Communist Party’s Exploration of the Socialist Path

二、阿根廷共产党探索社会主义道路的特点

As a non-ruling communist party in a developing country, the CPA’s strategies, methods, and paths for achieving socialism exhibit both many common features of Latin American communist parties and some distinct individual characteristics.

阿共作为发展中国家非执政的共产主义政党，其关于实现社会主义的策略、方式与路径既表现出拉美地区共产党的许多共性特点，又体现出一些鲜明的个性特征。

(I) Peaceful Transition to Socialism Through Parliamentary Struggle

（一）通过议会斗争和平过渡到社会主义

After World War II, the CPA devoted the vast majority of its energy to exploring the path of peaceful transition to socialism. Integrating into national political life through legal struggle was an important innovation by Latin American communist parties, including the CPA, in adapting Marxism to local conditions. The CPA’s 6th National Congress in 1950 already emphasized the possibility of seizing state power without civil war, on the basis of reaching possible agreements and political cooperation with various parties and social groups. The CPA’s 1959 Party Program clearly stated that the Party’s goal was to lead the working class and the entire people to struggle, through peaceful means, including parliamentary elections, to seize state power for itself and its allies, unless the peaceful democratic path was blocked. In 1961, the CPA reaffirmed: “At present, war is not inevitably doomed, but can be prevented,” and that it was possible “to seize state power without civil war, thereby ensuring the transfer of the basic means of production to the hands of the people.” The CPA believed that through peaceful forms of struggle such as parliamentary elections and legal mass actions, a people’s democratic government could be established, achieving the transition from capitalism to socialism. After the failure of the “Chilean road” in 1973, the CPA still insisted on taking the path of peaceful transition to socialism, stating that this strategy must not be changed because of Chile’s failure. By the 1980s, the CPA’s 16th Congress still believed that “world war is not inevitable,” and that the domestic struggle for state power still required accumulating strength among the people and carrying out broad and open mass activities; “we hope to achieve revolutionary change in society without a cruel civil war.” After the end of the Cold War, the CPA more firmly took the path of peaceful transition, reaffirming the gradual advance toward socialism through democratic change, but without new theoretical achievements. CPA General Secretary Víctor Kot, attending the International Seminar on the 200th Anniversary of Marx’s Birth held in Shenzhen in 2018, stated: “Although capitalism has a crisis, it will not disappear naturally on its own; we need to defeat it through long-term struggle,” and “promote the (peaceful) transition from capitalism to socialism.” After becoming a party in government, the CPA became even more firmly convinced of this view, believing that the electoral victory of left-wing forces had opened a path toward democracy, progress, and peace for Argentina.

二战后，阿共将绝大部分精力投入和平过渡到社会主义的道路探索中。通过开展合法斗争融入国家政治生活，这是包括阿共在内的拉美共产党推动马克思主义本土化的重要创新。1950年召开的阿共六大就强调，有可能在同各党派、社会团体达成可能的协议和政治合作基础上，不经过内战而取得国家政权。阿共在1959年党纲中明确表示，党的目标是领导工人阶级和全国人民通过和平的方式，包括议会选举等，为把政权夺到自己和同盟者手中而斗争，除非和平的民主道路被堵塞。1961年阿共重申：“当前，战争不是注定不可避免的，而是可以防止的”，有可能“不经过内战而取得国家政权，从而保证基本生产资料转移到人民手中”。阿共认为，可以通过议会选举、合法的群众行动等和平的斗争方式，建立一个人民民主政府，实现从资本主义向社会主义的过渡。1973年“智利道路”失败后，阿共仍坚持走和平过渡到社会主义的道路，表示决不能因为智利的失败而改变这一战略。到了80年代，阿共十六大依然认为“世界大战不是不可避免的”，国内争取政权的斗争仍然需要在人民中积蓄力量，要开展广泛而公开的群众活动，“我们希望不经过残酷的内战来实现社会的革命性变革”。冷战结束后，阿共更加坚定地走和平过渡道路，重申通过民主变革的方式渐进地走向社会主义，但在理论上未有新的建树。阿共总书记维克多·科特2018年出席在深圳举行的纪念马克思诞辰200周年国际研讨会，表示：“资本主义虽然有危机，但它自身不会自然消失，而是需要我们通过长期的斗争去击倒它”，“推动资本主义向社会主义（和平）过渡”。成为参政党后，阿共更坚定了这一认识，认为左翼力量的竞选胜利为阿根廷开辟了一条通向民主、进步与和平的道路。

On the peaceful parliamentary path, the CPA only won two seats in 1973 and one seat in 1997, occupying a very marginal position and finding it difficult to promote relevant political reforms.

阿共在和平议会道路上，仅在1973年、1997年分别获得两个、一个议席，处于非常边缘的位置，难以推动相关政治改革。

(II) Actively Pursuing Democracy and Constitutionalism, Carrying Out Political Struggle Against Dependency

（二）积极追求民主、宪政，开展反依附的政治斗争

In 2020, when commemorating the 102nd anniversary of the Party’s founding, the CPA stated: “The revolutionary mission, in the most complete Marxist sense, is to smash the state apparatus of domination.” This stance runs through the CPA’s century-long political struggle. For most of the 20th century, the CPA faced a severe domestic situation: authoritarian dictatorship, military coups, and external oppression long hung over Argentina, and Argentina did not establish a genuine democratic foundation. Therefore, the CPA emphasized that it must struggle for the establishment of a new type of people’s democratic regime. As early as the 1920s–1930s, the CPA led, organized, and participated in actions against dictatorship and repression, fighting for democratic and freedom rights. In the 1950s, the CPA waged a struggle demanding the lifting of the national state of siege, the release of political prisoners, the abolition of all reactionary decrees, the guarantee of people’s democratic freedoms and national autonomy, and called on the masses to purge the enemies of the people from state institutions. In the 1960s, the CPA devoted itself to revolutionary struggle against imperialism, oligarchy, and authoritarianism, and also specifically criticized erroneous ideas within the Party that completely separated the democratic revolution from the socialist revolution. In 1975, the CPA Central Committee plenum held that the domestic situation had entered a new phase of actively resisting counterrevolutionary coups and promoting a nationwide struggle against imperialism, and that it was necessary to unite the broad masses in large-scale actions to deter the coup plotters. In the early 1980s, the CPA promoted the struggle to restore the constitution, realize the rule of law, and win freedom and democracy, calling on all patriotic and democratic forces to unite and “establish a joint military-civilian democratic government.” The program adopted at the CPA’s 16th Congress further emphasized: “The Communist Party must unswervingly strive for and defend democracy, and struggle for the continuous development of democracy, because the struggle for socialism is inseparable from the struggle for democracy; democracy and socialism should be component parts of the same historical process.” In the mid-to-late 1980s, the CPA stressed that it was waging “a revolution of the people, anti-imperialist and anti-oligarchic,” a “revolution that moves toward socialism and is integrated with the liberation cause of Latin America.” Since the 1990s, with the basic stabilization of democratic elections and civilian government in Argentina, the CPA’s political-democratic goals of the previous phase were largely achieved, and it began to struggle for the establishment of a people’s government and for external anti-dependency. At the beginning of the 21st century, Argentina’s external dependency became increasingly severe. The CPA held that the Argentine people were deeply exploited by neoliberalism, imperialism, and domestic right-wing forces, and that Argentine society had fallen into a comprehensive crisis in the political, economic, and social spheres—a crisis of the capitalist system—whose fundamental way out lay in mobilizing the masses to wage a struggle to defend national sovereignty, and in working to establish an “independent democratic state” and a “people’s government,” achieving “national liberation and socialism.” In 2016, at its 26th Congress, the CPA proposed that opposing imperialism and breaking free from dependency on the capitalist great powers remained the revolution the Party needed to continue. In early 2023, CPA Chairman Mario Mikielli again stressed: “The struggle of the Argentine people must be linked to this general struggle for national and social liberation; it is necessary to defeat U.S. imperialism and its local partners in Argentina and Latin America.”

在2020年纪念建党102周年时，阿共表示：“革命的使命，从最完整的马克思主义意义上而言，是要打碎国家统治机器。”这一立场贯穿于阿共百年政治斗争始终。在20世纪的大多数时间里，阿共面临着严峻的国内局势，专制独裁、军事政变、外部压迫长期笼罩着阿根廷，阿根廷没有建立起一个真正的民主基础。因此，阿共强调必须为建立一个新型的人民民主政权而斗争。早在20世纪20—30年代，阿共就领导、组织并参与了反独裁和镇压行动，为争取民主、自由权利而斗争。50年代，阿共开展了要求取消全国戒严、释放政治犯、废除一切反动法令、保障人民民主自由和民族自主权的斗争，并号召民众把人民的敌人从国家机构中清除出去。60年代，阿共又致力于开展反对帝国主义、寡头主义和独裁主义的革命斗争，还对党内把民主革命与社会主义革命截然分开的错误思想进行了专门批判。1975年阿共中央全会认为，目前国内形势进入到一个积极抵抗反革命政变、推动全民族反对帝国主义的新阶段，要联合广大群众采取大规模行动来威慑政变分子。80年代初，阿共推动了恢复宪法、实现法制和争取自由民主的斗争，号召所有爱国与民主力量联合起来，“建立军人和文人民主联合政府”。阿共十六大通过的纲领进一步强调：“共产党要坚定不移地争取和捍卫民主，为民主的不断发展而斗争，因为争取社会主义的斗争同争取民主的斗争是不可分割的，民主和社会主义应该是同一历史进程的组成部分。”80年代中后期，阿共强调它所开展的是“一场人民的、反帝和反寡头的革命”，是“走向社会主义并同拉丁美洲解放事业结合在一起的革命”。90年代以来，随着阿根廷民主选举与文人政权的基本稳定，阿共前一阶段的政治民主目标基本实现，它开始为建立人民政权、开展对外反依附而斗争。21世纪初，阿根廷对外依附的状况日益严重。阿共认为，阿根廷人民深受新自由主义、帝国主义和国内右翼势力的剥削之苦，阿根廷社会陷入了政治、经济和社会领域的全面危机，这是资本主义制度的危机，根本出路在于发动群众开展维护国家主权的斗争，致力于建立“独立的民主国家”和“人民政府”，实现“民族解放和社会主义”。2016年阿共在二十六大上提出，反对帝国主义、摆脱对资本主义大国的依附，依然是党需要继续进行的革命。2023年初阿共主席马里奥·米凯利再次强调：“阿根廷人民的斗争必须与这场争取民族和社会解放的总斗争联系起来，必须要击败美帝国主义及其在阿根廷和拉美地区的本土伙伴。”

(3) Promoting the Establishment of Multiple Forms of the United Front

（三）推动建立多种形式的统一战线

To promote social change, the CPA never advocated fighting alone; it always adhered to the strategy of the united front, emphasizing the need to unite forces that could be united to jointly confront the enemy. As early as before World War II, the CPA, together with the Argentine Socialist Party, the Justicialist Party, and other left-wing forces, jointly formed a people’s front and a democratic front against imperialism and fascism. After World War II, the CPA, focusing on different needs, proposed or participated in multiple forms of the united front. In 1956, to break the reactionary forces’ suppression and isolation of the Communist Party, the CPA initiated the formation of the All-National Democratic Front. To promote people’s unity, the CPA actively advocated for the formation of a broad patriotic democratic front, and in 1975 proposed the establishment of a “coalition cabinet,” forming a “broad democratic coalition cabinet” composed of military personnel, civilians, trade unions, capital owners, and various political parties. However, this was merely a wishful thinking of the CPA. In the 1980s–1990s, the CPA advocated for the establishment of a Social and National Liberation Front, striving to form a coalition government led by the working class. Since the 21st century, the CPA has called for the establishment of a progressive, broad united front composed of the broad masses of workers, peasants, intellectuals, and the petty and middle bourgeoisie, to counter the strong influence of the right wing in the country’s political, economic, and social life, and to strive for the establishment of a people’s regime guided by socialism. The CPA does not have sufficient strength or qualification to realize this aspiration; this aspiration is clearly difficult to achieve.

为了推动社会变革，阿共从不主张单打独斗，始终坚持统一战线的策略，强调要联合可以联合的力量共同对付敌人。早在二战之前，阿共就同阿根廷社会党、正义党等左翼力量联合组建了反对帝国主义和法西斯主义的人民阵线和民主阵线。二战后，阿共着眼于不同需要，提议或参与了多种形式的统一战线。1956年，为了打破反动势力对共产党的打压和孤立，阿共发起组建了全民族民主阵线。为了促进人民团结，阿共积极倡导组建了广泛的爱国民主阵线，并在1975年提出建立“联合内阁”，组建由军人、文人、工会、资方和各政党共同组成的“广泛的民主联合内阁”。不过，这只是阿共的一厢情愿。80—90年代，阿共倡导建立社会与民族解放阵线，争取组建一个由工人阶级领导的联合政府。21世纪以来，阿共呼吁建立一个由广大工人、农民、知识分子、中小资产阶级等组成的进步的、广泛的统一战线，来对抗右翼在国家政治、经济和社会生活中的强大影响，争取建立一个由社会主义指导的人民政权。阿共并不具有实现这一愿望的足够实力与资格，这一愿望显然难以实现。

In real political life, the CPA’s very limited political influence makes it difficult for it to form or lead a united front or related political coalition organizations; it more often participates as a member. In the last two general elections, the CPA only joined the electoral alliance formed by the Justicialist Party as a follower, hoping to share in the Justicialist Party’s electoral fruits.

在现实政治生活中，阿共非常有限的政治影响力使它难以组建或领导统一战线或相关政治联合组织，更多的是作为其中的参与者。最近两次大选中，阿共也只是作为追随者加入正义党组建的竞选联盟，希望能够分享正义党的胜利果实。

(4) Focusing on Economic Struggles to Defend the Basic Rights and Interests of Workers

（四）聚焦于维护劳动者基本权益的经济斗争

Before World War II, the CPA already focused on using trade unions for revolutionary struggle to defend the economic rights and interests of workers and laborers, such as raising wages and shortening working hours. After World War II, the CPA’s goals, framework, and path for economic struggle were continuously improved. The draft program adopted by the CPA in December 1956 put forward a detailed economic struggle program: the uncompensated confiscation of imperialist enterprises and large factories in Argentina, nationalizing them; the uncompensated confiscation of the land of large estate owners and foreign joint-stock companies, distributing it to peasants; protecting the legitimate property of the national bourgeoisie, promoting the development of national industry and commerce; combining the economic struggle of the working class with the democratic struggle of the entire people, stimulating the combativeness of workers, peasants, and other strata of the masses. Subsequently, it put forward basic demands to defend the interests of workers: implementing an eight-hour workday, raising workers’ wages by 60%, providing relief to unemployed workers, developing industrial and agricultural production, lowering the prices of daily necessities, implementing land reform, stopping the plundering of tenant farmers, and levying a special tax of 25% on the land rent and profits of large landowners, big capitalists, and foreign enterprises, etc. From the 1960s to the 1980s, the strike struggles waged by the CPA under the suppression of the military government greatly decreased; it more often expressed its economic stance by issuing relevant statements. After the 1990s, the CPA’s activities in leading trade unions were relatively active, but due to limitations in funding, mobilization capacity, and other conditions, the number of related activities was small and their influence relatively limited.

二战前，阿共就注重利用工会进行革命斗争，以维护工人及劳动者的经济权益，如提高工资、缩短劳动时间。二战后，阿共关于经济斗争的目标、框架与路径不断完善。阿共1956年12月通过的纲领草案提出了详细的经济斗争纲领：无偿没收帝国主义在阿的大企业和工厂，将其收归国有；无偿没收大庄园主和外国股份公司的土地，将其分配给农民；保护民族资产阶级的合法财产，促进民族工商业发展；把工人阶级的经济斗争和全体人民的民主斗争结合起来，激发工人、农民和其他阶层群众的战斗性。随后又提出了维护劳动者利益的基本要求：实行八小时工作制，职工工资提高60%，救济失业工人，发展工业和农业生产，降低生活必需品价格，实行土地改革，制止掠夺佃农的行为，向大地主、大资本家和外国企业征收相当于其所得地租、利润的25%的特别税等。60—80年代，阿共在军政府的打压下开展的罢工斗争大大减少，更多是通过发表相关声明表达经济立场。90年代后，阿共领导工会的活动相对活跃，但由于受到资金、动员能力等条件的限制，相关活动次数少、影响力也相对有限。

Through these long-term but limited economic struggles, the CPA shaped its image as a working-class party defending the interests of ordinary workers.

在这些长期但有限的经济斗争中，阿共塑造了自己维护普通劳动者利益的工人阶级政党形象。

(5) Emphasizing Unity with Left-Wing Forces in the Region

（五）重视与地区内左翼力量的联合

Since their inception, the communist parties of Latin America have exhibited a strong regional linkage, advancing the socialist movement across the region through dialogue, consultation, and collaboration. As early as 1929, the Communist Party of Argentina (CPA) took the lead in convening the First Conference of Latin American Communist Parties, attended by 15 communist parties, which discussed a series of macro-level issues such as the international situation in Latin America, the anti-imperialist struggle, and communist strategy. Thereafter, until the early 1980s, the CPA was illegal for most of the time, making it difficult to convene regional or sub-regional meetings of Latin American communist parties as a leading force, and at times it could not even participate in regional meetings hosted by fraternal parties. Only after it resumed open activities did the CPA host several multilateral meetings as the host. For example, in 1984 it convened a meeting of communist parties from 12 Latin American countries to discuss the US imperialist arms race and strategic threats, its interference in Latin American affairs, and the democratization of the region; in 1988 it hosted an international symposium commemorating the 60th anniversary of Che Guevara’s birth, with 24 foreign communist parties in attendance, at which the CPA called on the people to raise high the banner of Che Guevara and to fight for building a new life and achieving social democracy; and in 2020 it organized a multilateral event under the theme “Through People’s Unity to Resist the Right Wing and Imperialism, Communists Believe the Struggle and Profound Transformation Are Timely,” with representatives from fraternal parties in Venezuela, Nicaragua, Spain, and others present.

拉美地区的共产党自诞生以来就具有很强的区域联动特色，通过整个地区的对话、磋商、协作，共同推进拉美地区的社会主义运动。早在1929年，阿共就主导召开了有15国共产党参加的拉美共产党第一次代表会议，讨论了诸如拉美的国际形势、反帝国主义斗争、共产党的策略等一系列宏观问题。此后直至20世纪80年代初，阿共在大多数时间处于非法状态，难以作为主导力量召开拉美共产党的区域、次区域会议，有时甚至无法参加兄弟党主办的区域性会议。等到恢复公开活动后，阿共才作为东道主主办了几次多边会议。例如，1984年召集了拉美12国的共产党会议，讨论美帝国主义的军备竞赛与战略威胁、对拉美事务的干涉以及拉美地区的民主化问题；1988年主办了纪念格瓦拉诞辰60周年国际研讨会，共计24个国外共产党参会，阿共号召人民高举切·格瓦拉的旗帜，为建设新生活和实现社会民主而斗争；2020年又举办了主题为“通过人民团结抵抗右翼和帝国主义，共产党人认为斗争和深刻变革正当时”的多边活动，委内瑞拉、尼加拉瓜、西班牙等兄弟党的代表出席。

These activities demonstrate the CPA’s internationalist convictions and aspirations, as well as its willingness to unite in struggle with other communist parties. The CPA hopes through these to draw lessons and experience, unify thought and action, expand the Party’s influence, overcome tendencies toward dogmatism and sectarianism within the Party, and independently explore a socialist revolutionary path suited to the national conditions of the country.

这一系列活动展现了阿共的国际主义信念与追求，以及与其他共产党联合斗争的意愿。阿共希望借此吸取经验和教训，统一思想和行动，扩大党的影响，克服党内教条主义、宗派主义的倾向，独立探索适合本国国情的社会主义革命道路。

III. Relevant Assessment and Prospects

三、相关评析与展望

A comprehensive view of the CPA’s century-long exploration of socialism reveals a process filled with difficulties and upheavals. The line of revolutionary struggle enabled the CPA to secure a foothold in domestic politics, but its post-World War II insistence on taking the path of peaceful transition to socialism led to a continuous decline. Since the 21st century, the CPA has persisted in the path of parliamentary struggle, improving its survival environment to some extent through left-wing alliances, and even participating in government. Yet it also faces common problems shared by most communist parties in developing countries.

综观阿共百年的社会主义探索历程，充满了困难与动荡。革命斗争的路线使阿共在国内政坛站稳了脚跟，但二战后坚持走和平过渡到社会主义的道路导致其不断走下坡路。21世纪以来，阿共依然坚持议会斗争的道路，通过左翼联合一定程度上改善了生存环境，甚至能够参与政权。但也面临大多数发展中国家共产党面临的共同问题。

First, the quality of the survival environment significantly influences the effectiveness of the socialist revolution. Since its founding, the CPA has been ill-fated, subjected to long-term suppression by reactionary forces. Shortly after its establishment, it faced repression from the authorities; for much of the period from the 1930s to the 1980s, it was illegal and unable to conduct open activities, with Party leaders and core members persecuted, severely affecting the CPA’s long-term development. Even during legal periods, the CPA was prohibited from nominating candidates in general elections. The harsh survival environment is an important external factor constraining the CPA’s stable long-term development and contributing to its continuous decline.

首先，生存环境的优劣在相当程度上影响着社会主义革命的成效。自成立以来，阿共可谓命运多舛，长期遭到反动势力的打压。成立后不久它就受到当局的镇压，20世纪30—80年代的很长时间里都处于非法状态，无法进行公开活动，党的领导人和骨干成员受到迫害，严重影响了阿共的长期发展。即使在合法时期，阿共也被禁止在大选中提名候选人。严酷的生存环境是制约阿共长期稳定发展、不断走向衰落的重要外部原因。

Second, in its exploration of achieving socialism, the CPA has been to a considerable degree dependent on the Justicialist Party of Argentina. Some scholars argue that, compared with Peronism, the CPA’s political discourse has a clear disadvantage, as it has failed to develop a theory that neither deviates from its political attributes nor unites broader social strata. There are some theoretical intersections between the Justicialism upheld by the Justicialist Party and the CPA’s socialism, such as in social progress and foreign relations, where the two have similar positions. As a marginalized small party in Argentine political life, the CPA has on several occasions withdrawn its presidential candidate to fully support the Justicialist Party’s presidential candidate, praising Perón as an “indisputable leader” and claiming that Argentina under Perón’s rule would be a “people’s democratic state,” even hoping to establish a “socialist fatherland” through the left wing of Peronism. In the CPA’s view, after the Justicialist Party came to power, it implemented nationalization policies and carried out land reform, enabling “the urban and rural working class to gain political status” and making “the organized workers’ movement a decisive element in Argentina’s power structure.” These are precisely the goals the CPA pursues in its exploration of the socialist path, so it believed it could rely on the Justicialist Party to achieve the growth of socialist factors in Argentina. However, the CPA has most of the time not been the Justicialist Party’s primary or important alliance partner; the Justicialist Party only co-opts and uses the CPA to counter the unity of right-wing forces, and will not work with the CPA to realize socialism. In handling the relationship between the two parties, the CPA cannot seize the initiative, leading to a situation where, despite some tactical commonalities, its exploration of socialism cannot achieve the expected results; the Justicialist Party cannot help the CPA realize socialism.

其次，阿共在探索实现社会主义的过程中，对阿根廷正义党存在较大程度的依附。有学者认为，相较于庇隆主义，阿共的政治话语表达存在明显劣势，它未能探索出既不偏离其政治属性、又可以团结更广泛的社会阶层的理论。正义党所奉行的正义主义同阿共的社会主义之间存在一些理论交汇点，如在社会进步和对外关系方面，二者具有相近的主张。阿共作为阿根廷政治生活中的一个边缘化小党，曾数次退出总统候选人竞选以全力支持正义党的总统候选人，赞扬庇隆是“无可争辩的领袖”，庇隆当政后的阿根廷将是一个“人民民主国家”，甚至期望通过信奉庇隆主义的左派来建立“社会主义的祖国”。在阿共看来，正义党执政后一度推行了国有化政策，实施了土地改革，使“城市与农村的工人阶级获得了政治地位”，“组织起来的工人运动成了阿根廷权力结构中举足轻重的要素”。这些正是阿共在探索社会主义道路上所追求的目标，因此，可以依靠正义党来实现社会主义因素在阿根廷的增长。但是，阿共在多数时候并非正义党首选或重要的结盟对象，正义党只是为应对右翼势力的联合而对其进行拉拢和利用，并不会与阿共一道推动社会主义的实现。在处理两党关系中，阿共无法占据主动权，这导致二者尽管在策略方面有相通之处，但其关于社会主义的探索无法取得预期结果，正义党不可能帮助阿共实现社会主义。

Third, Argentina’s socialist movement has been deeply influenced by the world socialist movement. From the very beginning, Argentina’s socialist movement received attention from the First International and revolutionary mentors such as Marx, who even provided direct guidance; the Argentine section of the First International was established under Marx’s personal care and guidance, and the Socialist Workers’ Party of Argentina was a member party of the Second International. The victory of the October Revolution in Russia directly promoted the founding of the CPA. Historically, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the Communist Party of the United States, the Communist Party of Cuba, and revolutions in other Latin American countries have all had a significant impact on the CPA. Under the influence of Browderist revisionism in the Communist Party of the United States, the CPA abandoned its leadership over the trade unions; it regarded the Cuban Revolution as a “brilliant example” for all communist parties in Latin America; it saw the Chilean Revolution as opening the possibility of a peaceful transition to socialism in Latin America; it treated the Peruvian Revolution as the trend of the entire Latin American communist movement and a realistic path to Latin American liberation; and it considered the Nicaraguan Revolution as providing “great lessons” for revolutionaries in Latin America. In sum, whether in socialist theory or in the strategies, methods, and path choices for achieving socialism, the CPA has been profoundly influenced by the world socialist movement or Latin American revolutions in different periods, causing certain fluctuations and reversals in the CPA’s exploration of the socialist path.

再次，阿根廷的社会主义运动深受世界社会主义运动的影响。阿根廷的社会主义运动从一开始就受到第一国际和马克思等革命导师的关注，马克思甚至对它进行了直接指导，阿根廷第一国际支部正是在马克思的亲自关怀和指导下建立起来的，阿根廷社会主义工人党是第二国际成员党，俄国十月革命的胜利直接促进了阿共的成立。从历史上看，苏联共产党、美国共产党、古巴共产党和拉美其他国家的革命都对阿共产生了重要影响。在美国共产党白劳德修正主义的影响下，阿共放弃了对工会的领导权；将古巴革命视为整个拉美地区共产党的“光辉榜样”；认为智利革命开辟了在拉美地区和平进入社会主义的可能；把秘鲁革命当做整个拉美共产主义运动的潮流，是实现拉美解放的现实道路；认为尼加拉瓜革命为拉美地区的革命者提供了“伟大的教益”。总的来说，阿共无论是在社会主义的理论上还是在实现社会主义的策略、方式和道路选择上，都深刻受到不同时期世界社会主义运动或拉美地区革命的影响，使阿共对社会主义道路的探索出现了一定的波动与反复。

Finally, although unfavorable external factors and objective conditions have limited the success of the socialist revolution in Argentina, the CPA’s own development and choices also contain much worth reflecting upon. Within the CPA, ideological unity has long been lacking, with ongoing disputes over major issues such as the line of struggle, the relationship with the Justicialist Party, and the future direction of development, and intense struggles among different factions within the Party, leading to several splits. In the second half of the 20th century alone, the CPA experienced four major splits, inflicting heavy losses on the Party. The Party’s membership has undergone drastic changes, and organizational stability is poor. From its founding to the early 1980s, the CPA’s total membership showed an upward trend, growing from 766 to nearly 200,000; thereafter it continuously declined, reaching only 17,000 members in 2021. It is no longer the largest communist party in Latin America and has degenerated into a marginalized small party domestically. Moreover, the influence of its peripheral organizations, such as trade unions and youth leagues, has also been declining, further weakening the CPA’s mobilizational capacity. As the Party’s basic force, the continuous decline in membership means the erosion of the Party’s mass base, and the Party’s political appeal and influence are increasingly weakened, which inevitably reduces the confidence of members and their supporters in socialism.

最后，虽然不利的外部因素和客观环境限制了阿根廷社会主义革命的成功，但阿共自身的发展和选择也存在不少值得反思之处。阿共党内思想长期得不到统一，围绕斗争路线、与正义党的关系、未来发展方向等重大问题的争议不断，党内不同派别间斗争激烈，造成阿共数次发生分裂。仅20世纪后半叶，阿共先后出现了四次较大的分裂，使党蒙受了巨大损失。党员队伍变化剧烈，组织稳定性差。自成立到20世纪80年代初，阿共的党员总体数量呈上升趋势，从766人增长到近20万人，此后不断减少，2021年仅有党员17万人，早已不再是拉美地区规模最大的共产党，在国内也沦落为边缘型小政党，而且作为其外围组织的工会、青年团等的影响力也在不断下降，进一步弱化了阿共的动员能力。作为党的基本力量，党员人数持续走低意味着党的群众基础被侵蚀，党的政治号召力与影响力日益减弱，而这些不可避免地降低了党员及其支持者对社会主义的信心。

The CPA is a long-standing political force on Argentina’s political stage. Given the Party’s historically relatively strong progressive political atmosphere formed through its adherence to revolutionary struggle, for the foreseeable longer term the CPA will still play a role in Argentine party politics and will remain an important member of the Latin American left-wing family. However, the CPA will continue to be a small party for a considerable period in the future.

阿共是阿根廷政治舞台上长期存在的一支政治力量，鉴于历史上该党因坚持革命斗争而形成的较为浓厚的进步主义政治氛围，在可以预见的较长时期里，阿共仍将在阿根廷政党政治中发挥作用，仍将作为拉美左翼大家庭中的一个重要成员。但阿共在未来较长一段时间内依然会是一个小党。

In sum, the century-old CPA has traversed a rather uneven development process. For the CPA, the exploration of the socialist revolutionary path is still ongoing, and the road ahead remains long and arduous.

总之，百年阿共经历了相当不平坦的发展过程。对于阿共来说，关于社会主义革命道路的探索仍在路上，未来依然任重道远。

Online Editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心