The Origins and Evolution of Egyptian Marxist Historiography in the 20th Century

As a historiographical development with a naturally global dimension, Egyptian Marxist historiography was successively influenced by Western socialist thought, classical Marxism, and the adaptation of Marxism to the Chinese context. Viewed through the lens of intergenerational transmission within historiography, Egyptian Marxist historiography both continued the traditional method of class analysis and made new theoretical attempts on the basis of early Marxist historiographical thought, putting forward views such as “dependency theory” and “pseudo-Islam,” which exerted a profound influence on the development of global Marxist historiography. Since the 20th century, Chinese Marxist historiographical research has mainly taken the West and socialist countries as its objects of study. Due to obstacles in the collation of Arabic historical sources, research on Egyptian Marxist historiography has been virtually absent; existing studies have mainly focused on the history of the communist movement in Egypt. International academic circles have examined Egyptian Marxist historiography primarily from three levels—historical, philosophical, and practical. Although these works possess considerable academic value, they suffer from problems such as insufficient systematic research and ideological bias. Therefore, a systematic study of Egyptian Marxist historiography is not only beneficial to the development of Chinese research on the history of Middle Eastern historiography but also helps to examine the development of global Marxist historiography. This article employs historical materialism to examine the developmental脉络 of Egyptian Marxist historiography, and through the study of Arabic-language documents, it sorts out the origins and transformations of Egyptian Marxist historiography.

作为一种天然具有全球面相的史学发展，埃及马克思主义史学发展先后受到西方的社会主义思潮、经典马克思主义和马克思主义中国化的影响。从史学的代际传承来看，埃及马克思主义史学既延续了传统的阶级分析法，又在早期马克思主义史学思想的基础上做了新的理论尝试，提出了“依附论”与“伪伊斯兰”等观点，对全球马克思主义史学发展产生了深远影响。20世纪以来，中国的马克思主义史学研究主要以西方和社会主义国家为研究对象，由于在阿拉伯文史籍整理方面存在障碍，有关埃及马克思主义史学的研究付之阙如，已有研究主要集中在埃及共产主义发展史方面。国外学术界主要从历史、哲学和实践三个层面对埃及马克思主义史学进行考察，这些著作尽管具有较高的学术价值，但存在系统性研究不足和意识形态偏见等问题。因此，系统研究埃及马克思主义史学不仅对中国中东史学史研究的发展有所裨益，同时也有助于考察全球马克思主义史学的发展。本文以唯物史观考察埃及马克思主义史学的发展脉络，通过对阿拉伯语文献的研读，梳理埃及马克思主义史学的起源与嬗变。

I. Theoretical Origins of Egyptian Marxist Historiography

一、埃及马克思主义史学的理论溯源

Marxist historiography developed not only amid extremely harsh political struggles but also matured through the critique of various bourgeois academic trends, such as speculative philosophy of history and historicist historiography. The emergence of Egyptian Marxist historiography was based on the widespread dissemination of socialist thought in Egypt, a process that lasted nearly a century from the early 19th century to the October Revolution. Utopian socialism, Fabian socialism, and national socialism provided the soil for the emergence of Egyptian Marxist historiography and laid the theoretical foundation for the birth of the Egyptian Communist Party. Marxist historiography involves not only historical compilation but also the unity of empirical verification and theoretical thought. Therefore, the birth of Egyptian Marxist historiography was often accompanied by the historical mission of anti-imperialism and anti-feudalism. From the perspective of theoretical origins, Egyptian Marxist historiography was successively influenced by Western socialism, classical Marxism, and the adaptation of Marxism to the Chinese context, ultimately forming a distinctive school of Marxist historiography in the Middle East.

马克思主义史学不仅是在极端严酷的政治斗争中发展起来的，也是在批判思辨的历史哲学和历史主义的历史编纂学等种种资产阶级学术思潮的基础上日益成熟的。埃及马克思主义史学的产生以社会主义思潮在埃及的广泛传播为基础，时间从19世纪初至十月革命持续了近一个世纪。空想社会主义、费边社会主义、民族社会主义思潮为埃及马克思主义史学的产生提供了生存土壤，为埃及共产党的诞生奠定了理论基础。马克思主义史学不仅涉及历史编纂，而且是经验实证与理论思维的统一。因此，埃及马克思主义史学的诞生往往也伴随着反帝反封建的历史使命。从理论溯源的视角看，埃及马克思主义史学先后受到西方社会主义、经典马克思主义和马克思主义中国化的影响，并最终形成了颇具特色的中东马克思主义史学流派。

First, Egyptian Marxist historiography sprouted from Western socialist theory. The Enlightenment thinker Rifa‘a al-Tahtawi came to France in 1824 as the imam accompanying Egypt’s first delegation of student representatives. Influenced by Saint-Simonian utopian socialist thought, he translated the French Constitution into Arabic and propagated the idea of a democratic social system to the Egyptian people. In his book *The Path of the Mind in Modern Ethics*, he further divided society into three parts—industry, agriculture, and commerce—and focused on introducing the concept of “public welfare,” becoming the first person to spread socialist thought in the Arab countries. He systematically studied the theories of French Enlightenment thinkers and was deeply influenced by Montesquieu’s ideas, advocating for the protection of national resources, the development of national industry and commerce, and women’s liberation. In addition to his theoretical contributions, al-Tahtawi also introduced journalism to Egypt, founding Egypt’s first Arabic-language newspaper, *Al-Waqa’i‘ al-Misriyya* (Egyptian Events), which paved the way for the later rise of the Egyptian Marxist publishing industry.

首先，埃及马克思主义史学萌芽于西方社会主义理论。启蒙思想家里法阿·塔哈塔维于1824年作为埃及首个留学生代表团的随团教长来到法国，在圣西门空想社会主义思想的影响下将法国宪法翻译成阿拉伯语，向埃及民众宣传民主的社会制度。他在《现代伦理关照下的文明心路》一书中，进一步划分工业、农业、商业三个部分，着重介绍了社会的“公共福利”思想，成为阿拉伯国家传播社会主义思潮的第一人。他系统研究了法国启蒙运动思想家的学说，并深受孟德斯鸠的思想影响，主张保护国家资源、发展民族工商业、妇女解放。除理论贡献外，塔哈塔维还将新闻业引入埃及，创立埃及第一份阿拉伯语报刊《埃及时事报》，为日后埃及马克思主义出版业的崛起铺平了道路。

With the development of Egyptian socialism and the further growth of the working class, the famous Egyptian historian and founder of the Egyptian Socialist Party, Salama Musa, moved from utopian socialism toward gradual socialism, namely Fabian socialism. Salama initially came into contact with Marx’s and communist ideas under the influence of Voltaire’s historical views, and later joined the Intellectual Society and the Fabian Society in England. His intellectual sources and theoretical inheritance came mainly from the humanism of George Bernard Shaw and Darwin’s theory of evolution. In 1913, he published the first socialist pamphlet written in Arabic, *Socialism*, aiming to enlighten public consciousness, clarify the essence of socialism, and make Arabs understand the goals of European and American socialists and the positive role they played in legislation. The spread of Western socialist theory gradually developed into an intellectual enlightenment movement directed at all classes in Egypt, ultimately contributing to the establishment of the Egyptian Communist Party and the rise of the national liberation movement.

随着埃及社会主义的发展与工人阶级的进一步壮大，埃及著名史学家、埃及社会党创始人萨拉马·穆萨由空想社会主义进一步走向渐进社会主义，即费边社会主义。萨拉马最初在伏尔泰历史观的影响下开始接触马克思和共产主义思想，后在英国加入知识分子学会和费边社，其思想来源与理论传承主要来自萧伯纳的人文主义和达尔文的进化论。1913年，他出版首部用阿拉伯语书写的社会主义宣传册《社会主义》, 旨在启发公众意识，阐明社会主义本质，使阿拉伯人了解欧美社会主义者的奋斗目标及其在立法中所起的积极作用。西方社会主义理论的传播逐渐发展成面向埃及各个阶级的一场思想启蒙运动，最终促成了埃及共产党的建立与民族解放运动的兴起。

Second, Egyptian Marxist historiography was born out of classical Marxist theory. Following the same trajectory as global Marxist historiography, Egyptian Marxist historiography also originated from the translation and introduction of classical works. In 1939, the Egyptian communist activist Henri Curiel founded the French-language weekly *Don Quichotte* in Cairo, using classical Marxist theory to discuss Egyptian social problems. Subsequently, in 1943, he established an organization called the “Egyptian National Liberation Movement,” which initiated a “Green Book Series” publishing campaign with the aim of translating and introducing classical Marxist works. In cooperation with experts from the Arabic Language Academy, the movement set up a Translation Bureau for the National Liberation Movement. During the tenure of the Egyptian Marxist historian Fawzi Girgis as its director, the Translation Bureau published a large number of high-quality translations, such as the Arabic edition of *Capital* by the Egyptian economist Rashid al-Barawi and *The Socialist Interpretation of History: Selected Works of Engels*. With the construction of the classical Marxist theoretical system, Egyptian scholars gradually turned to the interpretation of classical Marxist texts, such as the works of the Egyptian Communist Party member and economics professor Isma‘il Sabri, *Reading Karl Marx’s Capital* and *On the Necessity of a Socialist Program*.

其次，埃及马克思主义史学脱胎于经典马克思主义理论。与全球马克思主义史学的发展轨迹相同，埃及马克思主义史学也缘起于经典译介。1939年，埃及共产主义活动家亨利·库里尔在开罗创办法语周刊《堂·吉诃德》，运用经典马克思主义理论探讨埃及的社会问题，此后他于1943年建立了名为“埃及民族解放运动”的组织，该组织以译介马克思主义经典论著为宗旨发起了“绿皮书系列”出版运动，并与阿拉伯语言学院的专家合作设立了民族解放运动翻译局。埃及马克思主义史学家法乌齐·吉尔吉斯任负责人期间，翻译局出版了大批高质量的翻译作品，如埃及经济学家拉希德·伯拉维的阿拉伯文版《资本论》与《社会主义对历史的解释：恩格斯选集》。随着经典马克思主义理论体系的构建，埃及学者逐步转向对马克思主义经典文本的解读，如埃及共产党员、经济学教授伊斯玛仪·萨布里的《读卡尔·马克思的资本论》与《论社会主义方案的必要性》。

From the perspective of intergenerational transmission within Marxist historiography, the historian Rif‘at al-Sa‘id was the first Egyptian scholar to systematically study the history of the communist movement in the German Democratic Republic. He obtained doctoral degrees from the University of Leipzig and the University of Berlin, receiving systematic training in classical Marxist theory. After returning to Egypt, Rif‘at joined Henri Curiel’s Egyptian National Liberation Movement and was consequently imprisoned for 15 years. He used materialism to sort out the development process of Marxism in Egypt, successively publishing works such as *A History of the Communist Movement in Egypt*, *A History of the Development of Leftist Organizations in Egypt*, *Leftist Publications in Egypt*, and *The Egyptian Left and the Palestine Question*. Rif‘at emphasized the important historical role of the Egyptian Communist Party in promoting Egypt’s independence process and pointed out that an examination of the Egyptian leftist press would reveal the internal logic and core issues of its Marxist theoretical development. Through long-term recording, selection, and revision, he compiled the relevant documents of the Egyptian leftist press into a collection, which became an important reference for Egyptian Marxist historiographical research.

从马克思主义史学的代际传承来看，史学家里夫阿特·萨义德是首位在民主德国系统学习共产主义运动史的埃及学者，他先后取得德国莱比锡大学和柏林大学的博士学位，受到了经典马克思主义理论的系统化训练。里夫阿特回国后加入亨利·库里尔的埃及民族解放运动并因此入狱15年。他运用唯物主义梳理了马克思主义在埃及的发展过程，先后出版《埃及共产主义运动史》《埃及左翼组织发展史》《埃及的左翼刊物》《埃及左翼与巴勒斯坦问题》等著作。里夫阿特强调埃及共产党在促进埃及独立进程中的重要历史作用，并指出对埃及左翼报业的考察将揭示其马克思主义理论发展的内在逻辑与核心问题。他经过长时间的记录、筛选、修订，将埃及左翼报业的相关文献汇编成册，成为埃及马克思主义史学研究的重要参考。

Finally, the adaptation of Marxism to the Chinese context expanded the academic field of Egyptian Marxist historiography, accumulating intellectual vitality for its development and intergenerational transmission. As a component of global Marxist historiography, Chinese Marxist historiography, following the success of the New Democratic Revolution, exerted an important influence on world Marxist historiography, making valuable explorations and significant contributions, especially in applying materialist principles to solve theoretical problems in the discipline of history. In addition to classical Marxist works, the Translation Bureau of the Egyptian National Liberation Movement translated Mao Zedong’s works such as *On the Ten Major Relationships*, *On New Democracy*, *On Practice*, and *On Contradiction* into Arabic, and sold them in Henri Curiel’s private bookstore called “The Position.” The successful practice of adapting Marxism to the Chinese context led an increasing number of Egyptian Marxist historians to recognize methods of historical explanation beyond the Soviet model and the Western model, with the Egyptian economist and neo-Marxist historian Samir Amin being the most representative.

最后，马克思主义中国化拓展了埃及马克思主义史学的学术领域，为其发展与代际传承积蓄了思想活力。作为全球马克思主义史学的组成部分，中国马克思主义史学伴随着新民主主义革命的成功对世界马克思主义史学产生了重要影响，特别是在运用唯物主义原理解决历史学科的理论方面，作出了可贵的探索与重大贡献。除经典马克思主义论著外，埃及民族解放运动翻译局将毛泽东的《论十大关系》《新民主主义论》《实践论》《矛盾论》等著作译成阿拉伯文，并在亨利·库里尔名为“阵地”的私人书店中销售。马克思主义中国化的成功实践使越来越多的埃及马克思主义史学家认识到除苏联模式和西方模式之外的历史解释方法，其中以埃及经济学家、新马克思主义史学家萨米尔·阿明最具代表性。

In the course of his research on the Arab countries, East Asia and Africa, Amin discovered that Western national historiography theory was not fully applicable to the historical development of these regions. He systematically examined the history of Marxist development in France, the Soviet Union and China, and proposed that studying the adaptation of Marxism to the Chinese context was the essential task for interpreting the Chinese model. In *The Long Revolution of the Global South: Toward a New Anti-Imperialist International*, he pointed out that the principle of socialist public ownership of land was the root of all China’s achievements. In 1984, Amin published *Mao Zedong Thought and Revisionism*, which sorted out the developmental characteristics of Chinese Marxism at each stage, used the method of historical comparative research to systematically examine the Chinese model, the Soviet model and the Third World model, and concluded: “Through a historical analysis of the Chinese development model, we can see that Chinese Marxism drew a clear line with revisionism from the very beginning; the theoretical source of this socialist model is Mao Zedong’s *On the Ten Major Relationships*.” The development of Amin’s economic theory and historiographical thought reflects the stage-specific characteristics of Egyptian Marxist historiography.

阿明在研究阿拉伯国家、东亚和非洲问题的过程中发现，西方的民族史学理论并不完全适用于这些地区的历史发展。他系统考察了法国、苏联和中国的马克思主义发展史，提出研究马克思主义中国化是解读中国模式的题中要义。他在《全球南方的长期革命：迈向新的反帝国主义国际》中指出，社会主义土地公有制原则是中国取得一切成果的根源。1984年，阿明出版《毛泽东思想与修正主义》，梳理了中国马克思主义各阶段的发展特征，运用历史比较研究法对中国模式、苏联模式、第三世界模式进行系统考察，并得出结论：“通过对中国发展模式的历史分析，我们可以看到中国马克思主义在最初就与修正主义划清了界限，这种社会主义模式的理论来源是毛泽东的《论十大关系》。”阿明经济学理论与史学思想的发展反映了埃及马克思主义史学的阶段性特征。

II. The Egyptian Communist Movement and the Early Development of Marxist Historiography

二、埃及共产主义运动与马克思主义史学的早期发展

From the October Revolution in Russia in 1917 to the July Revolution in Egypt in 1952, this period constituted the early developmental stage of Egyptian Marxist historiography. Its emergence and development were mutually reinforcing with the Egyptian communist movement. The October Revolution inspired the Egyptian lower classes and further intensified the contradictions between Egypt and the British colonial authorities. Between 1921 and 1922, a total of 81 strikes broke out in 50 Egyptian factories. Owing to the close interactive relationship between Marxist theory and the Arab national revolution, the Lebanese historian Wajih al-Kawtharani defined Arab Marxist historiography as “revolutionary historiography,” that is, a historiographical paradigm that combines with nationalist currents, takes historical determinism and dialectical materialism as its main thread, takes class struggle in history as its foundation, and uses Marxist theory to examine history, politics, culture and economic development.

从1917年俄国十月革命到1952年埃及七月革命，这段时间是埃及马克思主义史学的早期发展阶段，它的发生和发展与埃及共产主义运动相辅相成。十月革命的爆发鼓舞了埃及底层人民，使埃及与英国殖民当局之间的矛盾进一步加剧。1921—1922年，埃及50个工厂共爆发了81次罢工活动。由于马克思主义理论与阿拉伯民族革命间的密切互动关系，黎巴嫩史学家瓦吉赫·考塞拉尼将阿拉伯马克思主义史学定义为“革命史学”，即与民族主义思潮结合，以历史决定论和唯物辩证法为主线，以历史上的阶级斗争为基础，运用马克思主义理论对历史、政治、文化和经济发展进行考察的史学范式。

As for its external causes, the two world wars shattered the old international order, and the new international order closely linked the developmental trajectories of various countries, enabling Marxism to spread rapidly from Europe to the Arab region. As for its internal causes, the development of Marxist historiography in Egypt was closely related to its internal revolutionary demands for anti-colonialism and anti-feudalism. Marxist historiography opened a door for interpreting Egypt’s economic history, social history and political history. Egyptian historians explored the way out of the dilemmas of democracy, development and national transformation experienced by Egypt’s political forces by analyzing international issues, feudal ownership and the factors hindering the development of national capitalism. As internal and external conditions gradually matured, Egyptian Marxist historiography developed progressively, manifesting the following characteristics.

究其外因，两次世界大战打破了原有的国际秩序，新的国际秩序使各国的发展轨迹紧密联系，使马克思主义迅速从欧洲传播到阿拉伯地区。究其内因，马克思主义史学在埃及的发展与其内部反殖民反封建的革命诉求息息相关。马克思主义史学为解读埃及的经济史、社会史和政治史开启了一扇门，埃及史学家通过分析国际问题、封建所有制和阻碍民族资本主义发展的因素，探索埃及政治力量所经历的民主、发展与民族变革困境的出路。随着内部和外部条件的不断成熟，埃及的马克思主义史学逐渐发展，彰显出以下几个特征。

First, left-wing newspapers and periodicals became the main arena for the practice of Marxist historiography in Egypt. In order to enable loose trade union organizations to exert greater political influence in parliament, Egyptian intellectual elites established the Socialist Party in 1921, renaming it the Egyptian Communist Party the following year. The establishment of the Egyptian Communist Party led to a multiplication of Egyptian Marxist political and cultural groups and left-wing publishing houses. The three most influential organizations were: the “Egyptian National Liberation Movement” founded by Henri Curiel, the “Sparks Party” founded by Hillel Schwartz, and the “People’s Liberation Organization” led by Mas’ar al-Sarisi. Thereafter, left-wing newspapers and periodicals in Egypt sprang up like bamboo shoots after a spring rain, and their scope and content became more diverse. Examples include *The New Dawn* under the “20th Century Publishing House,” the “Scientific Research Publishing House” under the Sparks Party, and *Socialism* of the Young Egypt Party. The rise of left-wing publishing houses provided a practical platform for the development of Egyptian Marxist historiography. Different left-wing publications also had certain differences in public image, historiographical thought and political stance. Conflicts and debates among historiographical schools further promoted the development of the Egyptian Marxist historical school.

第一，左翼报刊成为埃及马克思主义治史实践的主要阵地。为了使松散的工会组织在议会中发挥更大的政治影响力，埃及知识分子精英在1921年建立社会党，并于次年更名为埃及共产党。埃及共产党的建立使埃及马克思主义政治文化团体和左翼出版社数量倍增，其中影响力较大的三个组织分别是：亨利·库里尔创立的“埃及民族解放运动”、希勒尔·施瓦茨创立的“星火党”和马萨尔·塞里希领导的“人民解放组织”。此后，埃及的左翼报刊如雨后春笋般发展起来，所涉及的范围和内容也更加多样化，例如“20世纪出版社”旗下的《新黎明》、星火党下属的“科研出版社”和青年埃及党的《社会主义》等。左翼出版社的崛起为埃及马克思主义史学的发展提供了实践平台，不同左翼刊物在公众形象、史学思想和政治立场上也有一定分歧，史学流派的冲突与论战也进一步促进了埃及马克思主义历史学派的发展。

Second, emphasis was placed on using Marxist political economy principles to examine historical driving forces. After the Second World War, sociology and economics jointly promoted the formation and development of socio-economic history research, advancing the development of Marxist historiography, which took “social and economic” factors as its breakthrough point and focused on studying issues of human social history and historical change. Ahmad Rushdi Salih was the first historian to use Marxist thought to explain modern Egyptian history. He successively published works such as *Cromer in Egypt*, *American Colonialism in the Middle East*, and *The Suez Canal*. He pointed out that the influx of large amounts of foreign financial capital subjected Egypt to the capital market and European politics, enabling Britain to colonize Egypt and establish its own monopoly system. In addition to the interpretation of colonialism, Rashid al-Barrawi also demonstrated in *The Modern Economic History of Egypt* a belief in Marx’s proposition that “the social productivity of labor is, above all, the power of science,” emphasizing that science and technology were the main force shaping Egyptian history; only by following the programs of top-down planning, collectivization and large-scale industrialization could national development be guaranteed.

第二，注重运用马克思主义政治经济学原理考察历史动因。第二次世界大战后，社会学与经济学共同促进了社会经济史研究的形成与发展，推动了以“社会和经济”因素为突破口，以关注人类社会历史问题与历史变迁研究为己任的马克思主义史学的发展。艾哈迈德·鲁什迪·萨利赫是首位运用马克思主义思想解释埃及当代史的史学家，他先后出版《埃及的克罗默》《中东的美国殖民主义》《苏伊士运河》等著作。他指出，大量外国金融资本的涌入使埃及受制于资本市场和欧洲政治，英国借此殖民埃及并建立了自己的垄断体系。除对殖民主义的解读外，拉希德·伯拉维还在《现代埃及经济史》中体现出对马克思“社会劳动生产力，首先是科学的力量”的信仰，强调科学技术是塑造埃及历史的主要力量；只有遵循上层制定的计划、集体化和大规模工业化的纲领才能保证国家的发展。

Third, an Egyptian Marxist view of history began to take initial shape. The 1940s were a golden period for the development of Egyptian Marxism, represented by the historian Fu’ad Mursi. In his early years, Mursi established the Marxist study group “Alexandria Vanguard” and founded the newspaper *The People’s Banner*, demonstrating a strong materialist spirit. In 1949, in his book *Capitalist Development and Class Struggle in Egypt*, he took historical materialism as his starting point and emphasized that Egyptian history since 1798 was a precise embodiment of the principles of “dialectical materialism.” Mursi summarized the reasons for the further intensification of class struggle in Egypt after the Second World War: the growth of domestic industry in Egypt and the expansion of the working class; the bourgeoisie having more opportunities to exploit the working people; the widening gap between prices and workers’ wage levels; the improvement of workers’ organizations and the development of their bargaining power; and the further spread of liberal and class ideologies.

第三，初步形成埃及马克思主义史观。20世纪40年代是埃及马克思主义发展的黄金时期，代表人物是史学家福阿德·穆尔西。穆尔西早年曾建立马克思主义研讨会“亚历山大先锋队”并创办报刊《人民的旗帜》，表现出强烈的唯物主义精神。1949年，他在《埃及的资本主义发展与阶级斗争》一书中以历史唯物主义为出发点，强调了自1798年以来的埃及历史都是“辩证唯物主义”原则的精确体现。穆尔西总结了埃及的阶级斗争在第二次世界大战后进一步加剧的原因，即埃及国内工业的增长和工人阶级的壮大；资产阶级拥有更多剥削劳动人民的机会；物价与工人工资水平之间的差距不断拉大；工人组织的完善与谈判力量的发展；自由主义与阶级思想的传播进一步扩大。

The “constitutional experiment” implemented in Egypt from 1923 to 1952 objectively promoted freedom of speech, thereby enabling Egyptian Marxist historiography to undergo a qualitative change from non-existence to existence during this period. However, it did not develop into a prairie fire in Egypt. As a nascent ideology, it mainly faced dual suppression from religious and political forces. In the religious sphere, the atheistic propositions of Marxism harmed the vital interests of Egypt’s Ulama group. Egypt’s Grand Mufti, Muhammad Bakhit al-Muti’i (1856–1935), issued a religious decree in August 1919, strongly condemning the threat of Bolshevism to religious belief. In the political sphere, Egypt’s nationalist revolution was essentially a bourgeois reform movement, aimed at seeking the survival and development of the national bourgeoisie; therefore, it could not represent the interests of the vast majority of the proletariat. The rulers declared that establishing communist parties and organizations in Egypt would harm Egypt’s cause of national independence. This action restricted the development and growth of the communist movement and Marxist historiography in Egypt. Their politically marginalized position led Egyptian Marxists to make the publishing field their main arena of struggle, and Egyptian Marxist historiography gradually grew stronger.

埃及在1923—1952年实行的“宪政实验”客观上推动了言论自由，从而使埃及马克思主义史学在这一时期产生了从无到有的质变，但它并没有在埃及形成燎原之势。作为一种新生的思想，它主要面临来自宗教与政治势力的双重打压。在宗教领域，马克思主义的无神论主张损害了埃及乌莱玛集团的切身利益，埃及大穆夫提穆罕默德·伯希特·穆蒂仪（1856—1935年）在1919年8月发布了一道宗教命令，强烈谴责布尔什维克主义对宗教信仰的威胁。在政治领域，埃及的民族主义革命实质上是一场资产阶级改良运动，目的在于寻求民族资产阶级的生存和发展，因此，并不能代表大多数无产阶级的利益。统治者宣称，在埃及建立共产主义政党和组织，将会对埃及的民族独立事业构成损害。此举限制了共产主义运动和马克思主义史学在埃及的发展壮大，政治上的边缘地位使埃及马克思主义者将出版领域作为斗争的主要阵地，埃及马克思主义史学逐步壮大。

III. Professionalization and Prosperity: Egyptian Marxist Historiography during the Nasser Period

三、专业化与繁荣：纳赛尔时期的埃及马克思主义史学

After the July Revolution of 1952, and especially after Egyptian President Nasser proclaimed the implementation of “democratic, cooperative socialism” in the early 1960s, a powerful new trend emerged in Egyptian historiography: socio-economic issues became the focus of discussion and debate, and Egyptian Marxist historiography entered a period of comprehensive development under this backdrop. The flourishing of Egyptian Marxist historiography during the Nasser era can be attributed to several factors. First, during its developmental period, Egyptian Marxist historiography completed its theoretical construction. Egyptian historians Morsi and Rushdi used the principle of “the contradictory movement of the two fundamental laws” to explain that “historical development is the result of the interaction between productive forces and relations of production, which inevitably leads to changes in politics and the superstructure.” Second, the “1964 Constitution” provided a legal basis for Egyptian Marxist historiography. This constitution stipulated that Egypt was a democratic state “based on the power of the working people” and that its economic system was a “socialist system.” Nasserism, characterized by “popular control of the means of production,” “planned economy,” “class struggle,” and “secularism,” spread rapidly in Egypt. Finally, relatively relaxed domestic policies made the development of Egyptian Marxist historiography possible. Because Nasser emphasized the endogenous nature of his propositions, the academic research environment concerning socialist theory improved markedly compared with the parliamentary period and the period of British occupation. At the same time, the Nasser government’s socialist reforms and the nationalization of the Suez Canal gave Egyptian Marxists new hope, and their attitude toward the authorities shifted from confrontation to support and selective cooperation.

1952年七月革命后，尤其是20世纪60年代初埃及总统纳赛尔宣布实行“民主、合作的社会主义”后，埃及史学界出现了一种强有力的新风尚：社会经济问题成为人们探讨、争论的焦点，埃及马克思主义史学在这一背景下迎来了全面发展时期。埃及马克思主义史学在纳赛尔时期走向繁荣，主要有以下几方面原因。首先，埃及马克思主义史学在发展期完成了理论的构建。埃及史学家穆尔西和鲁什迪使用“两大基本规律的矛盾运动”原理阐释了“历史的发展是生产力和生产关系相互作用的结果，这就必然导致政治和上层建筑的变化”。其次，“1964年宪法”为埃及马克思主义史学提供了合法性依据。该宪法规定：埃及是“以劳动人民力量”为基础的民主国家，其经济制度是“社会主义制度”。以“人民控制生产资料”“计划经济”“阶级斗争”“世俗主义”为表征的纳赛尔主义在埃及迅速传播。最后，相对宽松的国内政策为埃及马克思主义史学的发展提供了可能。由于纳赛尔强调其主张的内源性，涉及社会主义理论的学术研究环境较议会和英国占领时期有了明显改观。同时，纳赛尔政府的社会主义改革与苏伊士运河的国有化给予了埃及马克思主义者新的希望，他们对当局的态度从对抗转向支持与选择性合作。

The Marxist historiography of this period reflected a reconciliation between Egyptian communists and state power; Egyptian Marxist historians attempted to integrate themselves into nationalist historical writing by blurring differences. This was followed by a second peak in the development of left-wing publishing houses, among which “Nadim Publishing House” and “Egyptian Media Publishing House” were the most active. In addition, Nasser ordered the founding of *Al-Masaa* (The Evening), which devoted nearly half its pages to Marxist research, covering analyses of and solutions for the transformation of Egyptian society. In the 1960s, as Third World countries gained independence one after another, Egyptian Marxists saw the methodological value inherent in Marxist theory, which promoted problem-oriented practical application and produced a series of historical works aimed at influencing the political process. During this period, analysis of the past and critique of the present were fused into a new trend in historical research, opening a new phase in Egyptian Marxist historiography, manifested mainly in the following four aspects.

这一时期的马克思主义史学体现了埃及共产党人和国家政权之间的和解，埃及马克思主义史学家试图用模糊分歧的方式将自己融入民族主义的历史书写之中。随之而来的是第二次左翼出版社的发展高峰，其中以“纳迪姆出版社”和“埃及传媒出版社”最为活跃。此外，纳赛尔还下令创办《晚报》，用将近二分之一的版面刊登马克思主义研究，内容涉及埃及社会的转型分析和解决方案。20世纪60年代第三世界国家纷纷独立，埃及马克思主义者看到了马克思主义理论蕴含的方法论价值，促进了以问题为导向的实践应用，产生了一系列旨在影响政治进程的历史著作。在这一时期，对过去的分析和对现实的批判被融合成一种新的史学研究趋势，开启了埃及马克思主义史学新阶段，主要表现在以下四个方面。

First, emphasis on the integration of Marxist historiography and nationalism. Ibrahim Amer was the first Egyptian historian to use Marxist theory to explain the national movement; he advocated making Marxism the state ideology and using materialist explanations of Egypt’s nationalist revolution in history textbooks. In his book *The Egyptian National Revolution: 1919–1952*, he combined nationalist and socialist theory, used historical materialism to elucidate the general laws of revolution, and pointed out that the task of socialism was to break the link between capital, colonialism, and traitors, and to form a united front with the common people and nationalism. In 1958, Egypt and Syria formed the United Arab Republic; the Central Political Bureau issued a statement written by Egyptian Marxist thinkers Mahmoud Amin al-Alim and Abd al-Azim Anis. Drawing on Stalin’s *Marxism and the National Question*, they demonstrated the legitimacy of the republic from the aspects of language, territory, economy, and culture, thereby weakening the divergence between nationalism and Marxism.

第一，注重马克思主义史学与民族主义的融合。易卜拉欣·阿米尔是埃及首位运用马克思主义理论解释民族运动的史学家，他主张将马克思主义作为国家意识形态，在历史教科书中使用唯物论解释埃及的民族主义革命。在《埃及民族革命：1919—1952年》一书中，他将民族主义和社会主义理论相结合，运用历史唯物主义理论阐明了革命的一般规律，指出社会主义的任务就是打破资本、殖民主义和卖国者之间的联系，与平民阶级和民族主义结成统一战线。1958年，埃及和叙利亚组成阿拉伯联合共和国，中央政治局发表了由埃及马克思主义思想家马哈茂德·阿里姆与阿卜杜·阿齐姆·艾尼斯撰写的声明，他们依据斯大林的《马克思主义与民族问题》，从语言、地域、经济、文化几个方面论证了共和国的合法性，弱化了民族主义与马克思主义之间的分歧。

Second, emphasis on a holistic view of history through structural analysis. Egyptian Marxist historiography of this period stressed the importance of structural analysis for understanding the historical process, focusing on how foreign domination, exploitation, and capitalist structures affected Egypt’s socio-economic development and political configuration. Fawzi Girgis proposed studying Egypt’s entire socio-economic structure and its relationship with power politics from its origins, which aroused interest in the Egyptian historical community regarding the characteristics, laws, and nature of political development. In his book *A Political History of Egypt: From the Mamluk Era*, he discussed in detail how the upper bourgeoisie, large landowners, and capitalists frustrated the Egyptian proletarian revolution. Starting from issues such as living standards, income distribution, class formation, social justice, and political structure, he refuted the debate over Egypt’s modernization in the nineteenth century, pointing out that the industrialization of Egypt under Muhammad Ali was fragile and superficial, designed to maintain Egypt’s feudal autocratic social structure and to maximize the satisfaction of capitalist interests.

第二，注重结构分析的整体历史观。这一时期的埃及马克思主义史学强调结构分析对理解历史进程的重要性，着重分析外国统治、剥削和资本主义结构如何影响埃及的社会经济发展和政治格局。法乌齐·吉尔吉斯提出，从源头开始研究埃及的整个社会经济结构及其与强权政治的关系，引起埃及史学界对政治发展特征、规律和性质的研究兴趣。他在《埃及政治史：从马穆鲁克时代起》中详细论述了上层资产阶级、大地主和资本家是怎样挫败埃及无产阶级革命的，并从生活水平、收入分配、阶级形成、社会正义、政治结构等问题入手，驳斥了19世纪埃及现代化的争论，指出穆罕默德·阿里领导下的埃及工业化是脆弱的和浮于表面的，是为了维持埃及的封建专制社会结构，最大限度地满足资本主义的利益诉求。

Third, emphasis on the historiographical practice of the theory of scientific socialism. With the spread of the theory of scientific socialism in Egypt, Egyptian Marxist historians gradually took the nature, conditions, and objectives of the proletarian liberation movement as their main objects of investigation. In his book *The Development of the Egyptian National Movement*, Shuhdi Atiya al-Shafi‘i combined nationalist narrative with a Marxist interpretation of Egyptian society, enumerated the roles played by Egyptian workers and peasants in the revolution, and analyzed the key factors that prevented the revolution from achieving success. He established important conceptual links between workers’ organizations, legislation, representation, poverty, taxation, and workers’ rights, encouraged readers to choose between capitalism and socialism, and called on the government to eliminate monopolies by expanding the public sector and implementing central planning, thereby demonstrating the dialectical unity of the theory, movement, and social system of scientific socialism.

第三，注重科学社会主义理论的史学实践。随着科学社会主义理论在埃及的传播，埃及马克思主义史学家逐步将无产阶级解放运动的性质、条件和目的作为考察的主要对象。舒赫迪·阿蒂叶·沙菲仪在《埃及民族运动的发展》一书中，将民族主义叙事与对埃及社会的马克思主义解读相结合，列举了埃及工人和农民在革命中所起的作用，并分析了阻碍革命取得成功的关键性因素。他在工人组织、立法、代表、贫穷、税收和工人权益之间建立了重要的概念联系，鼓励读者在资本主义和社会主义之间做出选择，并呼吁政府通过扩大公共部门和实施中央计划来消除垄断，论证了科学社会主义理论、运动和社会制度三者之间的辩证统一关系。

Fourth, the gradual establishment of a “system of historical science.” The achievements of Egyptian Marxist historiography during the Nasser period were inseparable from the standardization of historical writing. On April 1, 1963, the Marxist historian Muhammad Anis published a signed article in *Al-Ahram* entitled “Our National Heritage,” in which he pointed out the importance of historical archives as a national heritage, thereby sparking a broad historiographical movement that enabled professionally trained historians to use official historical archives for research. He also prompted Egypt to enact an archive protection law, effectively preventing the outflow of Egyptian historical archives. To facilitate scholars’ access to materials, Anis also established the “Center for Contemporary Egyptian History,” aimed at collecting and preserving Egyptian historical archives.

第四，逐步建立“历史科学的系统”。埃及马克思主义史学之所以能在纳赛尔时期取得这样的成就，与历史书写的规范化密不可分。马克思主义史学家穆罕默德·艾尼斯于1963年4月1日在《金字塔报》发表署名文章《我们的民族遗产》，指出历史档案作为民族遗产的重要性，从而掀起了一场广泛的史学运动，使受过专业训练的史学家能够使用官方历史档案进行研究。他还促使埃及颁布了档案保护法，有效地防止了埃及历史档案的外流。为方便学者查找资料，艾尼斯还建立了旨在收集和保护埃及历史档案的“当代埃及历史中心”。

The need to rewrite the history of the people is a typical need of all post-colonial and post-revolutionary societies, especially for a country like Egypt that had thrown off the burden of foreign domination and bankrupt regimes. Against this backdrop, the development of Egyptian Marxist historiography reached its peak during the Nasser period. Marxist theory was widely applied to historical writing with different academic interests, such as Muhammad Ahmad Anis’s social history of Egypt, Ahmad Izzat Abd al-Karim’s history of Egyptian education, Shuhdi Atiya al-Shafi‘i’s nationalist historiography, Fawzi Girgis’s political history of Egypt, Ahmad Sadiq Saad’s economic history of Egypt, and Ghali Shukri’s intellectual history of Egypt.

重写人民历史的需求是所有后殖民和后革命社会的典型需求, 尤其是对于像埃及这样摆脱了外来统治和政权破产负担的国家。在这一背景下，埃及马克思主义史学的发展在纳赛尔时期达到顶峰，马克思主义理论被广泛应用于不同学术旨趣的历史书写，如穆罕默德·艾哈迈德·艾尼斯的埃及社会史、艾哈迈德·伊扎特·阿卜杜勒·卡里姆的埃及教育史、舒赫迪·阿蒂叶·沙菲仪的民族主义史学、法乌齐·吉尔吉斯的埃及政治史、艾哈迈德·萨迪克·萨阿德的埃及经济史、加利·舒克里的埃及思想史等。

IV. Indigenization and Innovation: Egyptian Marxist Historiography after the Open Door Policy

四、本土化与创新：开放政策后的埃及马克思主义史学

With the end of the Nasser era, his successor Sadat announced a “corrective movement,” and Egypt began to exhibit features of liberalization in political life and de-nationalization in economic policy. The urban bourgeoisie in Egypt expanded rapidly, with the bureaucratic bourgeoisie occupying a dominant position; “the limited benefits that peasants had obtained from the tenancy law during the Nasser era ceased to exist in the Sadat and Mubarak eras.” [11]11 The “corrective movement” (حركة تصحيح) refers to President Anwar Sadat’s policy shift after 1971, which reversed many of Gamal Abdel Nasser’s socialist and pan-Arab policies, moving toward economic liberalization (infitah) and a closer alliance with the United States. Apart from the policy shift, the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the resurgence of the Muslim Brotherhood (hereinafter “the Brotherhood”) also exerted a certain negative ideological influence on the development of Egyptian Marxist historiography during this period. Nevertheless, after the 1970s, many Marxist historians still produced works of considerable reference value. Egyptian Marxist historiography in the post-Nasser period achieved major breakthroughs in theory and made some progress in opposing religious extremism.

随着纳赛尔时代的终结，继任者萨达特宣布发动“纠偏运动”，埃及开始呈现政治生活自由化和经济政策非国有化的特征。埃及城市资产阶级骤然壮大，官僚资产阶级居统治地位，“农民在纳赛尔时代从租佃法获得的有限利益，至萨达特和穆巴拉克时代不复存在”。除了政策的转变，苏联解体与穆斯林兄弟会（以下简称“穆兄会”）势力的复苏也在意识形态上给这一时期的埃及马克思主义史学的发展带来了一定的消极影响。但是，20世纪70年代后，仍然有许多马克思主义史学家留下了具有较高参考价值的作品，后纳赛尔时期的埃及马克思主义史学在理论方面实现了重大突破，并且在反对宗教极端主义方面取得了一定进展。

First, in terms of research methods, it enriched and developed Marxist political economy. Egypt’s open-door economic policy was basically formed in the mid-1970s. Sadat formally promulgated Law No. 43 of 1974, “Concerning Arab and Foreign Investment and Free Zones.” Globalization gradually highlighted the drawbacks of capitalist economic crises and the unequal development of the international economy. In the same year, Egyptian Marxist economist Samir Amin published *Unequal Development*. Building on Marx’s theory of class, Lenin’s theory of imperialism, developmentalism, and Frank’s theory of colonial capitalism, he proposed “dependency theory,” which became a powerful explanatory tool for examining the historical development of Third World countries. He placed great emphasis on studying oceanic trade and its role in the economy, thereby securing a place for reflections on the nature of the state and the development of Eastern societies within the study of Arab history.

第一，在研究方法上，丰富并发展了马克思主义政治经济学。埃及的经济开放政策于20世纪70年代中期基本形成，萨达特于1974年正式颁布《关于阿拉伯与外国投资和自由区》的第43号法令，全球化使资本主义经济危机与国际经济不平等发展的弊端逐步凸显。同年，埃及马克思主义经济学家萨米尔·阿明出版《不平等的发展》，在继承马克思阶级论、列宁帝国主义论、发展主义、弗兰克殖民地资本主义论的基础上提出“依附理论”，成为考察第三世界国家历史发展的有力解释工具。他重视考察远洋贸易及其对经济的作用，使对国家性质和东方社会发展的思考占据了阿拉伯历史研究的一席之地。

Beyond economics, Amin also attached great importance to the guiding significance of class analysis and historical materialism in research, arguing that socialism is the only way for humanity to eliminate capitalist exploitation. He pointed out that the Soviet model was only suitable for European historical writing, and that Egyptian historiography should break free from this predicament and seek a Marxist historiographical paradigm applicable to Asia, Africa, and especially Arab countries. In *The Law of Value and Historical Materialism*, Amin proposed that historical materialism is not only the essence of Marxism but also the theoretical root of the economic laws of capitalism. The interaction between dialectical unity, class struggle, and economic laws plays an important role in examining pre-capitalist social formations. To better explain the role of the superstructure and consciousness, he also incorporated Weberian concepts into the Marxist theory of social stratification.

除经济学外，阿明还十分重视阶级分析和历史唯物主义在研究中的指导意义，认为社会主义是人类消除资本主义剥削的唯一途径。他指出，苏联模式只适合欧洲的历史书写，埃及史学应摆脱这种困境，并寻找一种适用于亚洲、非洲，特别是阿拉伯国家的马克思主义史学范式。阿明在《价值规律与历史唯物主义》中提出，历史唯物主义不仅是马克思主义的精髓，也是资本主义经济规律的理论根源，由辩证统一、阶级斗争和经济规律之间相互作用，对考察前资本主义时期的社会形态具有重要的作用。为更好地解释上层建筑和意识的作用，他还在马克思主义的社会分层理论中融入了韦伯的概念。

Second, in terms of research content, the focus shifted from deconstructing “capitalism” to criticizing “religious extremism.” Before the 1970s, the dominant ideologies in Egyptian society were secular nationalism and socialism. However, with the intensification of the Cold War and the Arab-Israeli conflict, more and more Egyptian scholars turned to Islam for answers to national rejuvenation. Egypt’s disastrous defeat in the 1967 Six-Day War [12]12 The 1967 Six-Day War was a brief but decisive conflict between Israel and the Arab states of Egypt, Jordan, and Syria, resulting in a major Arab defeat and Israel’s occupation of the Sinai Peninsula, the Golan Heights, the West Bank, and Gaza. led to the rise of Islamic revivalism in Egypt, which gradually moved from opposing communist ideology to aligning with political Islam. Anti-extremism began to emerge as a front-line concern in Egyptian Marxist historiography. In 1977, Khaled Mohieddin, chairman of the Egyptian National Progressive Unionist Party, published *Religion and Socialism*, which explored the relationships among religion, socialism, and Marxism, refuted the charge of atheism, and, drawing on the history of the Egyptian national movement, elucidated the inevitability of Muslims and Christians using Marxist methods to wage struggles against oppression.

第二，在研究内容上，从解构“资本主义”转向批判“宗教极端主义”。20世纪70年代之前，占埃及社会主流的意识形态是世俗的民族主义和社会主义，但随着冷战和阿以矛盾的加剧，越来越多的埃及学者回到伊斯兰教中寻找民族复兴的答案。1967年第三次中东战争中埃及惨败，伊斯兰复兴主义开始在埃及兴起，并从反对共产主义思想逐步走向政治伊斯兰的阵营，反极端主义开始成为埃及马克思主义史学的前沿阵线。埃及民族进步统一集团党主席哈利德·毛希丁于1977年出版《宗教与社会主义》，探讨了宗教、社会主义和马克思主义之间的关系，驳斥了无神论威胁说，并结合埃及民族运动史阐明了穆斯林和基督徒运用马克思主义方法开展反压迫斗争的必然性。

With the globalization of religious extremism and terrorism, Egyptian Marxist historian Rifaat al-Said, building on the work of Mohieddin, the founder of the Egyptian National Progressive Unionist Party, redefined the boundaries between religion and politics, criticized the anti-communist tendency within Islam, and further demonstrated the necessity for Arab countries to use Marxism to solve development problems. In 1996, Rifaat al-Said formally proposed the doctrine of “pseudo-Islam” (al-Ta’aslim), defining those who hold this view as “pseudo-Islamic terrorists.” In his book *Against Pseudo-Islam*, Rifaat denied the legitimacy of political Islam, pointed to the Brotherhood as the main cause of the Egyptian left’s withdrawal from the political arena, and argued that religiously based restoration of ancient ways is unsuited to modern society. This doctrine had a profound impact on the development of Marxist historiographical theory in Egypt and the entire Middle East, and it is still widely used today in interpreting the politicization of Islam.

随着宗教极端和恐怖主义的全球化演进，埃及马克思主义史学家里夫阿特·萨义德在埃及民族进步统一集团党创始人毛希丁的基础上重新界定宗教与政治的范畴，批判了伊斯兰的反共倾向，并进一步论证阿拉伯国家运用马克思主义解决发展问题的必要性。里夫阿特·萨义德于1996年正式提出“伪伊斯兰”（al-Ta’aslim）学说，将持有该主张的人定义为“伪伊斯兰恐怖分子”。在《反对伪伊斯兰》一书中，里夫阿特否认政治伊斯兰的合法性，指出穆兄会是造成埃及左翼退出政坛的主要原因，宗教性的托古改制并不适合现代社会。该学说对埃及乃至整个中东地区的马克思主义史学理论发展产生了深远的影响，至今依然被广泛应用于对伊斯兰政治化问题的解读中。

Third, in terms of research impact, Marxist historiography promoted the development of the women’s liberation movement in Egypt. Egyptian Marxist historiography had a positive influence on the women’s liberation movement. It revealed the historical and material conditions shaping the situation of Egyptian women and examined the historical changes in women’s social and economic status under the capitalist mode of production. During this period, a number of outstanding female Marxist historians emerged, such as Elva Saleh, a member of the Egyptian Communist Workers’ Party and a historian. She translated Tony Cliff’s *Class Struggle and Women’s Liberation* into Arabic and published it. In her memoir *The Premature Child*, she summarized the historical problems of the Egyptian Marxist movement in the 1970s, pointing out structural problems within Egyptian communist organizations and criticizing the rationalist pretenses of party leaders, who prioritized publishing activities over the necessity of political struggle, ultimately leading to defeat.

第三，在研究影响上，马克思主义史学促进了埃及妇女解放运动的发展。埃及马克思主义史学对妇女解放运动产生了积极的影响，它揭示了形成埃及妇女处境的历史和物质条件，考察了资本主义生产方式中女性社会和经济地位的历史变迁。这一时期涌现出一批优秀的女性马克思主义史学家，如埃及共产工人党党员、史学家爱尔娃·萨利赫，她将托尼·克利夫的《阶级斗争和妇女解放》译成阿拉伯文出版。在其回忆录《早产儿》中，她总结了20世纪70年代埃及马克思主义运动的历史性问题，指出埃及共产主义组织内部存在结构问题，并批评政党领导人的理性主义伪装，将出版活动置于优先地位而忽视政治斗争的必要性，从而导致最终的败局。

Egyptian Marxist women historians focused on using class analysis to explore the interactive relationship between gender and power, analyzing the marginalization of Egyptian women in areas such as the family, education, and work. In *The Egyptian Female Working Class: Origins, Development, Struggle*, Amina Shafiq traced the emergence and development of the Egyptian female working class, emphasizing that achieving true women’s liberation requires a comprehensive transformation of society. She argued that advocating gender equality within the existing capitalist system is insufficient and called for a socialist revolution to fundamentally challenge the structures of class exploitation and gender oppression. Furthermore, Egyptian Marxist historiography also exhibited a strong “humanistic concern.” Egyptian Marxist Mohamed Sayed Said founded the Egyptian Human Rights Association and published *Against Female Genital Mutilation*, which promoted the legislative process for abolishing this practice at the governmental level in Egypt.

埃及马克思主义女性史学家注重运用阶级分析法探讨性别和权力本质的互动关系，分析埃及女性在家庭、教育、工作等领域的边缘化困境。爱米娜·沙菲克在《埃及女性工人阶级：起源、发展、斗争》中梳理了埃及女性工人阶级的产生和发展，强调要实现真正的妇女解放，需要对社会进行全面改造。她认为，仅在现有资本主义制度下倡导性别平等是不够的，呼吁开展社会主义革命，从根本上挑战阶级剥削和性别压迫的结构。此外，埃及马克思主义史学还表现出强烈的“人文关怀”，埃及马克思主义者穆罕默德·萨义德·萨阿德创建了埃及人权协会并出版《反对女性割礼》，促进了埃及从政府层面废除这一陋习的立法进程。

Looking at the historiographical context of this period, Islamic thought gradually became the mainstream ideology in Egyptian society. To distance himself from the socialist development model, Sadat used the Brotherhood to suppress leftist elements, and Islamic forces expanded rapidly in Egypt. This situation persisted until the mid-1990s, when Mubarak began to crack down on Islamic forces and brought it under control. At the same time, influenced by global Marxist trends and the rise of the New Left, Egyptian Marxist historiography expanded its research scope from class struggle to fields such as gender and culture, achieving certain theoretical innovations. Although the development of Egyptian Marxist historiography after the 1970s encountered both internal and external constraints, it remained active in the Egyptian media, interacting with global Marxist historiography and demonstrating a strong historiographical vitality.

从这一时期的治史背景来看，伊斯兰思潮逐步成为埃及社会的主流意识形态。为了与社会主义发展模式划清界限，萨达特通过穆兄会打压左翼分子，伊斯兰势力迅速在埃及扩张，该境况一直持续到20世纪90年代中期穆巴拉克着手打击伊斯兰势力才得以控制。与此同时，受全球马克思主义思潮和新左派兴起的影响，埃及的马克思主义史学将研究范围从阶级斗争扩展到性别和文化等领域，并在理论层面取得了一定的创新。尽管埃及马克思主义史学在20世纪70年代后的发展遇到了一定的内外掣肘，但其依然活跃于埃及媒体，与全球马克思主义史学交相辉映，表现出强大的史学生命力。

V. The Value of Egyptian Marxist Historiography

五、埃及马克思主义史学的价值

Marxist historiography has provided important epistemological and methodological guidance for the study of Egyptian historiography. Powerful theoretical tools such as the determinism of productive forces, class analysis, and dialectical materialism have provided the basis for the rapid formation and development of Egyptian Marxist historiography. On this basis, Egyptian Marxist historians localized Marxist historiography, deconstructed traditional Egyptian historiographical views, and made their own explorations for an Arab model of Marxist historiography. Therefore, the study of Egyptian Marxist historiography has significant value. It has not only had an important impact on the development of Egyptian historiography but has also played an irreplaceable role in the exchange of global Marxist historiographies.

马克思主义史学在认识论与方法论上对埃及史学研究产生了重要的指导意义，生产力决定论、阶级分析法、辩证唯物主义等强有力的理论工具为埃及马克思主义史学的快速形成与发展提供了依据。在此基础上，埃及马克思主义史学家对马克思主义史学进行本土化，解构了埃及传统的史学观，为马克思主义史学的阿拉伯模式做出了自己的探索。因此，埃及马克思主义史学研究具有重要价值，它不仅对埃及史学发展产生了重要影响，也对全球马克思主义史学的交往起到了不可取代的作用。

First, it constructed a discourse system of Marxist historiography, laying the foundation for the development of Marxist historiography in Egypt. The discourse system of modern Egyptian historiography underwent a process of transformation from a traditional historiographical discourse system to a national historiographical discourse system, and from a national historiographical discourse system to a Marxist historiographical discourse system. Anwar, a professor at Helwan University in Egypt, pointed out that investing cultural energy into the development of linguistic resources was a deliberate act by Marxists, because new ways of thinking and behaving required expression through a new language as a medium. Consequently, many new terms became increasingly popular in modern Egyptian society, such as “progressive thought,” “revolutionary movement,” “revolutionary theory,” “class struggle,” “feudalism,” “dialectical materialism,” “reaction,” “police state,” “class consciousness,” and “class formation.”

第一，构建了马克思主义史学话语体系，为埃及马克思主义史学发展奠定了基础。近代埃及史学话语体系经历了从传统史学话语体系向民族史学话语体系、民族史学话语体系向马克思主义史学话语体系转变的过程。埃及赫勒万大学教授安瓦尔指出，将文化能量投入语言资源的开发是马克思主义者的有意为之，因为新的思维和行为方式需要以新的语言做媒介来表达。于是，许多新的名词在近代埃及社会变得越来越大众化，如“进步思想”“革命运动”“革命理论”“阶级斗争”“封建主义”“辩证唯物主义”“反作用”“警察国家”“阶级意识”“阶级构成”等。

The transformation of the historiographical context provided the foundation for the “Egyptianization of Marxist historiography,” enabling Egyptian historians to further integrate the basic positions, viewpoints, and methodologies of Marxist historiography with Egypt’s historical realities. Another historiographical term that became very popular during the Nasser era was “conspiracy theory” (Mu’āmarah). Egyptian historians initially used it to explain political events that Marxist empiricism and structuralism could not account for; later, fused with other historiographical traditions, it was used paranoically to cover up failures in state decision-making. Although from today’s perspective, many of these discourses had not yet established a complete logical relationship with historical interpretation and mostly appeared in the “introductions” and “conclusions” of scholarly works, Egyptian Marxist historians nonetheless drew a clear line between themselves and other historiographical schools in Egypt in terms of discourse, concepts, interests, hypotheses, and focal points. This objectively promoted the development of Egyptian historiography and the formation of the Egyptian Marxist historiographical system.

史学语境的转变为“马克思主义史学埃及化”提供了基础，埃及史学家得以在此基础上进一步将马克思主义史学的基本立场、观点与方法论同埃及的历史实际相结合。另一个在纳赛尔时期非常流行的史学名词是“阴谋论”（Mu’āmarah），埃及史学家最初用它来说明马克思主义经验论和结构论无法解释的政治事件，后来与其他史学传统融合，偏执地被用来掩盖国家决策的失败。虽然现在看来，当时的许多话语并未与历史解释之间建立起完善的逻辑关系，且大多出现在论著的“前言”和“结论”中，但埃及的马克思主义史学家依旧从话语、概念、兴趣、假设和关注点等方面划清了他们与埃及其他史学派别之间的界限，客观上推动了埃及史学的发展和埃及马克思主义史学体系的形成。

Second, it changed the traditional writing paradigm of Egyptian historiography, providing a theoretical basis for the writing of a “history from the perspective of the subaltern masses.” Before the emergence of Marxist historiography, Egyptian historical compilation mostly took major public events involving political leaders and ruling groups as its primary objects of study, and class analysis naturally fell outside the scope of historiography. This top-down paradigm of historical research often took the glorification of the ruling class as the motive for historical compilation, and scholars rarely paid attention to historical development from the perspective of ordinary people. Even the Egyptian nationalist historian Shafiq Ghurbal believed that “the power politics of Europe in the East was the matrix that gave birth to modern Egypt; the ‘matchmaker’ was Napoleon, and the founder was Muhammad Ali.” Guided by a “bottom-up” conception of history, Egyptian Marxist historians studied both the life experiences of the lower strata of society and the historical development of the upper strata. Through the experiences of peasants, workers, women, and other socially disadvantaged groups, they revealed their agency and their contributions to historical development.

第二，改变了埃及史学的传统书写范式，为“底层群众历史观”的书写提供了理论依据。在马克思主义史学产生以前，埃及历史编纂大多以政治领袖和统治集团参与的重大公共事件为主要研究对象，阶级分析自然也不在史学范畴之内。这种自上而下的史学研究范式往往将美化统治阶级作为史学编纂动机，他们很少从普通民众的角度去关注历史发展。即便是埃及民族主义史学家沙菲克·古尔巴勒也认为，“欧洲在东方的强权政治是孕育现代埃及的母体，‘媒人’是拿破仑，创始人是穆罕默德·阿里。”埃及马克思主义史学家以一种“自下而上”的历史观念为指导，既研究社会下层的生活经历，也关注上层的历史发展。以农民、工人、妇女和其他社会弱势群体的经历，揭示他们的能动性和对历史发展的贡献。

Ahmad Sadiq Saad and Ibrahim Amir, in *The Peasant Question* and *Land and the Peasant: Egypt’s Agricultural Problem* respectively, documented the tragic plight of modern Egyptian peasants and the loss of their interests in the process of modernization. Against the backdrop of capitalist and imperialist intervention in Egypt, Saad provided a detailed analysis of the accompanying socio-economic problems of Egypt. He argued that the imperialist alliance sought to perpetuate the Egyptian peasant problem, pointed out that the root of the Egyptian peasant problem lay in the parasitism of the large landowning class, and proposed setting a time limit on ownership of agricultural land exceeding 50 feddans [13]13 A feddan is a unit of area used in Egypt, equivalent to approximately 1.038 acres or 0.42 hectares., confiscating land exceeding the limit and distributing it to landless peasants, and establishing agricultural production cooperatives. Amir placed this issue under the standards of historical scientific research, comprehensively applying traditional methods and modern theories to analyze historical archives and information. This focus on the peasant problem shook the traditional paradigm of Egyptian historiography, embodying the essence of the people-centered historical materialist outlook.

艾哈迈德·萨迪克·萨阿德和易卜拉欣·阿米尔分别在《农民问题》和《土地与农民：埃及的农业问题》中记录了近代埃及农民的悲惨处境，及其在现代化进程中的利益流失。萨阿德以资本主义和帝国主义介入下的埃及为背景，详细分析了与之伴随的埃及社会经济问题，认为帝国主义同盟企图将埃及的农民问题永久化，指出埃及农民问题的根源来自于大地主阶级的寄生，并提议对超过50费丹的农业用地设置所有权期限，将超过限额的土地没收并分配给无地的农民，建立农业生产合作社。阿米尔将这一问题置于历史科学研究的标准之下，综合运用传统方法和现代理论对历史档案和信息进行分析。这种对农民问题的关注撼动了埃及史学的传统范式，体现了以人民为中心的唯物史观本质。

Third, it incorporated interdisciplinary research methods into historical analysis, providing a new path for Egyptian nationalist historiography. Egyptian Marxist historiography in the early 20th century was still in its enlightenment phase. Historians often possessed multiple, interwoven identity attributes such as class, gender, and nationality. This intersectionality helped provide a more comprehensive understanding of historical events and reflected the distinctive characteristics of Egyptian Marxist historiography. Salama Musa, a pioneer of Egyptian socialism, was the most representative figure. Musa believed that Marxist theory was necessary for understanding and analyzing history, and confessed: “I must admit that no one in this world has influenced me as deeply as Karl Marx, but I once deliberately avoided mentioning his name for fear of being accused of being a communist.” His thought can be summarized in three aspects: Western rationalism and modernization; socialism as a means of achieving social justice; and tracing the roots of Egyptian national character back to the Pharaonic period.

第三，将交叉性研究方法纳入历史分析，为埃及民族主义史学提供了新的路径。20世纪初期的埃及马克思主义史学仍处于启蒙阶段，史学家们往往具有阶级、性别和民族等多维度相互交织的身份属性，这种交叉性有助于提供对历史事件更全面的理解，体现了埃及马克思主义史学独特的治史特征。其中以埃及社会主义先驱萨拉马·穆萨最具代表性。萨拉马认为，马克思主义理论是理解和分析历史所必须的，并坦言：“我必须承认，这个世界上没有任何人像卡尔·马克思那样对我影响至深，但我曾因为害怕被指控为共产主义者而刻意回避了他的名字。”其思想可以概括为三个方面：西方的理性主义和现代化；社会主义是实现社会正义的方式；将埃及国民性的根源追溯至法老时期。

Musa developed Ahmad Lutfi al-Sayyid’s “liberal nationalism,” advocating severing the connection between Egypt and religion and redefining Egyptian national character. He combined national character with the economic system and people’s rights and interests, proposed the entirely new concept of “Pharaonism,” and called for making Pharaonism the cornerstone of Egyptians’ sense of belonging. In historical writing, he founded the “Egyptian Society for Science and Culture” and published the journal *Al-Majalla al-Jadida* (The New Magazine), advocating the replacement of traditional Arabic writing habits with Western scientific modes of thinking. Musa’s “Pharaonism” opened a new path for Egyptian nationalist historiography, an influence that continued until the resurgence of Islamic thought in the 1970s. It should be noted that although his ideas had the progressive character of striving for national independence, they failed to break free from the shackles of “Eurocentrism” and thus had certain historical limitations.

萨拉马发展了艾哈迈德·鲁特菲·赛义德的“自由民族主义”思想，主张切断埃及与宗教之间的联系，重新定义埃及国民性，他将国民性与经济制度和人民权益相结合，提出了“法老主义”这一全新的概念，并呼吁将法老主义作为埃及人从属关系的基石。在历史书写上，他创建“埃及科学文化学会”并发行《新杂志》期刊，提倡用西方科学的思维模式取代传统的阿拉伯书写习惯。萨拉马的“法老主义”为埃及民族主义史学开辟了新的路径，这种影响一直延续到20世纪70年代伊斯兰思潮的复兴。需要注意的是，其思想虽具有争取民族独立的先进性，但未能摆脱“西方中心论”的束缚，具有一定的历史局限性。

Fourth, it developed a new theoretical system of historiography, broadening the research fields of historical studies. With the development of Western historiographical theory in the 20th century, the trend of opposing narrow diplomatic and political history and advocating for total history and problem-oriented history developed rapidly in Egypt. In 1945, the Egyptian historian Shafiq Ghurbal founded the “Egyptian Historical Research Society,” ending the long-standing practice of Egyptian historiography being written by government officials, and published the bilingual (English-Arabic) *Egyptian Historical Review*, providing a platform for discourse expression for Egyptian Marxist historians and expanding the academic influence of Marxist historiography. By emphasizing the role of social and economic factors in shaping history, Egyptian Marxist historiography provided a broader perspective for the study of historical events and processes. However, they did not treat Marxism dogmatically; instead, they regarded Marxism as an academic thought and research method, while simultaneously introducing theories from other disciplines for comprehensive research.

第四，发展了新史学理论体系，拓宽了历史学的研究领域。随着20世纪西方史学理论的发展，反对狭隘外交政治史、倡导总体史和问题史学的思潮在埃及得到了迅速发展。1945年，埃及史学家沙菲克·古尔巴勒创建“埃及历史研究学会”，结束了埃及史学长期由政府官员书写的历史，并出版了英阿双语的《埃及史学评论》，为埃及马克思主义史学家提供了话语表达的平台，扩大了马克思主义史学的学术影响力。埃及马克思主义史学通过强调社会和经济因素在塑造历史中的作用，为历史事件和过程的研究提供了更广阔的视角。但他们并没有教条地对待马克思主义，而是将马克思主义作为一种学术思想和研究方法，同时引入其他学科的理论进行综合性研究。

The focus of Egyptian historical research began to shift from political history to fields such as educational history, cultural history, social history, intellectual history, and the history of science and technology. Marxist literary criticism was applied to contemporary Egyptian cultural works, as seen in Ahmad Izzat Abd al-Karim’s *The History of Education in the Era of Muhammad Ali* and *Social Change in 19th-Century Cairo*, Ahmad Rushdi Salih’s *Folk Literature and Art* and *Studies in the Social History of Egypt*, Mahmoud Amin al-Alim’s *On Egyptian Culture*, Ibrahim Fathi’s *Narrative and Criticism in Egypt*, and Abd al-Azim Anis’s *Science and Civilization: Ancient Civilizations and Greek Civilization*. The fruitful explorations of these Egyptian Marxist historians demonstrate that Marxist historical research in Egypt can produce rich and diverse empirical works, and their achievements also show the power of historical materialism as an analytical tool to the international historical community.

埃及史学的研究重点开始从政治史转向教育史、文化史、社会史、思想史、科技史等领域，将马克思主义文学批评应用于当代埃及文化作品中，如艾哈迈德·伊扎特·阿卜杜勒·卡里姆的《穆罕默德·阿里时期的教育史》和《19世纪开罗的社会变迁》，艾哈迈德·鲁什迪·萨利赫的《民间文学艺术》和《埃及社会史研究》，马哈茂德·艾敏·阿利姆的《论埃及文化》，易卜拉欣·法特希的《埃及的叙事与评论》，阿卜杜勒·阿齐姆·艾尼斯的《科学与文明：古代文明与希腊文明》等。这些埃及马克思主义史学家卓有成效的探索表明，埃及马克思主义历史研究能够产生丰富多彩的经验性作品，他们的成果也向国际历史学界展示出历史唯物主义作为分析工具的威力。

Marxist historiography has exerted an important guiding influence on Egyptian historiography in terms of epistemology and methodology. Powerful theoretical tools such as the determinism of productive forces, class analysis, and dialectical materialism have provided the basis for the origins and evolution of Marxist historiography in Egypt, affecting the developmental trends of modern and contemporary Egyptian historiography. These are manifested concretely in the following aspects. First, the widespread dissemination of historical materialism influenced a group of non-Marxist historians, including the titan of Arabic literature Taha Hussein, who, through multi-angle objective analysis of history, offered more possibilities for historical interpretation. Second, the emphasis on studying the power dynamics between the ruling class and the laboring class, highlighting exploitation, inequality, and the resistance of the lower classes to the ruling structure, made the exploration of the impact of economic structure on social development a main feature of 20th-century Egyptian historical writing. Finally, the in-depth analysis of colonialism and imperialism promoted the development of Egyptian nationalist narratives. Through the analysis of Egypt’s economic, political, and social relations under colonial rule, it provided new pathways for examining Egypt’s nationalist struggle.

马克思主义史学在认识论与方法论上对埃及史学研究产生了重要的指导意义，生产力决定论、阶级分析法、辩证唯物主义等强有力的理论工具为埃及马克思主义史学的缘起与流变提供了依据，影响了近现代埃及史学的发展趋势，具体表现为以下几个方面。首先，唯物史观的广泛传播影响了包括阿拉伯文学泰斗塔哈·侯赛因在内的一批非马克思主义史学家，他们通过对历史客观的多角度分析为历史解释提出了更多的可能性。其次，重视研究统治阶级与劳动阶级之间的权力动态，强调剥削、不平等以及下层阶级对统治结构的反抗，使探讨经济结构对社会发展的影响成为20世纪埃及历史书写的主要特征。最后，对殖民主义与帝国主义的深入分析促进了埃及民族主义叙事的发展。通过对埃及在殖民统治下的经济、政治和社会关系的分析，为考察埃及民族主义斗争提供新的路径。

Conclusion

结语

Egyptian Marxist historiography germinated in the 19th century, and its intellectual sources mainly include the traditions of rationalism, liberalism, and socialism. The rapid development of the world capitalist economy led to the gradual establishment of the Western colonial system. Egypt was reduced to a cheap labor market for the developed capitalist countries, and the growth and expansion of the working class laid the foundation for the spread of Marxism in Egypt. After the October Revolution, Russia issued the “Appeal to the Toiling Muslims of Russia and the East,”[14]14 The “Appeal to the Toiling Muslims of Russia and the East” (Воззвание к трудящимся мусульманам России и Востока) was a declaration issued by the Soviet government in November 1917 (December 1917 N.S.), renouncing Tsarist treaties and calling on Muslims to support the Bolshevik revolution. and the economic concept of the Communist International regarding the redistribution of social wealth inspired large numbers of the Egyptian people, objectively promoting the spread of Marxism in Egypt. In the first half of the 20th century, the development of the international communist movement facilitated the emergence and development of Marxist historiography in Egypt. During this period, the main group producing Marxist historiography in Egypt was left-wing journalists, who took the field of newspapers and periodicals as the frontline of struggle, combining class struggle with the cause of national liberation. In the second half of the 20th century, with the professionalization of historiography, Egyptian Marxist historiography independently explored historiographical methods based on Western models, with the most influential achievements being the economic historiography paradigm of Samir Amin and the accomplishments of Rifaat al-Said in the field of combating religious extremism.

埃及马克思主义史学萌芽于19世纪，其思想来源主要包括理性主义、自由主义和社会主义传统。世界资本主义经济的迅猛发展使西方殖民体系逐步建立起来，埃及沦为发达资本主义国家的廉价劳动力市场，工人阶级的发展壮大为马克思主义在埃及的传播奠定了基础。俄国在十月革命后发表《告俄罗斯和东方全体穆斯林劳动人民书》、共产国际对社会财富进行重新分配的经济理念鼓舞了大批埃及民众，客观上促进了马克思主义在埃及的传播。20世纪上半叶，国际共产主义运动的发展促成了埃及马克思主义史学的产生与发展，这一时期埃及马克思主义史学书写群体主要是左翼新闻工作者，他们将报刊领域作为斗争的前线阵地，将阶级斗争与民族解放事业相结合。20世纪下半叶，随着史学专业化，埃及马克思主义史学在西方模式的基础上对史学方法进行了独立探索，主要以萨米尔·阿明的经济史学范式和里夫阿特·萨义德在反宗教极端主义领域取得的成就最具影响力。

Although Egyptian Marxist historiography made considerable progress in the 20th century, it still faced some problems. On the political dimension, after Egypt restored a multi-party system,[15]15 Egypt’s multi-party system was formally restored in the late 1970s under President Anwar Sadat, ending the single-party rule of the Arab Socialist Union established after the 1952 revolution. historians representing their respective interests erroneously attributed the problems encountered by Egypt in the revolutionary process to Marxism amid factional struggles, strengthening the interaction between political consciousness and historical writing. The struggle for control over the power of historical interpretation weakened the objectivity of Egyptian Marxism. On the social dimension, the rapid development of the Muslim Brotherhood allowed Islamic thought to occupy a dominant position in Egypt. The inherent contradiction between religious belief and atheism created resistance to the development of Marxist historiography in Egypt. On the dimension of historical perspective, some historians exhibited a tendency to overemphasize economic determinism and to neglect non-class factors in historical analysis. Egyptian Marxist historiography, in its academic lineage, practical pathways, and value orientation, reflected the cultural traditions and social changes of the time, bearing the functions of moral education and historical reference. Therefore, incorporating Egyptian Marxist historiography into a holistic research method based on individual investigation, and reflecting on its gains and losses, experiences and lessons, can provide benefits for the study of the history of Middle Eastern historiography.

虽然埃及马克思主义史学在20世纪取得了长足发展，但仍面临一些问题。在政治维度上，埃及恢复多党制政体后，代表各自利益的史学家在党派斗争中错误地将埃及在革命过程中遇到的问题归因于马克思主义，强化了政治意识和历史书写之间的相互作用，对掌握历史解释权的争夺削弱了埃及马克思主义的客观性。在社会维度上，穆兄会的快速发展使伊斯兰思潮在埃及占据了主导地位，宗教信仰与无神论的内在矛盾给马克思主义史学在埃及的发展带来了阻力。在史观维度上，部分史学家存在过度强调经济决定论、在历史分析中忽视非阶级因素的倾向。埃及马克思主义史学在学术脉络、实践路径、价值取向上反映了当时的文化传统与社会变迁，承担着道德教化和历史借鉴的功能。因此，将埃及马克思主义史学纳入基于个体性考察的整体性研究方法，反思其利弊得失与经验教训，可以为中东史学史的研究提供裨益。

Online Editor: Tongxin

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