The Basic Experiences, Main Lessons, and Contemporary Inspirations of the American Communist Movement over the Past Century

At its founding, the American communist movement split into two parties: the Communist Labor Party of America, established on August 31, 1919, and the Communist Party of America (hereinafter referred to as the CPUSA), established on September 1, 1919. They merged in May 1920 to form the United Communist Party of America, as “the representative of the American working class,” and have now been in existence for over a century. Deep within the heartland of capitalism, the CPUSA has weathered storms for more than a hundred years, forging ahead amid risks and challenges. Holding high the banner of Marxism, it has actively explored the path of survival and development for the communist movement in the United States, making indelible contributions to the international communist movement. Reviewing the experiences and lessons of the American communist movement over the past century carries important inspirational significance.

美国共产党成立之初一分为二，分别是1919年8月31日成立的美国共产主义劳工党和1919年9月1日成立的美国共产党(文中简称美共)，并于1920年5月合并为美国统一共产党，作为“美国工人阶级的代表”，至今已经有百余年历史。美共深处资本主义腹地，百余年来栉风沐雨，在风险挑战中砥砺前行。高擎马克思主义旗帜，积极探索共产主义运动在美国的生存发展之道，为国际共产主义运动作出了不可磨灭的贡献。回顾百年来美国共产主义运动的经验教训，具有重要的启示意义。

I. Basic Experiences of the American Communist Movement over the Past Century

一、百年来美国共产主义运动的基本经验

Over the more than one hundred years of development of the American communist movement, there are many valuable experiences worthy of serious summation and adherence. Therefore, adhering to the principle of “deriving theory from history” and guided by Marxist materialism and dialectics, an examination of the century-long struggle of the American communist movement allows its basic experiences to be summarized as follows:

美国共产主义运动的百余年发展历程，有许多宝贵经验值得认真总结和坚持。因此，本着“论从史出”的原则，以马克思主义唯物论和辩证法为指导，审视美国共产主义运动的百年奋斗历程，其基本经验可以概括如下：

(A) The Communist Movement Must Uphold and Strengthen the Leadership of the Communist Party

(一)共产主义运动要坚持和加强共产党的领导

Upholding the leadership of the Communist Party is a necessary condition for the flourishing of the revolutionary cause and the growth and strengthening of the communist movement in every country. This is not only a consistent position of the classical Marxist writers but also a scientific conclusion proven by historical practice. Engels once pointed out: “For the proletariat to be strong enough to win at the decisive moment, it must (as Marx and I have maintained since 1847) form a special party distinct from all other parties and opposed to them, a conscious class party.” On this, Lenin also emphasized that the revolutionary proletariat’s establishment of an “independent, uncompromising Marxist party is the sole guarantee of the victory of socialism.” Historical experience also proves that without the leadership of the Communist Party, the communist movement cannot exist; if the leadership of the Communist Party is abandoned, the communist movement in that country will inevitably suffer setbacks or complete failure, and growth and strengthening are out of the question.

坚持共产党的领导，是各国革命事业兴旺发达和共产主义运动发展壮大的必要条件，这既是马克思主义经典作家的一贯主张，也是被历史实践所证明了的科学论断。恩格斯曾指出：“无产阶级要在决定关头强大到足以取得胜利，就必须(马克思和我从1847年以来就坚持这种立场)组成一个不同于其他所有政党并与它们对立的特殊政党，一个自觉的阶级政党。”对此，列宁也强调，革命的无产阶级建立“独立的、毫不妥协的马克思主义政党，是社会主义胜利的唯一保证”。历史经验也证明，没有共产党的领导，就不可能有共产主义运动的存在，放弃共产党的领导，本国的共产主义运动必然受挫或彻底失败，发展壮大更是侈谈。

However, historically, the CPUSA has faced two crises of dissolution. The first occurred in the 1940s, when CPUSA leader Earl Browder, out of infatuation with the “Tehran” spirit [1]1 The “Tehran” spirit refers to the wartime alliance between the United States, the Soviet Union, and Britain during World War II, which Browder believed could be extended into peacetime class collaboration. and post-war domestic class collaboration in the United States, called for dissolving the CPUSA “and finding a new and different organizational form and name, more precisely adapted to the current tasks and the political structure through which these tasks must be realized.” [2]2 This is a quotation from Browder’s proposal to dissolve the CPUSA in 1944. The second occurred after the 20th Congress of the CPSU in 1956, when the Gates faction [3]3 The Gates faction refers to a group within the CPUSA led by John Gates that, after the 1956 Soviet 20th Congress, advocated for major reforms, including abandoning the vanguard party model., at a critical moment of reflection and renewal, abandoned Party leadership, making the Party’s organizational form and name a subject of debate, even arguing that mass movements did not need a revolutionary vanguard and that the Communist Party should be reorganized into a non-party political group. This not only caused ideological confusion within the American communist movement but also gave the U.S. government an opportunity to contain and suppress communism. It was only through the struggle of CPUSA leader William Z. Foster that the two disasters of dissolution were averted.

然而历史上，美共曾度过两次被解散的危机。第一次是在20世纪40年代，美共领导人厄尔·白劳德出于对“德黑兰”精神和战后美国国内阶级合作的迷恋，要求解散美共，“并找出一个新的和不同的组织形式和名称，更确切地适应当前的任务以及必须通过它来实现这些任务的政治结构”。第二次是在1956年苏共二十大之后，盖茨派在反思革新的关键时刻放弃党的领导，将党的组织形式和名称作为讨论内容，甚至认为群众运动不需要革命的先锋队、共产党应改组为非党的政治团体，这不仅导致美国共产主义运动中的思想混乱，而且给美国政府遏制和打压共产主义以可乘之机。最终在美共领袖福斯特的斗争下，美共两次被解散的厄运才得以化解。

Therefore, the communist movement in every country must uphold the leadership of the Communist Party, and this must not waver at any time or under any circumstances. Historically, the CPUSA has survived two crises of dissolution, withstood the anti-communist frenzy of the U.S. government, always maintained and carried forward the fine traditions of the proletarian party in adversity, and always strengthened the Party’s leadership over the American communist movement, accumulating valuable experience for the contemporary American and even world socialist movement.

因此，各国的共产主义运动必须坚持共产党的领导，在任何时候和任何情况下都不能动摇。历史上，美共度过了两次被解散的危机，经受住了美国政府的反共狂潮，始终在逆境中保持和发扬无产阶级政党的优良传统，始终加强党对美国共产主义运动的领导，为当代美国乃至世界社会主义运动积累了宝贵经验。

(B) It Is Necessary to Firmly Believe in Socialism and Communism

(二)要坚定社会主义、共产主义信念

One important reason the American communist movement has been able to advance under heavy burdens, continuously overcome difficulties, and survive and develop is that the CPUSA, as the leading core of the communist movement, firmly believes in the inevitable victory of socialism and the inevitable realization of the communist goal. In the 1920s, the United States entered the Coolidge prosperity period, the class consciousness of the working class sharply declined, and the American communist movement consequently fell into a trough. Foster, on the one hand, pointed out the factors of American capitalist development and their negative impact on the workers’ movement, acknowledging that ordinary workers had “considerably bourgeoisified in ideology as well. This was a period when the illusions of capitalist prosperity were most widespread among the working people.” [4]4 This is a quotation from William Z. Foster’s analysis of the 1920s. On the other hand, he emphasized that although American capitalism was in a period of prosperity, its inherent, intrinsic contradictions had not completely disappeared, and the conditions of workers being exploited and enslaved had not fundamentally improved. Therefore, Foster firmly believed that with the advent of an economic crisis, class struggle would inevitably intensify, and the American communist movement would inevitably turn from a low tide to a high tide. Based on this conviction, when facing the U.S. government’s anti-communist frenzy and the severe setback of the American communist movement in the 1950s, Foster tenaciously resisted, wrote books and articles, conducted extensive propaganda and educational work, and called on CPUSA members to always firmly uphold the ideals and beliefs of socialism and communism, thereby sustaining the survival and development of the American communist movement.

美国共产主义运动之所以能够负重前行，不断地攻坚克难，得以生存和发展，其中一条重要经验就是作为共产主义运动领导核心的美共笃信社会主义必然胜利和共产主义的目标必然实现。20世纪20年代，美国进入柯立芝繁荣时期，工人阶级斗争意识锐减，美国共产主义运动也随之陷入低迷。福斯特一方面指出美国资本主义发展因素及其对工人运动所造成的负面影响，承认普通工人在“思想意识上也相当地资产阶级化了。这是资本主义繁荣的幻想在劳动人民中最广泛的存在的一个时期”。另一方面，他强调，尽管美国资本主义处在繁荣时期，但内在的、固有的矛盾并未因此彻底消失，工人受剥削、受奴役等状况并未根本好转。因此，福斯特坚信，随着经济危机来临，阶级斗争必然尖锐化，美国共产主义运动也必将从低潮转入高潮。基于上述信念，在20世纪50年代面对美国政府反共狂潮和美国共产主义运动遭受重挫之际，福斯特顽强抗争和著书立说，进行大量宣传和教育工作，号召美共党员始终坚定社会主义和共产主义的理想信念，从而维系了美国共产主义运动的生存与发展。

Foster’s many analyses and optimistic attitude during the low tide of the American communist movement undoubtedly had an important enlightening and inspiring effect on the CPUSA. For example, in the face of the low tide of the American communist movement after the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, CPUSA Chairman Gus Hall emphasized: “The temporary setbacks of socialism cannot change the epochal character of the transition from capitalism to socialism.” [5]5 This is a quotation from Gus Hall. On this basis, he called on CPUSA members to strengthen their confidence in the socialist cause. Similarly, successive leaders of the CPUSA since the 21st century, regardless of the difficulties and challenges they faced, have never wavered in their optimism and firm confidence in socialism. For instance, current CPUSA Co-Chair Joe Sims also emphasized: “Capitalism is failing, and people are beginning to see the necessity of socialist solutions.” [6]6 This is a quotation from Joe Sims.

福斯特在美国共产主义运动低潮时期的诸多分析和乐观态度，对美共无疑具有重要的启发和鼓舞作用。比如，面对苏东剧变之后的美国共产主义运动低潮，美共主席格斯·霍尔强调：“社会主义暂时的挫折不能改变由资本主义向社会主义过渡的时代特征。”在此基础上，他号召美共党员要坚定社会主义事业的信心。同样，21世纪以来美共的历届领导人，无论面对何种困境和挑战，都始终不改对社会主义的乐观态度和必胜信心。比如，现任美共联合主席乔·西姆斯也强调：“资本主义正在失败，人们开始看到了社会主义解决方案的必要性。”

(C) It Is Necessary to Uphold Marxism-Leninism and Vigilantly Guard Against and Resist Various Erroneous Ideological Trends

(三)要坚持马克思列宁主义，警惕和抵制各种错误思潮

In the century-long development of the American communist movement, there have been three major crises in which Marxism-Leninism was revised or abandoned. The first was Browder’s dissolution of the CPUSA and its reorganization into the Communist Political Association, abandoning the Marxist-Leninist theory of the proletarian party and revolutionary principles. In response, Foster rebuilt the CPUSA, explicitly stating again in the preamble to the Party constitution: “The Communist Party of the United States of America is a proletarian party, based on the principles of scientific socialism—Marxism-Leninism.” [7]7 This is a quotation from the CPUSA constitution after its rebuilding by Foster. The second was when the Gates faction, in a comprehensive reflection on the CPUSA’s errors, demanded the removal of “guided by the principles of Marxism-Leninism” from the Party constitution and even conducted anti-Marxist-Leninist propaganda in the Party’s press. In response, Foster used every opportunity to expose and criticize the Gates faction’s error of separating Marxism from Leninism, demanding renewed support for the Party’s Marxist-Leninist theoretical foundation. Through Foster’s strenuous struggle, the 16th National Convention of the CPUSA revised the Party constitution, declaring that the CPUSA was based on “the principles of scientific socialism as developed by Marx, Engels, and Lenin as its theoretical foundation.” [8]8 This is a quotation from the 16th National Convention of the CPUSA. Although Browder and Gates had myriad reasons, their abandonment of Marxism-Leninism or opposition to Marxism-Leninism was erroneous, a manifestation of revisionism or opportunism. The third was in July 1989, at a critical historical juncture when the world socialist movement was in a low tide and the CPUSA faced severe challenges. The CPUSA held an ideological work conference at the University of Illinois in Chicago, criticizing various erroneous views that abandoned class struggle and Marxist and communist beliefs, and upholding and defending the revolutionary principles of Marxism-Leninism. [9]9 This refers to the 1989 ideological conference of the CPUSA.

美国共产主义运动百年发展历程中，曾出现过三次马克思列宁主义被修正或抛弃的重大危机。第一次就是白劳德解散美共并将其改组为共产主义政治协会，放弃了马克思列宁主义的无产阶级政党学说和革命原则。对此，福斯特重建美共，在党章序言中再次明确提出：“美国共产党是无产阶级政党，以科学的社会主义——马克思列宁主义的原则为基础。”第二次是盖茨派在全面反思美共错误时，要求在党章中取消“以马克思列宁主义原则为指导”，甚至在党的报刊上进行反马克思列宁主义的宣传。对此，福斯特利用各种机会揭批盖茨派割裂马克思主义与列宁主义的错误，要求重新支持党的马克思列宁主义的理论基础。在福斯特的努力斗争下，美共全国第十六次代表大会重新修改党章，宣称美共是以“马克思、恩格斯和列宁所发展的科学社会主义的原则为它的理论基础”。虽然白劳德和盖茨有千万条理由，但是他们放弃马克思列宁主义或反对马克思列宁主义都是错误的，是修正主义或机会主义的表现。第三次是1989年7月，在世界社会主义运动处于低潮、美共遭受严峻挑战的历史紧要关头，美共在芝加哥的伊利诺伊大学召开意识形态工作会议，批判各种放弃阶级斗争和马克思主义与共产主义信仰的错误观点，坚持和捍卫马克思列宁主义的革命原则。

After the drastic changes in Eastern Europe and the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the CPUSA paid even more attention to starting from the ideological realm, opposing various erroneous arguments such as “the history of socialism has ended” and “Marxism is dead,” clarifying confused understandings, unifying thought, and upholding and defending Marxism-Leninism. Entering the 21st century, regardless of the setbacks and challenges it faced, the CPUSA has never changed its nature as a proletarian party armed with Marxism-Leninism, repeatedly reaffirming the guiding ideology of Marxism-Leninism in both its Party constitution and its Party program.

东欧剧变和苏联解体之后，美共更是注重从意识形态入手，反对各种“社会主义历史已经终结”“马克思主义已经死亡”的错误论点，澄清模糊认识，统一思想，坚持和捍卫了马克思列宁主义。进入21世纪以后，美共不管面临怎样的挫折与挑战，始终不改自己是以马克思列宁主义武装起来的无产阶级政党本色，无论在党的章程中还是在党的纲领中，都对马克思列宁主义的指导思想予以再次确认。

(D) At Critical Historical Junctures, It Is Necessary to Step Forward and Dare to Struggle

(四)在历史紧要关头，要站得出来和敢于斗争

In fact, at critical historical junctures, when various contradictions intertwine and overlap, the domestic and international situation is volatile, and risks and challenges are everywhere, it is highly possible that “one careless move may lose the whole game.” At such times, the courage, boldness, willpower, resolve, and character of Communists play a crucial role. An important historical experience of the American communist movement is that, in the face of various risks and challenges, especially at critical historical junctures, American Communists have been able to stand up, risk everything, and dare to struggle. This is also a key reason why the communist movement has been able to survive in a capitalist country as powerful as the United States, under extremely harsh conditions of struggle. For example, in response to Lovestone’s argument that capitalism was developing positively and that the sharpening of class struggle was hopeless, Foster regarded this as “American exceptionalism” that boosted the morale of others while deflating one’s own, a pessimistic view that underestimated the leftward turn of the masses and lacked a fighting perspective, which was detrimental to the effective development of the American communist movement. For another example, in response to Browder’s arguments about capitalism and socialism and their development prospects, Foster believed that Browder was excessively infatuated with capitalism and adopted a passive stance toward socialism, emphasizing that “as a socialist party, the Communist Party obviously cannot adopt only a passive attitude toward socialism.” The struggle against Gates was similar; Foster feared that Gates and others’ exposure and criticism of the CPUSA’s work errors would fall into the bourgeoisie’s trap and become accomplices of the bourgeoisie, “exaggerating” the Party’s errors and reducing its prestige, belittling the CPUSA and the socialist cause it led, thereby dealing a devastating blow to the American communist movement.

事实上，在历史紧要关头，各种矛盾交织叠加，国内国际形势风云变幻，风险挑战无处不在，极有可能会“一着不慎满盘皆输”。这时，共产党人的胆略、气魄、意志、定力、品格等就会起到至关重要的作用。美国共产主义运动的一条重要历史经验就是，面对各种风险挑战尤其在历史紧要关头，美国共产党人能够站得出来、豁得出去和敢于斗争，这也是共产主义运动能够在资本主义如此强大的美国且在斗争环境极为恶劣的条件下得以存续的重要原因。比如，针对洛夫斯东关于资本主义呈正向发展和阶级斗争尖锐化没有指望的分析，福斯特认为这是长别人志气和灭自己威风的“美国例外论”，是一种悲观论调，低估了群众的左转以及缺乏斗争的眼光，不利于美国共产主义运动的有效开展。再比如，针对白劳德关于资本主义和社会主义及其发展前景的论点，福斯特认为白劳德对资本主义过度迷恋而对社会主义采取了一种消极立场，强调“作为社会主义政党的共产党，对社会主义显然不能只抱着消极的态度。”与盖茨的斗争同样也是如此，福斯特担心盖茨等人对美共工作错误的揭批，会中了资产阶级的圈套和成为资产阶级的帮凶，“夸大”党的错误而降低党的威信，贬低美共及其领导的社会主义事业，进而对美国共产主义运动造成毁灭性打击。

Subsequent leaders of the CPUSA, whether facing the harsh environment of struggle in which the CPUSA operated, or at historical turning points when events in the international communist movement severely impacted the American communist movement, whether confronting internal revisionist crises or when external voices decrying, smearing, and attacking the communist movement were prevalent, were all able to speak for the Party and defend the Party, stand up and charge forward, displaying a fearless revolutionary spirit that overcomes all enemies and is not intimidated by them, and resolutely struggling against all words and deeds that harm the CPUSA and the communist movement. In the current situation where the contemporary world socialist movement is still in a low ebb, studying these models and summarizing these valuable experiences has important practical significance.

之后的美共领导人无论是面对美共所处的恶劣斗争环境，还是在国际共运事件对美国共产主义运动造成严重冲击的历史转折关头，无论是面对党内的修正主义危机，还是在党外唱衰、抹黑、攻击共产主义运动论调盛行之时，都能够在党言党、在党护党，站得出来、冲得上去，拿出战胜一切敌人且不被敌人所吓倒的大无畏革命气魄，与各种危害美共和共产主义运动的言行作坚决的斗争。在当代世界社会主义运动尚处在低潮期的情势下，学习这些典范和总结这些宝贵经验，具有重要现实意义。

II. Main Lessons of the American Communist Movement over the Past Century

二、百年来美国共产主义运动的主要教训

The century-long development of the American communist movement contains both valuable experiences and lessons worth drawing. Summarizing the historical lessons of the American communist movement helps to understand the reasons why “the American communist movement has stagnated” and also has important mirroring significance for the contemporary world socialist movement.

美国共产主义运动的百年发展历程，既有宝贵经验，也有值得吸取的教训。总结美国共产主义运动的历史教训，既有助于了解“美国共产主义运动为何停滞不前”的缘由，对当代世界社会主义运动也具有重要镜鉴意义。

(A) Repeated Errors of “Left” Sectarianism, Dogmatism, and Lack of Independence

(一)屡次出现“左倾”宗派主义、教条主义、缺乏独立自主等错误

In the history of the CPUSA, errors of “Left” sectarianism, dogmatism, and lack of independence intertwined and coexisted. Regarding the united front issue, the CPUSA overemphasized its own proletarian character while neglecting the possibility of uniting with other classes, progressive organizations, and political groups. For example, in the 1920s on the issue of forming the United Labor Party and in the 1940s on cooperation with the CIO, the CPUSA committed serious Left-sectarian errors. On the issue of integrating Marxism-Leninism with the actual conditions of the country, the CPUSA rigidly adhered to traditional conclusions of Marxist classical writers on class struggle, the dictatorship of the proletariat, etc., committing serious dogmatic errors. Serious “Left” sectarianism and dogmatism profoundly affected the CPUSA’s independence. For instance, after World War II, in analyzing the danger of war and domestic fascism, the CPUSA was deeply influenced by the Soviet Union’s assessment of the post-war situation, drawing unrealistic “Left” conclusions that the threat of war still existed and was unavoidable.

美共历史上，“左倾”宗派主义、教条主义、缺乏独立自主等错误交织叠加、相伴相生。关于统一战线的问题，美共过于强调自己的无产阶级特性而忽略了与其他阶级、进步组织、政治团体联合的可能性。比如，20世纪20年代美共在成立联合劳工党问题上以及20世纪40年代在与产联的合作问题上，均犯了严重的左倾宗派主义错误。在马克思列宁主义与本国实际相结合的问题上，美共固守马克思主义经典作家关于阶级斗争、无产阶级专政等传统定论，犯了严重的教条主义错误。严重的“左倾”宗派主义和教条主义深刻影响着美共的独立自主。比如，二战后，在对战争和国内法西斯危险的分析上，美共深受苏联关于战后形势判断的影响，得出了不符合实际的“左倾”结论，认为战争威胁依然存在且不可避免。

Under conditions where errors of “Left” sectarianism, dogmatism, and lack of independence were not corrected for a long time, many Party members began to doubt the CPUSA’s policies and its communist movement strategy, and gradually lost their socialist ideals and beliefs. Because of this, questions such as “Was the American communist movement a movement of Americans?”, “How were foreign ideas, strategies, and personalities shaping it?”, and “How did Stalinism, or even the original concepts of Leninism, shape Foster and the Communist Party USA?” are issues of particular concern to historians of the American communist movement.

在“左倾”宗派主义、教条主义、缺乏独立自主等错误长期得不到纠正的情况下，很多党员开始怀疑美共的政策及其共产主义运动策略，并且逐渐丧失了社会主义的理想信念。正因为如此，美国共产主义运动“是一场美国人的运动吗？”“外国的思想、战略和性格是如何塑造它的？”“斯大林主义，甚至是列宁主义的原始概念是如何塑造福斯特和美国共产党的？”等问题，是美国共产主义运动历史学家特别关注的问题。

(B) Overestimating the Radicalism of the American Working Class, with Demands on Party Members Long Out of Touch with American Reality

(二)高估美国工人阶级的激进性，对党员的要求长期脱离美国实际

The communist movement must proceed from the level of consciousness of the working class in its own country; it cannot be hasty and rash, otherwise it will only be counterproductive and achieve half the results with twice the effort. Historically, the CPUSA repeatedly overestimated the degree of radicalism of the working class, calling on the American working class to overthrow the rule of the bourgeoisie and establish the dictatorship of the proletariat. In the 1930s, during the outbreak of the economic crisis in the United States, Foster spoke loftily about the radicalism and combativeness of the American working class, calling for the establishment of an “American Soviet” government. After World War II, Foster even more spoke loftily about the decadence and incurability of capitalism, overestimating the class consciousness and socialist awareness of the working class. But the fact is that the American working class did not possess sufficient class consciousness and revolutionary ideas. In this regard, Engels once pointed out that American-born workers had a privileged and aristocratic character, calling it “a great obstacle in America.” In this regard, Foster also frankly admitted: “The majority of the American working class has long lacked socialist ideas,” and “they have not yet developed to the degree of class consciousness and socialist perspective common to workers in Europe and elsewhere.” Under these circumstances, the primary task of the CPUSA’s work should have been to strengthen education and guidance of the working class, raise its consciousness, and overcome the shortcomings of the working class ranks. Clearly, the American communist movement made the error of being hasty and rash on this point. As American left-wing historian Harvey Klehr pointed out, the reason for the CPUSA’s decline lies in: “The American communist movement emphasized the Party’s will above all else, making extraordinary demands on its members’ time, energy, and financial resources. Many people, including sympathizers of the movement, often could not meet these demands.”

共产主义运动必须从本国工人阶级的觉悟水平出发，不能急躁冒进，否则便只能是事与愿违、事倍功半。历史上，美共多次高估工人阶级的激进程度，号召美国工人阶级推翻资产阶级的统治，建立无产阶级专政。20世纪30年代，福斯特在美国爆发经济危机期间，高谈美国工人阶级的激进性和斗争性，呼吁建立“美国苏维埃”政府。二战后，福斯特更是高谈资本主义的腐朽性和不可救药性，高估工人阶级的阶级觉悟和社会主义意识。但事实是，美国的工人阶级并不具备充分的阶级意识和革命思想。对此，恩格斯曾指出美国出生的工人存在特权化和贵族化的现象并将其称之为“美国的一大障碍”。对此，福斯特也曾坦称：“美国工人阶级的大部分长期以来缺乏社会主义思想”，以及“他们尚未发展到为欧洲和别的地方的工人所共有的阶级觉悟和社会主义前景的程度”。在这种情况下，美共工作之首要，是应该加强对工人阶级的教育和引导，提高工人阶级的觉悟，克服工人阶级队伍的缺点。显然，美国共产主义运动在这一点上犯了急躁冒进的错误。正如美国左翼史学家哈维·克莱尔指出，美共衰落的原因在于：“美国共产主义运动强调党的意愿高于一切，对其成员的时间、精力、经济来源都做出了超常的要求。很多人包括对运动的同情者往往不能适应这一要求。”

(C) Continuous Factional Struggles within the Party, Weakening of Party Organizational Strength

(三)党内派别斗争不断，党组织力量弱化

In the more than one hundred years since its founding, the CPUSA has experienced multiple internal factional struggles. The most intense and representative ones include the following:

美共在成立的一百余年时间里，先后出现了多次党内派别斗争。最为激烈且具有代表性的有以下几次：

In the early 1920s, the struggle between the Foster faction and the Pepper faction. Pepper advocated for building a pure “class party” that must set its goal from the outset as “abolishing the wage slavery system, establishing a workers’ republic, and a collectivist system for the products of life.” Judging from the domestic situation in the United States at the time, launching a united front movement had a certain realistic basis and possibility, but establishing a labor party independent of the bourgeois two-party system did not achieve good results. Accordingly, the Foster faction accused Pepper’s policies of causing “heavy losses” to the Communists and leading to their isolation, not only hindering the Workers Party from becoming a mass Communist Party but also hindering its further development. After intense struggle, Pepper was removed from power and recalled to Moscow.

20世纪20年代早期，福斯特与佩帕尔派的斗争。佩帕尔主张建立一个纯粹的“阶级政党”，它必须从一开始就将其目标定为“取消工资奴役制，建立工人共和国以及生活产品集体主义制度”。从当时美国的国内形势来看，开展联合战线运动具有一定的现实基础和可能，但是建立独立于资产阶级两党制之外的劳工党并未取得良好效果。据此，福斯特派指责佩帕尔的政策对共产党人造成了“沉重损失”和导致了共产党人的孤立，不仅阻碍工人党成为群众性的共产党，而且也阻碍了它的进一步发展。经过激烈斗争，佩帕尔被解除权力且被调回莫斯科。

In 1929, the struggle between Foster and Lovestone. At this time, CPUSA leader Lovestone closely followed Bukharin’s thesis that “capitalism is in an ascending phase,” believing that “American capitalism still has considerable strength and resources to cope with the crisis and can withstand the specific impact of the crisis on the economy.” However, the Foster faction closely followed Stalin’s judgment and, based on phenomena such as the partial economic depression in the United States leading to some intensification of class contradictions, wage declines, and worker unemployment, vigorously refuted the Lovestone faction’s views, pointing out that the United States was highly likely to erupt into struggles of a revolutionary nature in the near future, and that the CPUSA should be prepared for this and promptly adopt a policy of “class against class.” The result was that the Foster faction won, and Lovestone and at least 200 of his members were expelled from the Party.

1929年，福斯特与洛夫斯东的斗争。此时，美共领导人洛夫斯东紧跟布哈林关于“资本主义处于上升阶段”的论断，认为“美国资本主义仍有较多力量和资源来应对危机，能够抵御住危机对经济的特定影响”。但是，福斯特派紧跟斯大林的判断，以及根据美国经济局部萧条导致阶级矛盾有所激化、工资下降、工人失业等现象，猛烈反驳洛夫斯东派的观点，指出美国在不久将来极有可能爆发带有革命性质的斗争，美共应该对此有所准备并及时采取“阶级对抗阶级”的政策。结果是，福斯特派胜利，洛夫斯东及其成员至少200人被开除出党。

In 1945, the struggle between Foster and Browder. With the changing situation on the Soviet-German front and the convening of the Tehran Conference, Browder made "bold" and "outrageous" statements on many issues, including the spirit of the Tehran Conference, the relationship between capitalism and socialism, American socialism, "free enterprise" and capitalism, the monopoly question, postwar class struggle, and the reorganization of the CPUSA. Accordingly, Foster actively encouraged all those who doubted the correctness of the Party line, and he missed no opportunity to criticize Browder's policies and expose their absurdity. After a fierce struggle, Browder was expelled from the Party.

1945年，福斯特与白劳德的斗争。随着苏德战场的形势变化以及德黑兰会议的召开，白劳德围绕着德黑兰会议精神、资本主义与社会主义的关系、美国社会主义、“自由企业”与资本主义、反垄断问题、战后阶级斗争问题、美共的改组问题等诸多方面发表了“大胆”和“出格”的言论。据此，福斯特积极鼓励所有那些对党的路线的正确性的怀疑，他不放过任何机会来批评白劳德的政策和揭露它的荒谬性。经过激烈斗争，白劳德被开除出党。

In 1956, in the face of the CPSU's criticism of the Stalin question and the outbreak of the Poznań and Hungarian events [19]19 The Poznań protests in June 1956 and the Hungarian Revolution of October-November 1956 were major crises for the Soviet bloc, leading to internal debates and splits within many Western communist parties., Foster had serious differences of opinion with the Gates faction and the Dennis faction, which evolved into intense factional struggles, plunging the CPUSA "into a destructive crisis lasting four years." It should be noted that this struggle was the most intense, the most breathtaking, and the most damaging inner-Party struggle in the history of the CPUSA, resulting in Gates leaving the Party and triggering a new wave of defections.

1956年，面对苏共对斯大林问题的批判以及波匈事件的爆发，福斯特与盖茨派、丹尼斯派产生严重意见分歧，并演化成了激烈的派性斗争，致使美共“陷入了一场长达四年的破坏性危机”。需要指出，这次斗争是美共历史上最为激烈、最为惊心动魄，也是对美共损伤最大的一次党内斗争，结果是盖茨退党并引发了新一波的退党浪潮。

The struggle between Hall and the opposition. In 1968, the CPUSA again had serious differences of opinion over the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, and Party members who disagreed with Hall left the Party one after another. In addition, in response to the ideological confusion, wavering of morale, and danger of organizational splits caused by the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe [20]20 The collapse of communist regimes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe between 1989 and 1991., Hall once again led the CPUSA in a fierce struggle against inner-Party splittist activities. Although Party unity was maintained, this further severely weakened the Party's strength.

霍尔与反对派的斗争。1968年，美共又围绕着苏军入侵捷克斯洛伐克事件发生了严重的意见分歧，与霍尔意见相左的党员纷纷退党。此外，针对苏东剧变所造成的党内思想混乱、人心动摇和组织分裂危险，霍尔再次领导美共与党内分裂活动展开了激烈斗争，虽然维护了党的统一，但是进一步严重削弱了党的力量。

It should be noted that after each struggle, many Party members were purged or voluntarily withdrew. The CPUSA's image was not only severely damaged, but its organizational strength was severely weakened, and its political influence among the American people continued to decline.

需要指出，每次斗争过后，都会有许多党员被清理出党或主动退党，美共的形象不仅严重受损，而且组织力量遭受严重削弱，在美国民众中的政治影响力也不断衰退。

(4) Failure to correctly understand American capitalism and its civilizational achievements

(四)未能正确认识美国资本主义及其文明成果

As an important stage in the development of human history, capitalism has useful experiences and civilizational achievements, and also possesses a relatively strong capacity for self-adjustment. Therefore, to establish a socialism with relative advantages over capitalism and ultimately defeat capitalism, it is necessary to correctly recognize capitalism's capacity for self-adjustment and to make full use of capitalism to develop socialism.

资本主义作为人类历史发展的重要阶段，有着有益的经验和文明成果，同时也具备较强的自我调节能力。因此，要建立比资本主义具有相对优势的社会主义，并最终战胜资本主义，就必须正确认识到资本主义的自我调节能力和充分利用资本主义来发展社会主义。

The CPUSA only saw the gap between rich and poor under capitalism, but failed to see that this poverty is relative, not absolute. It only saw that American capitalism had fallen into an incurable general crisis, but failed to see that American capitalism still has room for development, and failed to see that American capitalism would also adopt welfare and reformist policies at appropriate times to resolve crises and ease social contradictions. Consequently, it put forward many propositions out of touch with the objective situation, causing the American communist movement to encounter setbacks at every turn in American society. Politically, the CPUSA only saw the hypocrisy and drawbacks of the American two-party system, but failed to see the maturity of the American two-party system and its advantages in absorbing the platforms of other small parties for its own use and diluting the social influence of other small parties. It not only failed to effectively utilize the capitalist democratic system to exercise its legitimate rights, but also missed opportunities to win social sympathy and support. Culturally, it only saw the decadence and general crisis of American bourgeois culture, but failed to see the civilizational achievements created by American capitalism, thereby totally negating and fiercely criticizing bourgeois literature, psychology, philosophy, art, education, and so on.

美共只看到了资本主义存在贫富差距，却看不到这种贫困是相对意义上的，并不是绝对的，只看到了美国资本主义陷入了不可救药的总危机，但看不到美国资本主义尚有发展空间，看不到美国资本主义也会适时采取福利主义、改良主义的政策，以化解危机和缓和社会矛盾，因此提出了诸多与客观形势相脱节的主张，致使美国共产主义运动在美国社会处处碰壁。在政治上，美共只看到了美国两党制的虚伪和弊端，却看不到美国两党制的成熟以及在吸收其他小党的政纲为己所用和稀释其他小党社会影响力的优势，不仅未能有效利用资本主义民主制度行使自己的合法权利，而且错失了争取社会同情与支持的机会。在文化上，只看到美国资产阶级文化的腐朽和总危机，却看不到美国资本主义所创造的文明成果，从而将资产阶级的文学、心理学、哲学、艺术、教育等全盘否定和进行激烈批判。

(5) Failure to correctly handle the relationship between democracy and centralism

(五)未能正确处理民主与集中的关系

From its inception, the CPUSA adopted democratic centralism as the Party's organizational principle, but initially it placed more emphasis on centralism, resulting in insufficient democracy. There were two reasons for this: first, the harsh environment of struggle the Party faced required strict centralist discipline to ensure Party unity and combat effectiveness; second, it was a result of learning from the Bolshevik Party-building principles. At that time, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union not only promoted its own revolutionary path as a universal model to be applied by communist parties everywhere, but also demanded that these parties reorganize their organizational structures according to the Soviet model. Under these circumstances, the CPUSA began to Bolshevize its Party organization. On the one hand, this outcome was conducive to strengthening the Party's centralized and unified leadership, but on the other hand, it also produced "bureaucratic conceptions of Party organization, the leadership system, and the relationship between the Party and the masses." This bureaucratic conception not only "hindered Party members from fully and freely participating in discussions of policy and strategy" and "weakened inner-Party democracy," but also became "an insurmountable obstacle to the struggle of comrades in mass organizations against sectarian erroneous policies and strategies." Based on this, the 16th National Congress of the CPUSA adopted a series of measures concerning inner-Party democracy. However, Foster's successor, Hall, served as Chairman of the CPUSA for forty years, during most of which he closely followed the Soviet Union and lacked autonomy. Hall served as Chairman of the CPUSA for a long time until his death from illness in 2001, preventing the rejuvenation of the Party's leadership and even leading to the aging of the CPUSA from top to bottom. For example, in 1996, the average age of all CPUSA members had already reached 70 years old. The greatest drawback of life tenure or long-term tenure in office is the lack of innovation and vitality within the Party, leading to mediocrity and conservatism among subsequent leaders. After Hall, the CPUSA showed a tendency to weaken the principle of democratic centralism. The latest revision of the CPUSA constitution in 2014 actually lacked disciplinary provisions such as taking an oath of Party membership, never betraying the Party, paying Party dues on time, and participating in organizational life, merely emphasizing: "Every member should have an equal opportunity to participate in the collective analysis of the current political situation, to plan and carry out the work of the Party." "They should strive to participate in meetings of their Party club or other collective bodies, to improve their understanding of scientific socialism, to work for the Party's goals and policies, and to recruit new members into the Party's ranks. They should also support online and print distribution of Party materials." Clearly, the CPUSA's organizational life remains relatively loose, lacking strict organizational life regulations and basic systems. How to correctly understand and handle the relationship between democracy and centralism, making necessary modern transformations and adaptive adjustments according to the needs of the times while maintaining the Party's centralized unity and unity of action, is a practical issue that the CPUSA must face and urgently resolve.

美共自成立伊始便将民主集中制作为党的组织原则，但起初更侧重集中而导致民主不够。之所以如此，原因有二：一是党所处的恶劣斗争环境需要实行严格的集中制纪律，以保证党的团结性和战斗力；二是学习布尔什维克党建党原则的结果。当时，苏联共产党不仅将自己的革命道路作为放之四海皆准的模式向各国共产党推行，而且要求各国共产党按照苏联共产党的模式，重组党的组织结构。这种情况下，美共开始实现党组织的布尔什维克化。这样做的结果一方面有利于加强党的集中统一领导，但另一方面也产生了“党组织、领导制度以及党和群众的关系的官僚主义的观念”。这种官僚主义观念不仅“妨碍了党员充分地、自由地参加政策和策略的讨论”，“削弱了党内民主”，而且成为“群众组织中的同志们反对宗派主义错误政策和策略的斗争的不可克服的障碍”。基于此，美共十六大围绕党内民主采取了一系列的举措。但是，福斯特的后继者，霍尔担任美共主席长达四十年，其中大部分时间紧跟苏联、缺乏自主性。霍尔长期担任美共主席直到2001年病逝，不能使党的领导年轻化，甚至导致美共从上到下的老龄化。如1996年美共整体党员的平均年龄已经高达70岁。职务终身制或长期制的最大弊端，就是党内缺乏创新和活力，导致后继领导者的平庸和守旧。霍尔之后美共出现了弱化民主集中制原则的倾向。2014年美共最新修订的党章居然没有入党宣誓、永不叛党、按时交党费、过组织生活等纪律性规定，只是强调：“每一个党员都应有平等的机会参与对当前政治局势的集体分析，计划和执行党的工作。”“应当努力参加党的俱乐部或者其他集体的会议，提高对科学社会主义的理解，为党的目标和政策而努力，争取新成员加入党的行列。他们还应支持在线和分发印刷的政党材料。”显然，美共的组织生活仍然较为松散，缺乏严格的组织生活规定和基本制度。如何正确认识和处理好民主与集中的关系，既根据时代需要作出必要的现代化转型和适应性调整，又维护党的集中统一和行动一致，是美共必须面对且亟待解决的现实问题。

III. Contemporary Implications of a Century of the American Communist Movement

三、百年来美国共产主义运动的当代启示

Reviewing the century-long history of the American communist movement is precisely to draw important implications for the contemporary world socialist movement on the basis of sorting out experiences and summarizing lessons.

回顾百年美国共产主义运动史，正是为了在梳理经验和总结教训的基础上，得出有益于当代世界社会主义运动的重要启示。

(1) The relationship between the general trend of historical development and the concrete situation must be correctly handled.

(一)要正确处理历史发展大势与现实形势之间的关系

Whether one can correctly understand the relationship between the general trend of historical development and the actual situation not only concerns the formulation of long-term strategic goals but also inevitably influences the choice of tactical struggles in reality. From the perspective of the general trend of historical development, the inevitable replacement of capitalism by socialism is both a rigorous and precise argument and a scientific conclusion proven by historical practice. However, the problem is that the inevitable replacement of capitalism by socialism does not mean that capitalism will disappear on its own in a short period. Therefore, for communists in various countries, while adhering to the thesis of the "two inevitables" is important, more often the issue is how to correctly understand the specific situation faced in socialist practice. It must be understood that, as an important supplement to the "two inevitables," Marx put forward the important thesis of the "two noes" in the Preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy. This tells us that while adhering to the "two inevitables," we must also fully recognize that the replacement of capitalism by socialism will inevitably undergo a tortuous and long historical process; otherwise, it is very easy to detach from the actual conditions of one's own country, act rashly and overzealously, and ultimately achieve nothing. In this regard, Foster and other American communists failed to correctly understand and handle this issue, stubbornly adhering to Lenin's thesis that capitalism is decadent and moribund, so that many of the tactical struggles they proposed were divorced from the concrete reality of the United States, resulting in the objective fact that the American communist movement became increasingly isolated. Although U.S. capitalism has experienced several crises, and the American people have at times shown relatively strong radical sentiments, this does not fully prove that the capacity of U.S. capitalist relations of production to accommodate the productive forces has been exhausted, nor can it deny the possibility that U.S. capitalism can recover its vitality through self-reform. In fact, after World War II, U.S. capitalism was not only moribund but not dead, decadent but not rotten; on the contrary, it radiated new vitality and vigor with the third wave of the scientific and technological revolution in the 1970s and 1980s. Under such circumstances, if the general trend of historical development is still equated with the actual situation of development, it will inevitably lead to the proposal of many tactical struggles that transcend the stage of historical development, attempting to realize the historical inevitability of the "victory of socialism" prematurely, and in practice, errors will inevitably occur frequently. Therefore, for communist parties in developed capitalist countries, the main task is not to achieve victory in the socialist revolution in a short period, but to strengthen confidence that capitalism will inevitably be replaced by socialism, while at the same time formulating effective tactical struggles based on an accurate assessment of the specific situation. For communist parties in socialist countries, it is necessary to fully recognize that the important thesis of the "two inevitables" by Marx and Engels has not become outdated, because this is the irreversible general trend of human historical development, but "we must deeply understand the self-adjustment capacity of capitalist society, fully estimate the objective reality that Western developed countries have long occupied a dominant position in economy, science and technology, and military affairs, and earnestly make all preparations for the long-term cooperation and struggle between the two social systems." [21]21 Quotation from Xi Jinping's remarks on correctly understanding the long-term coexistence and struggle between the two social systems.

能否正确认识历史发展大势和现实形势之间的关系，既关乎远期战略目标的制定，也必然影响现实斗争策略的抉择。从历史发展大势看，资本主义必然被社会主义所取代既是一个严丝合缝的精密论证，也是被历史实践所证明了的科学论断。但问题是，资本主义必然被社会主义所取代，并不意味着资本主义会在短时期内自行消亡。因此，对于各国共产党人来说，坚守“两个必然”的论断固然重要，但更多时候是如何正确认识在社会主义实践中所面对的具体形势。须知，作为“两个必然”的重要补充，马克思在《〈政治经济学批判〉序言》里提出了“两个决不会”的重要论断。这告诉我们，在坚守“两个必然”的同时，还要充分认识资本主义被社会主义所取代必然要经历一个曲折的、长期的历史过程，否则就极容易脱离本国实际，轻敌冒进，最终徒劳无功。对此，福斯特等美国共产党人未能正确认识和处理好该问题，固守列宁关于资本主义是腐朽的、垂死的论断，以致提出的诸多斗争策略脱离美国具体实际，造成了美国共产主义运动越发孤立的客观事实。虽然美国资本主义历经数次危机，美国民众也一度表现出较为强烈的激进情绪，但这都不能完全说明美国资本主义生产关系对生产力的容纳能力已经释放殆尽，更不能否认美国资本主义有通过自我改革而得以恢复元气的可能性。事实上，二战后的美国资本主义不但垂而不死、腐而不朽，反而随着20世纪70、80年代的第三次科技革命浪潮而焕发出了新的生机和活力。这种情况下，如果还是将历史发展大势与现实发展形势等同起来对待，就势必会提出诸多超越历史发展阶段的斗争策略，试图提前实现“社会主义胜利”这一历史必然性，在实践中也难免会错误频出。因此，对于发达资本主义国家的共产党来说，最主要的不是在短时间内取得社会主义革命的胜利，而是要坚定资本主义必然被社会主义所取代的信心，同时在对具体形势作出准确研判的基础上制定出行之有效的斗争策略。对于社会主义国家的共产党而言，要充分认识到马克思、恩格斯关于“两个必然”的重要论断并没有过时，因为这是人类历史发展不可逆转的总趋势，但“要深刻认识资本主义社会的自我调节能力，充分估计到西方发达国家在经济科技军事方面长期占据优势的客观现实，认真做好两种社会制度长期合作和斗争的各方面准备”。

(2) Marxism must neither be applied dogmatically nor weakened for the sake of indigenization

(二)既不能教条式运用马克思主义，也不能为了本土化而削弱马克思主义

Historical experience proves that Marxism must be integrated with the concrete reality of one's own country, and the indigenization of the communist movement must be achieved, exploring a socialist path with national characteristics. The CPUSA failed to proceed well from the concrete reality of its own country, failed to flexibly apply Marxism to solve the many difficulties encountered in practice, and instead stubbornly adhered to traditional Marxist-Leninist conclusions, tailoring American political reality to fit them. This problem is concentratedly reflected in the CPUSA's several struggles against the "American exceptionalism" within the party. Of course, "American exceptionalism" is essentially a theory exaggerated by bourgeois theorists, emphasizing that socialism is incompatible with the United States itself, carrying great one-sidedness and political deception. This theory aims to induce and incite hostility and hatred among the American people toward the CPUSA and the communist movement, and the CPUSA is fully justified in criticizing its errors. But this does not mean that there is no need to use the Marxist stance, viewpoint, and method to study the specific characteristics of American politics, economy, society, and culture. As a highly developed capitalist country, the United States indeed has characteristics different from other capitalist countries. Therefore, the CPUSA needs to proceed from these specificities, creatively apply Marxism, and explore a socialist path with national characteristics, achieving the indigenization of the communist movement. Here, Marxism must absolutely not be understood dogmatically, nor can traditional Marxist-Leninist conclusions be used to tailor concrete reality by picking out phrases and sentences. But on the other hand, one must also avoid falling into the theoretical trap of "characteristics," and must not weaken or negate Marxism for the sake of promoting the nationalization of the communist movement. Although U.S. capitalism has characteristics different from other capitalist countries, this does not mean that the United States is "exceptional" to the universal laws of capitalism. In this regard, when Marx and Engels discussed the particularities of U.S. capitalism, they also pointed out that the United States is equally constrained by the general laws of capitalist development. Therefore, the fundamental error of Lovestone and Browder may not lie in their attempt to explore an American-style socialist path, nor in their new interpretations of Marxism-Leninism, but in their excessive obsession with and promotion of "American exceptionalism," which beautified U.S. capitalism and bourgeois democracy, and even declared the abandonment of the Marxist-Leninist theory of class struggle. In this way, they went from one extreme to another, inevitably causing serious negative impacts on the American communist movement, which is also the main reason Foster rose up to oppose them. Therefore, whether for communist parties in capitalist countries or for communist parties in socialist countries, on the one hand, Marxism must be creatively applied according to the actual conditions of one's own country, achieving an effective integration of Marxist theory with concrete practice; on the other hand, Marxism must be unswervingly upheld, and the general principles of Marxism must not be neglected or abandoned for the blind pursuit of "characteristics" and "indigenization."

历史经验证明：必须坚持马克思主义与本国具体实际相结合，必须实现共产主义运动的本土化，探索具有本国特色的社会主义道路。美共未能很好地从本国具体实际出发，未能活学活用马克思主义来解决实践中所遇到的诸多难题，反而固守马克思列宁主义传统定论，裁剪美国政治现实。这个问题集中反映在美共反对党内“美国例外论”的几次斗争上。当然， “美国例外论”本质上是资产阶级理论家们夸大美国的特点，强调社会主义与美国本土所不容，带有很大的片面性和政治欺骗性。这种论点意在诱导和煽动美国民众对美国共产党及共产主义运动的敌意和仇视，美共完全有批判该论点错误之处的必要。但这并不意味着就不需要运用马克思主义立场、观点和方法研究美国政治、经济、社会、文化的具体特点了。作为高度发达的资本主义国家，美国的确具有不同于其他资本主义国家的特点。因此，美共需要从这些特殊性出发，创造性地运用马克思主义和探索具有本国特色的社会主义道路，实现共产主义运动的本土化。这里绝不能教条式理解马克思主义、更不能寻章摘句地用马克思列宁主义的传统定论来裁剪具体现实。但另一方面，也必须避免陷入“特色论”的理论陷阱，切莫为了推动共产主义运动本国化而削弱或否定马克思主义。虽然美国资本主义具有不同于其他资本主义国家的地方，但这并不意味着美国“例外”于资本主义普遍规律之外。对此，马克思、恩格斯在论述美国资本主义特殊性的时候，同时也指明美国同样受到资本主义一般发展规律的制约。因此，洛夫斯东和白劳德的根本错误或许并不在于尝试探索美国式社会主义道路，也并不在于对马克思列宁主义作出新的阐释，而是在于对“美国例外”的过度迷恋和推崇，美化了美国资本主义和资产阶级民主，甚至扬言要放弃马克思列宁主义的阶级斗争理论。如此，便从一个极端走向了另一个极端，势必对美国共产主义运动造成严重的负面影响，这也是福斯特奋起抗之的主要缘由。因此，不管是对资本主义国家的共产党来说，还是对社会主义国家的共产党来说，一方面要根据本国实际创造性地运用马克思主义，实现马克思主义理论与具体实践的有效结合，另一方面要坚定不移地坚持马克思主义，不能为了盲目追求“特色”和“本土化”而忽略和放弃马克思主义的一般原则。

(3) The experience of other parties must not be copied mechanically; one must adhere to independence and self-reliance in taking one's own path

(三)不能照搬照抄别国党经验，要坚持独立自主走自己的路

In the international communist movement, mutual exchange, mutual learning, and mutual improvement among communist parties of various countries are beyond reproach. But the problem is that the highly centralized political system of the communist world at that time gradually led to Moscow's directives replacing the independent thinking of communist parties in various countries and their autonomous exploration of their own socialist paths. And the communist parties of various countries were also willing to enjoy the benefits, taking it for granted that the Soviet socialist path was universally applicable, and one after another began to take the "Russian road," copying the experience of the Soviet Union. Similarly, in its practical activities, the CPUSA copied the experience of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, losing its independence and autonomy. In this regard, both the "old school" and the "new school" of American historiography, when studying the American communist movement, have pointed out to varying degrees the problem of the CPUSA obeying Moscow and serving Moscow's policies. This is also why so many Americans believe that the American communist movement is an "un-American" "imported product," or that the CPUSA is an agent of the Soviet Union in the United States and a tool for promoting the communist movement. Therefore, whether one can independently explore a socialist path based on the specific national conditions of one's own country, rather than on the experience and conclusions of other parties, is a problem that communist parties in various countries must solve in practice. As Comrade Xi Jinping pointed out: "To adhere to independence and self-reliance, we must insist that China's affairs must be decided and handled by the Chinese people themselves. There is no universally applicable concrete development model in the world, nor is there a fixed development path. The diversity of historical conditions determines the diversity of the development paths chosen by various countries. In human history, no nation or country has achieved strength and revitalization by relying on external forces or by following in the footsteps of others. The result of doing so is either inevitable failure or inevitable subordination to others." [22]22 Quotation from Xi Jinping's speech on adhering to the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics, emphasizing independence and self-reliance.

在国际共产主义运动中，各国共产党相互交流、相互学习、相互提高是无可指摘的。但问题在于，当时共产主义世界高度集中的政治体制，最终导致莫斯科的指令逐渐代替了各国共产党的独立思考和对本国社会主义道路的自主探索。而各国共产党也愿意乐享其成，想当然认为苏联社会主义道路放之四海而皆准，纷纷开始走上了“俄国人的路”，照搬照抄俄国的经验。同样，美共在实践活动中，照搬照抄苏联共产党的经验，丧失了独立自主性。对此，不管是美国的“旧史学派”，还是“新史学派”，在研究美国共产主义运动的时候都不同程度地指出了美共听命于莫斯科、为莫斯科政策服务的问题。这也是为何会有那么多的美国人认为美国共产主义运动是“非美”的“舶来品”，或认为美共是苏联在美国的代理人和推行共产主义运动的工具。因此，能否独立自主从本国具体国情出发而不是从别国党的经验和结论出发探索社会主义道路，是各国共产党在实践中必须要解决好的问题。诚如习近平同志所指出：“坚持独立自主，就要坚持中国的事情必须由中国人民自己作主张、自己来处理。世界上没有放之四海而皆准的具体发展模式，也没有一成不变的发展道路。历史条件的多样性，决定了各国选择发展道路的多样性。人类历史上，没有一个民族、没有一个国家可以通过依赖外部力量、跟在他人后面亦步亦趋实现强大和振兴。那样做的结果，不是必然遭遇失败，就是必然成为他人的附庸。”

(Author's bio: Li Dongming, Associate Professor and Master's Supervisor, School of Marxism, Guangxi Normal University, Doctor of Law)

（作者简介：李东明，广西师范大学马克思主义学院副教授，硕士导师，法学博士）

Online editor: Tongxin

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