The Impact of the New Wave of Left-Wing Governance on the Socialist Movement in Latin America

In recent years, a new wave of left-wing governance has emerged in Latin America, once again altering the region’s political landscape and, to a large extent, improving the overall environment for the development of the socialist movement in the region. This article aims to conduct a preliminary analysis of the characteristics of this new wave of left-wing governance in Latin America and its impact on the socialist movement in the region, and on this basis, to explore the relationship between the development of left-wing forces in Latin America and the development of the socialist movement in the region.

近年来，拉美出现新一轮左翼执政，再度改变了该地区的政治生态，也在很大程度上改善了拉美社会主义运动发展的总体环境。本文拟对拉美新一轮左翼执政的特点及其对该地区社会主义运动的影响进行初步分析，在此基础上探寻拉美左翼力量发展与该地区社会主义运动发展的关系。

I. Characteristics of the New Wave of Left-Wing Governance

一、新一轮左翼执政的特点

The new wave of left-wing governance in Latin America exhibits distinct collective features, cyclical patterns, and spillover effects, once again altering the region’s political landscape, fostering inclusive political development in Latin America, and providing new impetus for the unity of the left in the region.

拉美新一轮左翼执政具有明显的群体性特征、周期性特点和外溢性效应，再度改变了该地区的政治生态，有利于拉美政治的包容性发展，为该地区左翼的联合提供了新动力。

(A) The new wave of left-wing governance has distinct collective features, once again altering the political landscape of the Latin American region

(一)新一轮左翼执政具有明显的群体性特征，再度改变了拉美地区政治生态

In the process of contemporary Latin American political development, there has always been a so-called “contagion effect,” whereby political developments in one country typically “infect” other countries, leading them to subsequently experience similar or identical developments, thereby forming a regional political phenomenon.

在当代拉美政治发展进程中，一直存在所谓的“传染效应”,即某一国家政治的发展通常会“传染”其他国家，使其他国家随后也出现同样或类似的发展，进而形成一种区域性政治现象。

Both the two cycles of left-wing governance and the alternation between left and right in Latin America in the 21st century have exhibited a relatively pronounced “contagion effect” and collective features. In December 1998, Hugo Chávez, leader of the emerging left-wing party the Fifth Republic Movement in Venezuela, was elected president and began governing in 1999. The effect of the rise and assumption of power of left-wing forces in Venezuela quickly spread to other Latin American countries, with left-wing forces in the region showing a trend of collective ascendance. Following Venezuela, left-wing parties successively won elections and came to power in Chile (2000), Brazil (2002), Argentina (2003), the Dominican Republic (2004), Uruguay (2004), Bolivia (2005), Ecuador (2006), Nicaragua (2006), Paraguay (2008), El Salvador (2009), and Peru (2011), forming a regional “Pink Tide.” After 2015, the political and social consequences of Latin America’s economic downturn continued to ferment, triggering a regional shift in ruling parties characterized by “left retreat and right advance.” In 2015, Argentina’s left-wing ruling party lost power after 12 consecutive years in office, with a right-wing party beginning to govern in December of that year. This alternation between left and right ruling parties in Argentina immediately produced a “contagion effect,” sparking a regional right-wing resurgence and initiating a cycle of right-wing governance. In July 2016, the term of Peru’s left-leaning President Ollanta Humala ended, and a right-wing party came to power; in August of the same year, Brazil’s left-wing President Dilma Rousseff was impeached and removed from office by a right-wing-controlled Congress; in 2017, Ecuador’s left-wing ruling party, the PAIS Alliance, was severely impacted in general elections, nearly losing power; in December 2017, Chile’s center-left governing coalition lost the general election, and center-right coalition leader Sebastián Piñera was elected president, taking office in March of the following year; in 2018, Brazil’s right-wing candidate Jair Bolsonaro defeated the left-wing candidate in the general election to become president; in 2019, El Salvador’s left-wing party, which had governed for ten consecutive years, lost power; in the same year, Bolivia’s left-wing party, the Movement for Socialism, and its leader, then-President Evo Morales, were forced to resign under pressure from right-wing forces, interrupting the party’s nearly 14-year continuous governance.

21世纪拉美两轮左翼执政周期的发生和左右轮替，均呈现出较为明显的“传染效应”和群体性特征。1998年12月，委内瑞拉新兴左翼政党“第五共和国运动”领导人乌戈·查韦斯当选总统，并于1999年开始执政。委内瑞拉左翼力量崛起并上台执政的效应迅速在其他拉美国家扩散，该地区的左翼力量呈现出群体性崛起之势。继委内瑞拉之后，左翼政党先后在智利(2000年)、巴西(2002年)、阿根廷(2003年)、多米尼加(2004年)、乌拉圭(2004年)、玻利维亚(2005年)、厄瓜多尔(2006年)、尼加拉瓜(2006年)、巴拉圭(2008年)、萨尔瓦多(2009年)、秘鲁(2011年)等多国大选中获胜并陆续上台执政，形成区域性的“粉红浪潮”。2015年以后，拉美经济下行的政治社会后果不断发酵，引发区域性“左退右进”的执政党更迭。2015年，阿根廷左翼执政党在连续执政12年后失去执政地位，右翼政党于同年12月开始执政。阿根廷执政党的左右轮替随即产生“传染效应”,引发区域性的右翼回潮，出现了一个右翼执政周期。2016年7月，秘鲁具有左翼倾向的奥扬塔·乌马拉政府任期届满，右翼政党开始上台执政；同年8月，巴西左翼总统迪尔玛·罗塞夫遭右翼控制的国会弹劾后下台；2017年，厄瓜多尔左翼执政党“主权祖国联盟”在大选中受到严重冲击，险些失去执政地位；2017年12月，智利中左翼执政联盟在大选中失利，中右翼联盟领导人塞巴斯蒂安·皮涅拉当选总统，并于次年3月起上台执政；2018年，巴西右翼政党候选人雅伊尔·博索纳罗在大选中击败左翼政党候选人当选总统；2019年，连续执政十年的萨尔瓦多左翼政党失去执政地位；同年，玻利维亚左翼政党“争取社会主义运动”领导人、时任总统埃沃·莫拉莱斯在右翼力量逼迫下辞职，该党连续执政近14年的进程因此而中断。

Influenced by multiple internal and external factors, this cycle of right-wing governance was relatively short-lived, and within just a few years, left-wing parties regained power in many Latin American countries. In 2018, Mexico’s left-wing National Regeneration Movement won the general election and came to power, greatly encouraging and inspiring the Latin American left, which was then at a low ebb. Subsequently, in 2019, Argentina’s left-wing party returned to power; in 2020, Bolivia’s Movement for Socialism, after briefly losing power, regained it through general elections. The effect of the return to power of left-wing parties in Argentina and Bolivia continued to spread. In 2021, left-wing parties successively won general elections in Peru, Chile, and Honduras, replacing right-wing parties in power, while Nicaragua’s left-wing ruling party won the general election again and continued to govern. In 2022, Colombia’s left-wing party won the general election and came to power, ending decades of right-wing rule in the country. Left-wing Workers’ Party leader Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva was elected president of Brazil in the October 2022 general election and took office in January of the following year. After the left-wing party returned to power in Brazil, the six most populous countries in Latin America were simultaneously governed by the left, with the scale of left-wing governance even exceeding that of the first “Pink Tide” period at the beginning of the 21st century.[1]1 The “Pink Tide” refers to the wave of left-wing governments that came to power in Latin America in the early 2000s, characterized by a shift away from neoliberal policies. This new wave of left-wing governance in Latin America has a wide reach and significant political and social impact, not only altering the balance of political forces within individual Latin American countries but also once again changing the political landscape of the entire region.

受内外多重因素的影响，此轮右翼执政周期持续的时间较短，仅数年之后左翼政党便又在拉美多国重新执政。2018年墨西哥左翼国家复兴运动党赢得大选后上台执政，给当时整体处于低潮的拉美左翼以极大的鼓舞和激励。接着，2019年阿根廷左翼政党重新执政，2020年玻利维亚“争取社会主义运动”在短暂失去执政地位后，又通过大选再次执政。阿根廷和玻利维亚左翼政党重新执政的效应继续扩散，2021年左翼政党又先后在秘鲁、智利、洪都拉斯的大选中获胜，继而取代右翼政党上台执政，尼加拉瓜的左翼执政党再次赢得大选，继续执政。2022年哥伦比亚左翼政党在大选中获胜并执政，改变了该国几十年来右翼政党一直掌权的局面。左翼劳工党领袖路易斯·伊纳西奥·卢拉·达席尔瓦在2022年10月大选中当选巴西总统，并于次年1月起执政。巴西左翼政党再度执政后，拉美地区人口最多的6个国家同时由左翼执政，左翼执政规模甚至超过21世纪初开启的第一轮“粉红浪潮”时期。1拉美新一轮左翼执政波及范围广，政治和社会影响大，不仅改变了拉美各国国内政治力量的对比，也再度改变了整个地区的政治生态。

(B) The new wave of left-wing governance has distinct cyclical characteristics, conducive to the inclusive development of Latin American politics

(二)新一轮左翼执政具有明显的周期性特点，有利于拉美政治的包容性发展

The mutual competition and alternating development of the left and right in Latin America are both important content and key features of modern political development in the region. In the process of Latin American political development, left-wing and right-wing forces have grown alternately, with the balance of power gradually shifting from an initial right-strong, left-weak situation to a basic equilibrium between the two. As the balance of power has become increasingly equal, the alternating governance of left and right has increasingly become the norm in Latin American political development, transitioning from an initially incompatible zero-sum competition to a non-zero-sum competition under the existing system. Whether the left or the right is in power, both must to some extent take into account the interests and demands of the other side, thereby continuously enhancing the inclusiveness of political development.

拉美左翼和右翼的相互竞争与交替发展，既是拉美现代政治发展的重要内容，也是其重要特点。在拉美政治发展进程中，左翼和右翼力量交替成长，双方力量对比从最初的右强左弱，逐渐过渡到两者实力基本均衡。随着力量对比的日益均衡，左右交替执政日益成为拉美政治发展的常态，双方从最初不相容的零和竞争，逐渐过渡到在现存体制下的非零和竞争。无论是左翼掌权还是右翼执政，都不得不在一定程度上顾及对方的利益诉求，从而不断增强政治发展的包容性。

For a considerable period in the past, the positions of the left and right in Latin American countries were sharply opposed. After the mid-19th century, two relatively distinct camps, left and right, began to emerge in Latin America. In the latter half of the 19th century, the social structure of Latin American countries underwent significant changes, with a number of progressive or radical forces splitting off from traditional conservative and liberal parties to become important components of the left-wing camp. Communist parties and other socialist parties in Latin America, as well as political organizations, social groups, mass organizations influenced by these parties, and progressive intellectuals, constitute the main forces of the left. The left is dissatisfied with the existing political and social order, advocates for social change, and promotes the redistribution of interests and power. In response to the rise of left-wing forces, conservative forces represented by traditional large landowners, the Catholic Church, and the upper echelons of the military sought to protect their vested interests, adhered to traditional conservative political positions, and opposed political and social change, becoming the main forces of the right-wing camp in Latin America. These forces, along with the parties, political and social organizations based on them, and conservative individuals, formed a right-wing bloc opposed to the left. The right-wing forces in Latin America are the dominant players and main beneficiaries of the traditional political, economic, and social order, while the left-wing forces are challengers to vested interests. To protect their vested interests from being impacted, right-wing forces have consistently sought to prevent any significant or profound political and social change, standing in sharp opposition to the revolutionary or reformist positions of the left.[2]2 This paragraph describes the historical formation of left and right political camps in Latin America, rooted in 19th-century social changes and the emergence of socialist and communist parties.

在过去相当长的时段内，拉美国家左翼和右翼的立场尖锐对立。19世纪中叶后，拉美地区开始出现界限比较明显的左右两大阵营。19世纪后半期，拉美国家的社会结构出现明显变化，一批进步或激进的势力从传统的保守派和自由派政党中分化出来，成为左翼阵营的重要组成部分。拉美地区的共产党和其他社会主义政党，以及受这些政党影响的政治组织、社会团体、群众组织，以及进步知识分子等群体是左翼的主体力量。左翼不满现存的政治社会秩序，主张进行社会变革，推进利益和权力的再分配。面对左翼力量的崛起，以传统的大地产主、天主教会和军队上层为代表的保守力量，试图维护既得利益，坚持传统的保守政治立场，反对进行政治和社会变革，成为拉美右翼阵营的主体力量。这些力量以及以其为基础的政党、政治和社会组织，以及保守人士形成了与左翼相对立的右翼集团。拉美的右翼力量是传统政治、经济与社会秩序的主导者和主要受益者，左翼力量则是既得利益的挑战者。右翼力量为保护既得利益免受冲击，一直力图阻止任何重大或深刻的政治与社会变革，与左翼的革命或变革立场尖锐对立。2

With the basic equilibrium of left-wing and right-wing forces since the 21st century, the inclusiveness of Latin American political development has been continuously enhanced. For a considerable period in the past, right-wing forces in Latin America held a relative advantage, typically ignoring the interests and demands of the left and attempting to suppress its growth. Throughout the entire 20th century, at the regional level, the overall strength of the left remained weaker compared to the right, still largely suppressed by the right, and the political process in the region was essentially dominated by right-wing forces. Entering the 21st century, the balance of power between the two sides gradually shifted from the previous “left weak, right strong” to a state of stalemate or rough equilibrium. Neither the left nor the right could or was able to completely defeat the other through past violent means or coercive methods, and mutual tolerance gradually increased. Although both sides continued to adhere to their own basic positions, core interests, and main demands, they also gradually began to value the interests, rights, and demands of the other side, ultimately reaching basic consensus on major issues such as the country’s fundamental systems and basic national policies through compromise and consultation; both sides accepted a state of coexistence and competition within the existing institutional framework, competing for control and dominance over national political and social life by participating in regularly held various elections, thereby continuously enhancing the inclusiveness of Latin American political development.

随着21世纪以来左右翼力量对比的基本均衡，拉美政治发展的包容性不断增强。在过去相当长的时期内，拉美右翼力量一直占有相对优势，其通常会忽视左翼的利益诉求，并试图压制左翼的成长。在整个20世纪，就整个地区层面而言，与右翼力量相比，左翼的总体实力依然较弱，在很大程度上仍受右翼压制，该地区的政治进程基本上仍由右翼势力主导。进入21世纪，双方的力量对比从以往的“左弱右强”,逐渐过渡到势均力敌或大体均衡的状态。无论左翼还是右翼都无法或无力通过以往的暴力手段或强制方式完胜对方，相互之间的包容度逐渐增大。双方虽仍继续坚持自己的基本立场、核心利益和主要诉求，但也逐渐开始重视对方的利益、权利和诉求，最终以妥协和协商的方式在国家的根本制度、基本国策等重大问题上取得基本共识；双方接受了在现存制度框架内的共存和竞争状态，通过参加定期举行的各类选举来争夺对国家政治和社会生活的控制权与主导权，从而不断增强了拉美政治发展的包容性。

(3) The new wave of left-wing governance has obvious spillover effects, conducive to promoting the unity of Latin American left-wing forces.

(三)新一轮左翼执政具有明显的外溢效应，有利于推动拉美左翼力量的联合

Under the current international and regional geopolitical landscape, the political phenomenon of the rise and governance of the left in Latin American countries has transcended national boundaries, displaying distinct regional characteristics, and more or less bears the features of a regional-level game between world left-wing and right-wing forces.

在当前国际和地区地缘政治格局下，拉美国家左翼崛起和执政这一政治现象，已超越国别界限，显示出明显的区域性特征，并或多或少具有世界左翼和右翼力量在地区层面博弈的特点。

To prevent the growth of Latin American left-wing forces, right-wing forces inside and outside the region have strengthened their alliance, and the rise of the Latin American left has faced increasing external pressure. In February 2022, the “Madrid Forum” convened by Spain’s far-right Vox party and its think tank, the Disenso Foundation (Fundación Disenso), held its first regional conference in Bogotá, the capital of Colombia, with dozens of right-wing political figures from European countries and multiple Latin American nations attending. Under the slogan of “democracy and freedom,” right-wing forces inside and outside the region attempted to jointly prevent the continued expansion of Latin American left-wing forces, especially opposing and trying to prevent the victory of left-wing presidential candidates from Colombia and Brazil in the 2022 elections, opposing the São Paulo Forum composed of Latin American left-wing forces, and opposing left-wing governments in Latin American countries such as Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua. Right-wing conservative forces in the United States have also continuously strengthened their interaction with Latin American right-wing conservative forces, attempting to suppress the development of the Latin American left. In 2021, far-right and conservative figures in the United States provided advice to Brazil’s right-wing President Bolsonaro’s administration and traveled to Brazil to “offer strategies” for him to win the 2022 election and continue governing. The Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) in the United States is the oldest conservative organization in the country, claiming to be the world’s largest and most influential gathering of conservative forces, with opposing the Latin American leftist movement being a basic theme of all its past conferences. [3]3 The Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) is an annual political conference attended by conservative activists and elected officials from the United States and abroad. Its Latin American activities have increased in recent years, focusing on opposing left-wing movements in the region. In recent years, this organization has increased the intensity and scale of its activities in Latin America, frequently holding conferences in the region.

为阻止拉美左翼力量的成长，域内外右翼势力加强联合，拉美左翼崛起遭受越来越大的外部压力。2022年2月，西班牙极右翼的呼声党及其下属智库“异议基金会”(Fundación Disenso)主持召开的“马德里论坛”在哥伦比亚首都波哥大举行第一届区域性会议，来自欧洲国家和拉美多国的右翼政要数十人与会。域内外右翼力量在“民主与自由”的口号下，试图联手阻止拉美左翼力量的继续扩大，尤其是反对并试图阻止哥伦比亚和巴西的左翼总统候选人在2022年大选中获胜，反对拉美左翼力量组成的圣保罗论坛，反对古巴、委内瑞拉和尼加拉瓜等拉美国家的左翼政府。美国的右翼保守势力也不断增强与拉美右翼保守力量的互动，试图压制拉美左翼的发展。2021年，美国极右翼和保守派人士就曾为巴西右翼的博索纳罗总统执政提供建议，并前往巴西为其赢得2022年大选继续执政“出谋划策”。美国保守派政治行动会议(CPAC)是美国历史最悠久的保守派组织，自称是世界上规模最大、最有影响力的保守势力的聚会，反对拉美左翼运动是其历次会议的基本主题。3近年来，该机构加大了在拉美地区活动的力度和规模，频繁在该地区举行会议。

To counter the challenges of right-wing forces, Latin American left-wing political parties and organizations have also continuously strengthened coordination and cooperation, expressing solidarity with left-wing governments in the region. Currently, the three most important regional left-wing organizations in Latin America are all vigorously expressing solidarity with and supporting left-wing political parties and left-wing governments in the region, opposing the hostility and encirclement of left-wing forces in the region by right-wing forces inside and outside the region. First, the São Paulo Forum. In 2019, the 25th São Paulo Forum condemned US sanctions against progressive governments in Latin America, called on Latin American progressive forces to strengthen unity, and supported the process of regional integration. In April 2022, the São Paulo Forum held a meeting for Central America and the Caribbean, condemning the “neocolonialism” and “Monroe Doctrine” pursued by the United States in the region, and expressed solidarity with the Cuban Revolution and left-wing governments such as Nicaragua. Second, the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (hereinafter referred to as the “Alliance”). In May 2019, the 18th Political Council meeting of the Alliance supported Venezuela against US interference, expressed solidarity with Cuba against the US blockade, condemned the US revival of the “Monroe Doctrine,” and called for strengthening Latin American integration. In 2020, the Alliance held a series of video conferences, reiterating opposition to US hegemonism and emphasizing the defense of national sovereignty. In May 2022, the 21st Summit of the Alliance condemned the US for creating division in Latin America, opposed its unilateral sanctions against Venezuela and Nicaragua, and its economic, trade, and financial blockade against Cuba. Third, the Puebla Group. The Group was established in July 2019, mainly composed of former left-wing political figures from Latin America and related regions, with the primary purpose of curbing right-wing conservative forces in the region and coordinating the actions of left-wing and progressive leaders. In November 2022, the Puebla Group held its eighth meeting, focusing on the development of Latin American left-wing progressive forces and regional integration, attempting to formulate a new agenda for left-wing and progressive forces under the special political conditions of Latin America, and expressing solidarity with left-wing ruling parties and left-wing governments in the region. [4]4 The Puebla Group is a forum of progressive and left-wing political leaders from Latin America and Europe, founded in 2019 to coordinate strategies against the rise of right-wing conservatism in the region. The strengthening of coordination and cooperation among Latin American left-wing political parties and organizations has, to a certain extent, promoted the unity of left-wing forces in the region and has also brought favorable impacts on the development of the Latin American socialist movement.

为应对右翼力量的挑战，拉美左翼政党和组织也不断增强协调与合作，声援该地区的左翼政府。当前拉美三个最重要的区域性左翼组织都极力声援和支持该地区左翼政党和左翼政府，反对域内外右翼势力对该地区左翼力量的敌视和围攻。第一，圣保罗论坛。2019年，第25届圣保罗论坛谴责美国对拉美进步政府的制裁，号召拉美进步力量加强团结，支持地区一体化进程。2022年4月，圣保罗论坛召开中美洲和加勒比地区会议，谴责了美国在该地区奉行的“新殖民主义”和“门罗主义”,声援古巴革命和尼加拉瓜等左翼政府。第二，玻利瓦尔美洲联盟(以下简称“联盟”)。2019年5月，联盟第18次政治委员会会议支持委内瑞拉反对美国干涉，声援古巴反对美国封锁，谴责美国重拾“门罗主义”,号召加强拉美一体化。2020年，联盟召开一系列视频会议，重申反对美国霸权主义，强调捍卫各国主权。2022年5月，联盟第21届峰会，谴责美国在拉美制造分裂，反对其对委内瑞拉、尼加拉瓜所采取的单边制裁措施，以及针对古巴的经贸和金融封锁。第三，普埃布拉集团。集团成立于2019年7月，主要由拉美及有关地区前左翼政要组成，主要目的是遏制该地区的右翼保守势力，协调左翼和进步领导人的行动。2022年11月，普埃布拉集团召开第八次会议，重点讨论拉美左翼进步力量发展和地区一体化问题，试图制定在拉美特殊政治条件下左翼和进步力量的新议程，声援该地区的左翼执政党和左翼政府。4拉美左翼政党和组织加强协调与合作，在一定程度上推动了该地区左翼力量的联合，也给拉美社会主义运动的发展带来了有利影响。

2. The Impact of the New Wave of Left-Wing Governance on the Latin American Socialist Movement

二、新一轮左翼执政对拉美社会主义运动的影响

The new wave of left-wing governance has improved the overall environment for the development of the Latin American socialist movement, alleviated to a certain extent the pressure on the practical exploration of “21st-century socialism” in Latin America represented by Venezuela, promoted communist parties in multiple Latin American countries to become participating parties, and is conducive to advancing the struggle against capitalism in the Latin American region, exerting a positive impact on the development of the Latin American socialist movement.

新一轮左翼执政，改善了拉美社会主义运动发展的总体环境，在一定程度上减轻了以委内瑞拉为代表的拉美“21世纪社会主义”实践探索的压力，推动拉美多国共产党成为参政党，有利于在拉美地区推动反对资本主义的斗争，对拉美社会主义运动的发展产生了积极影响。

(1) Conducive to improving the overall environment for the development of the Latin American socialist movement

(一)有利于改善拉美社会主义运动发展的总体环境

From the history of Latin American political development, the right wing in the region does not identify with the ideas of socialism and opposes the practical exploration of socialism. During periods of right-wing governance, the development of socialism in Latin America encounters difficulties and obstacles. Conversely, the left wing’s propositions in the region have a high degree of alignment with socialist ideas and may even sympathize with the practical exploration of socialism. During periods of left-wing governance, the overall environment for the development of socialism in Latin America is usually relatively favorable. Therefore, the rising periods of Latin American socialist development often coincide with the cycles of left-wing governance in the region, while the low ebb periods of socialist development are usually accompanied by cycles of right-wing governance.

从拉美政治发展史来看，该地区的右翼不认同社会主义的理念，反对社会主义的实践探索，右翼执政期间，拉美社会主义发展会遭遇困难和阻滞。相反，该地区左翼的主张与社会主义的主张吻合度较大，甚至会同情社会主义的实践探索，左翼执政期间，拉美社会主义发展的整体环境通常相对有利。因而，拉美社会主义发展上升期多与该地区左翼执政周期相吻合，社会主义发展低潮期通常与右翼执政周期相伴随。

As mentioned earlier, from the end of the 20th century to the first 15 years of the 21st century, left-wing political parties governed in multiple Latin American countries, resulting in a left-wing governance period lasting over a decade in the region. With the collective rise and governance of the left, a political and social environment conducive to socialist development emerged in Latin America. Many left-wing political parties had a certain degree of “de-neoliberalization” orientation, advocating for alternatives to neoliberalism and exploring new development paths. Some left-wing political parties, during their governance, even attempted to make certain corrections to the neoliberal model. Some left-wing ruling parties and their leaders themselves had a certain degree of socialist inclination, and some even openly raised socialist slogans and propositions, attempting to advance the practice of “socialist construction” in their countries. Among them, the “21st-century socialism” in Latin America advocated by left-wing ruling parties in countries such as Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador was relatively representative, had a significant political and social impact, and played an important role in promoting socialist development across the entire region. Starting in 2015, a wave of “left retreat, right advance” in ruling party alternation emerged in Latin America, and the overall environment for the development of the socialist movement in the region became unfavorable. In particular, the “21st-century socialism” in Latin America promoted by left-wing ruling parties in countries such as Venezuela encountered new difficulties and resistance in practice, causing a certain negative impact on socialist development in the region.

如前所述，从20世纪末到21世纪的前15年，左翼政党在拉美多国执政，该地区出现长达十几年的左翼执政期。随着左翼群体性崛起和执政，拉美地区出现了有利于社会主义发展的政治和社会环境。许多左翼政党有一定程度的“去新自由主义化”取向，主张替代新自由主义、探索新发展道路，一些左翼政党在执政期间还试图对新自由主义模式作出一定程度的修正。一些左翼执政党及其领导人本身就具有一定程度的社会主义倾向，有些甚至还公开提出社会主义的口号和主张，试图在本国推进“社会主义建设”的实践，其中委内瑞拉、玻利维亚、厄瓜多尔等国左翼执政党主张的拉美“21世纪社会主义”具有一定代表性，产生的政治社会影响较大，对整个地区社会主义发展起到了重要的推动作用。2015年开始，拉美出现“左退右进”的执政党轮替潮，该地区社会主义运动发展的总体环境趋于不利，特别是委内瑞拉等国左翼执政党推动的拉美“21世纪社会主义”在实践中遇到了新困难和新阻力，对该地区社会主义发展造成了一定负面冲击。

Since 2020, the Latin American left has entered a new period of governance, once again altering the region’s political landscape and providing a relatively favorable regional environment for the development of socialism in Latin America. Whether it is the social base, policy preferences, or policy propositions of the Latin American left, there is a certain degree of alignment with socialist propositions. The ideology or concepts of left-wing rulers in Latin America also overlap or intersect with socialist propositions to some extent. Therefore, the growth and strengthening of the Latin American left, especially its assumption of power, not only facilitates the spread of socialist ideas in the region but also advances the exploration of socialist practice. Generally speaking, the primary social base of the Latin American left is the middle and lower strata of society. It exhibits anti-elitist political preferences, favors expanding the degree and scope of political participation, and has a certain populist tendency. Socialism in Latin America also advocates for expanding political participation across all strata and promoting the development of political democracy. The Latin American left generally supports a certain degree of state intervention in the economy, emphasizes and values social equity, which also aligns closely with socialist propositions. In foreign policy, the left has a certain tendency toward “de-Americanization,” opposes U.S. intervention in Latin American affairs, supports Latin American integration, and advocates for autonomous development. Opposing U.S. hegemonism is precisely a fundamental stance of Latin American socialism. Undoubtedly, the new wave of left-wing governance in Latin America is conducive to improving the overall environment for the development of the socialist movement in the region and also provides a relatively favorable regional environment for countries such as Venezuela to continue exploring Latin American “21st-century socialism.”

2020年以来，拉美左翼迎来新一轮执政期，再次改变了该地区的政治生态，也为拉美社会主义发展提供了相对有利的地区环境。无论是拉美左翼的社会基础、政策偏好还是政策主张，都与社会主义的主张有一定吻合度，拉美左翼执政者的意识形态或理念与社会主义的主张也有某些重叠或交叉。因此，拉美左翼的发展壮大特别是其上台执政，不仅有利于该地区社会主义思想的传播，也有利于社会主义实践探索的推进。一般说来，拉美左翼最主要的社会基础是社会中下阶层，具有反精英主义的政治偏好，赞成扩大政治参与的程度和范围，具有一定的民众主义倾向，拉美的社会主义也主张扩大各阶层的政治参与程度，推进政治民主的发展。拉美左翼一般赞成国家对经济进行一定程度的干预，强调和重视社会公平，这也与社会主义的主张较为吻合。左翼在对外政策方面有一定程度的“去美国化”倾向，反对美国干预拉美地区事务，赞成拉美的一体化发展，而实现自主发展，反对美国霸权主义恰恰也是拉美社会主义的基本立场。毫无疑问，拉美新一轮左翼执政有利于改善该地区社会主义运动发展的总体环境，也为委内瑞拉等国家继续探索拉美“21世纪社会主义”提供了相对有利的地区环境。

(2) It Helps Alleviate the Pressure on Socialist Exploration in Latin America

(二)有利于减轻拉美社会主义探索的压力

Looking at the political development process in Latin America, it is not difficult to see that during periods of right-wing governance, the difficulty of socialist practice and exploration usually increases, whereas during periods of left-wing governance, the environment for socialist practice and exploration in the entire region becomes relatively favorable.

纵观拉美地区的政治发展进程不难看出，在右翼执政期内，社会主义实践探索的难度通常会增大，而在左翼执政期间，整个地区的社会主义实践探索的环境则变得相对有利。

As mentioned earlier, after 2015, Latin America experienced a “left retreat, right advance” alternation of ruling parties. The region’s politics turned rightward, the number of left-wing governments steadily decreased, and the difficulty of socialist practice and exploration in countries such as Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador increased. In particular, Venezuela, as the main standard-bearer of Latin American “21st-century socialism,” became increasingly isolated, with internal and external pressures reaching unprecedented levels. First, right-wing forces both within and outside the region intensified their siege on Latin American “21st-century socialism” in countries like Venezuela, attacking socialism for “destroying this oil-rich country and plunging the people into poverty,” causing suffering, corruption, and decay, and calling for “resistance to socialism and the disasters it brings.”[5]5 This quotation appears to be a paraphrase or summary of right-wing critiques of socialism in Latin America, not a direct citation from a specific source. Second, right-wing rulers in Latin America actively cobbled together regional political blocs opposing left-wing governments such as Venezuela’s, increasing resistance to socialist practice and exploration in the region. In 2017, more than a dozen Latin American countries governed by center-right parties, along with Canada, formed the “Lima Group” targeting Venezuela. This group did not recognize the legitimacy of the Maduro government but instead supported the U.S.-backed Venezuelan opposition. In March 2019, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Paraguay, and Peru, then under right-wing governance, established the South American Progress Forum (Prosur), also aimed at opposing left-wing governments such as Venezuela’s. Finally, after coming to power, Latin American right-wing governments intensified their crackdown on left-wing governments like Venezuela’s. At the end of 2015, after the right-wing government in Argentina took office, it began accusing Venezuela of disrespecting freedom and called for sanctions against it. Driven by the right-wing governments of Argentina and Brazil, the Southern Common Market (Mercosur) indefinitely suspended Venezuela’s membership in 2017. During the Bolsonaro right-wing government’s tenure, Brazil adopted a hostile stance toward Venezuela and Cuba. In January 2019, the right-wing government of Colombia announced recognition of Venezuelan opposition leader Juan Guaidó as “interim president,” leading to the severance of diplomatic relations between Venezuela and Colombia. In November 2019, the right-wing interim government of Bolivia broke off relations with Venezuela’s Maduro government, and in January of the following year, it also severed ties with Cuba. Under the siege of Latin American right-wing governments, the external environment for left-wing governments such as Venezuela’s deteriorated, their survival became more difficult, and the practical exploration of Latin American “21st-century socialism” encountered unprecedented challenges.

如前所述，2015年以后拉美地区出现“左退右进”的执政党轮替，拉美政治右转，左翼政府数量不断减少，委内瑞拉、玻利维亚和厄瓜多尔等国家社会主义实践探索的难度增加，特别是作为拉美“21世纪社会主义”主要旗手的委内瑞拉日益被孤立，内外部压力空前加大。首先，域内外右翼势力加大了对委内瑞拉等国家拉美“21世纪社会主义”的围攻力度，攻击社会主义“毁了这个石油丰富的国家，把人民引入贫困”,造成了苦难、腐败和腐朽，并号召“抵抗社会主义及其带来的灾难”。5其次，拉美右翼执政者积极拼凑反对委内瑞拉等左翼政府的区域性政治集团，加大了该地区社会主义实践探索的阻力。2017年，十几个由中右翼执政的拉美国家及加拿大组成了针对委内瑞拉的“利马集团”,该集团不承认马杜罗政府的合法性，而是支持美国扶植的委内瑞拉反对派。2019年3月，阿根廷、巴西、智利、哥伦比亚、巴拉圭和秘鲁等当时右翼执政的南美洲国家成立南美进步论坛(Prosur),也以反对委内瑞拉等左翼政府为目标。最后，拉美右翼执政后加大了对委内瑞拉等左翼政府的围剿力度。2015年底，阿根廷右翼政府执政后即开始指责委内瑞拉不尊重自由，要求对其实施制裁。在阿根廷和巴西右翼政府的推动下，南方共同市场2017年无限期中止委内瑞拉的成员国资格。博索纳罗右翼政府执政期间，巴西采取敌视委内瑞拉和古巴的立场。哥伦比亚右翼政府2019年1月宣布承认委内瑞拉反对派领导人胡安·瓜伊多为“临时总统”,导致委内瑞拉和哥伦比亚两国断交。2019年11月，玻利维亚右翼临时政府断绝与委内瑞拉马杜罗政府的关系，次年1月又与古巴断交。在拉美右翼政府的围剿下，委内瑞拉等左翼政府的外部环境恶化，生存难度增加，导致拉美“21世纪社会主义”的实践探索遭遇前所未有的困难。

Since 2020, after left-wing parties in many Latin American countries successively returned to power, they have gradually improved relations with countries such as Venezuela, significantly improving the external environment for the practical exploration of Latin American “21st-century socialism.” In November 2020, after taking office, Bolivian left-wing President Luis Arce announced the restoration of diplomatic relations with Venezuela. In July 2021, after the left-wing government in Peru came to power, it changed its policy toward Venezuela and restored normal diplomatic relations with the Maduro government. In August 2022, after Gustavo Petro assumed the presidency of Colombia, he restored diplomatic relations with Venezuela, and both sides pledged to comprehensively enhance bilateral ties. In January 2023, after Lula took office as President of Brazil, he quickly restored relations with the Venezuelan government, which had been severed during the Bolsonaro administration. With the return of the left to power in many Latin American countries, the regional political blocs cobbled together by right-wing forces to oppose left-wing governments such as Venezuela’s have also disintegrated. In 2021, the left-wing government of Argentina announced its withdrawal from the Lima Group, after which the group gradually dissolved. In 2022, the left-wing government of Chile announced its withdrawal from the South American Progress Forum, and that organization subsequently faded away. After coming to power, the Latin American left successively improved relations with left-wing governments such as Venezuela’s, alleviating external pressure on their socialist practice and exploration. As a result, Maduro stated in January 2022: “Socialism is our path, and better times are gradually coming.”[6]6 This is a direct quotation from Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, made in January 2022, reflecting his optimism about the socialist path amid improved regional conditions.

2020年以来，拉美多国左翼政党陆续重新执政后，相继改善了与委内瑞拉等国的关系，拉美“21世纪社会主义”实践探索的外部环境明显改善。2020年11月，玻利维亚左翼总统路易斯·阿尔塞就职后即宣布修复与委内瑞拉的外交关系。2021年7月，秘鲁左翼政府上台执政后，改变了对委内瑞拉的政策，与马杜罗政府恢复了正常外交关系。2022年8月，古斯塔沃·佩特罗就任哥伦比亚总统后，恢复了与委内瑞拉的外交关系，双方承诺全面提升双边关系。2023年1月，卢拉就任巴西总统后，迅速恢复了在博索纳罗执政时期中断的与委内瑞拉政府的关系。随着左翼在拉美多国重新执政，该地区右翼力量拼凑的旨在反对委内瑞拉等左翼政府的区域性政治集团也相继瓦解。2021年，阿根廷左翼政府宣布退出利马集团，此后该集团逐渐解体。2022年，智利左翼政府宣布退出南美进步论坛，该组织随后也逐渐销声匿迹。拉美左翼执政后相继改善与委内瑞拉等左翼政府的关系，减轻了其社会主义实践探索的外部压力，由此马杜罗在2022年1月表示：“社会主义是我们的道路，更好的时刻正逐渐来临”6。

(3) It Promotes the Transformation of Multiple Latin American Communist Parties into Participating Parties in Government

(三)推动拉美多国共产党成为参政党

The new wave of left-wing governance in Latin America and the resulting changes in the region’s political ecology are conducive to the growth and strengthening of communist party forces in the region. Communist parties in Brazil, Chile, Colombia, and other countries have all become important participating parties in government, further expanding their political influence.

拉美新一轮左翼执政及其所引起的地区政治生态的变化，有利于拉美地区共产党力量的发展壮大，巴西、智利、哥伦比亚等多国共产党均成为重要参政党，其政治影响力进一步扩大。

The Communist Party of Brazil (hereinafter referred to as “PCdoB”) is the second-largest communist party in Latin America after the Communist Party of Cuba and is an important political ally of the Workers’ Party. During the Workers’ Party’s tenure in government from 2003 to 2016, PCdoB leaders held positions such as Minister of Science and Technology and Minister of Defense in the federal government, and from 2005 to 2007, one even served as President of the Chamber of Deputies. During the right-wing Bolsonaro government from 2019 to 2022, PCdoB still maintained significant political and social influence, holding 1 seat in the 81-seat Senate, 12 seats in the 513-seat Chamber of Deputies, and occupying 1 governor and 81 mayor positions nationwide. In the 2022 general election, PCdoB continued to achieve notable results, winning 6 seats in the Chamber of Deputies. After Lula assumed the presidency in January 2023, PCdoB maintained its status as an important participating party in government, with party chairwoman Luciana Santos serving as Minister of Science and Technology in the federal government.

巴西共产党(以下简称“巴共”)是拉美地区仅次于古巴共产党的第二大共产党，也是劳工党的重要政治盟友。在劳工党2003—2016年执政期间，巴共领导人曾出任联邦政府科技部长和国防部长等职务，2005—2007年还曾担任国会众议院议长。2019—2022年博索纳罗右翼政府执政期间，巴共依然保持着重要政治和社会影响力，在参议院81席中占1席，在众议院513席中占12席，在全国拥有1个州长和81个市长职位。在2022年大选中巴共继续取得不俗业绩，在众议院获得6个席位。2023年1月卢拉就任总统后，巴共继续保持着重要参政党的地位，党主席卢西亚娜·桑托斯出任联邦政府科技部长。

The Communist Party of Chile (hereinafter “CPCh”) is one of the most influential communist parties in Latin America. The CPCh was suppressed during the Pinochet military dictatorship; after the military government returned power to civilians, the CPCh regained legal status in 1990, and subsequently won seats in the National Congress for the first time in the 2009 general election. In 2013, the CPCh joined the centre-left coalition and supported Socialist Michelle Bachelet’s presidential campaign. After Bachelet won and took office in March 2014, CPCh leaders served as Minister of Women’s Affairs in the central government. In the previous Congress (2018–2022), the CPCh held nine seats in the Chamber of Deputies. In the 2021 general election, the CPCh supported the candidate of the left-wing coalition “Apruebo Dignidad” [Dignity to Approve], Gabriel Boric, in his presidential bid. After Boric won and assumed office in March 2022, the CPCh became an important participant in government, holding three of the 24 ministerial posts in the central government: Camila Vallejo as Minister Secretary-General of Government, Jeannette Jara as Minister of Labour and Social Security, and Flavio Salazar as Minister of Science, Technology, Knowledge and Innovation.[7]7 The Government Secretariat-General (Ministerio Secretaría General de Gobierno) is a Chilean ministry responsible for government communications and relations with civil society. In the new Congress (2022–2026), the CPCh holds 12 of 114 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and 2 of 59 seats in the Senate.

智利共产党(以下简称“智共”)是拉美地区最有影响力的共产党之一。智共在皮诺切特军政府执政期间遭到镇压，军政府还政于民后，智共于1990年恢复合法地位，继而在2009年大选中首次获得国会议员席位。智共2013年加入中左翼联盟，支持社会党人米歇尔·巴切莱特竞选总统。巴切莱特胜选并于2014年3月就职后，智共领导人曾出任中央政府的妇女部长。在上届国会(2018—2022年)中，智共在众议院中占9席。在2021年大选中，智共支持左翼联盟“尊严制宪”候选人加夫列尔·博里奇参选总统。博里奇胜选并于2022年3月就任后，智共成为重要参政党，在中央政府24个部长职务中占3个，其中卡米拉·巴列霍出任政府秘书部部长，珍妮特·哈拉出任劳动和社会保障部长，弗拉维奥·萨拉萨尔出任科技部长。7在新一届国会(2022—2026年)中，智共在众议院114席中占12席，在参议院59席中占2席。

The Communist Party of Colombia (hereinafter “CPCol”) joined the left-wing “Decent” coalition in the 2018 general election, holding one seat in the Chamber of Deputies of the 2018–2022 Congress, and also winning three mayoral positions. In the 2022 general election, the CPCol ran jointly with the left-wing “Historical Pact” coalition, winning one seat each in the Senate and Chamber of Deputies. In June 2022, “Historical Pact” candidate Gustavo Petro was elected president and took office in August of the same year; CPCol leader Inés Ramírez was appointed Minister of Labour in the new government.

哥伦比亚共产党(以下简称“哥共”)在2018年大选中曾加入左翼力量组成的“正派”联盟，在2018—2022年国会众议院中占1席，此外还赢得3个市长职位。哥共在2022年大选中与左翼的“历史公约”联盟联合参选，并在国会参众两院各获得1席。2022年6月，“历史公约”联盟候选人佩特罗当选总统，同年8月就任，哥共领导人伊内斯·拉米雷斯出任新政府的劳动部长。

Furthermore, the Communist Party of Venezuela (hereinafter “CPV”) and the Communist Party of Uruguay (hereinafter “CPU”) were once important participating parties and still retain significant influence in national political life. The CPV was a political ally of the ruling Fifth Republic Movement and the United Socialist Party of Venezuela; CPV members have held positions in the government and public sector, and have served as ministers. In recent years, differences between the CPV and the Maduro government and the United Socialist Party have gradually deepened. In the 2020 parliamentary elections, the CPV parted ways with the ruling-party-led “Great Patriotic Pole” and formed an electoral alliance with other left-wing parties, winning one seat in the National Assembly and some seats in municipal councils. In November 2022, the CPV held its 16th National Congress, focusing on updating the Party’s programme and political line in an attempt to continue expanding its influence.[8]8 The Great Patriotic Pole (Gran Polo Patriótico) is a left-wing electoral coalition led by the United Socialist Party of Venezuela, supporting the government of Nicolás Maduro. The CPU is a member of the left-wing coalition “Broad Front,” which governed continuously for 15 years from 2005 to 2020, during which the CPU was always an important participating party. The Broad Front lost its governing position in 2020, but the CPU still retains significant influence in national political life; in the current parliament (2020–2024), it holds 2 of 30 seats in the Senate and 6 of 99 seats in the Chamber of Deputies. In May 2022, the CPU held its 32nd Congress, formulating a strategy for 2024 in light of the new situation.[9]9 The Broad Front (Frente Amplio) is a left-wing coalition in Uruguay that governed from 2005 to 2020.

此外，委内瑞拉共产党(以下简称“委共”)和乌拉圭共产党(以下简称“乌共”)也曾是重要的参政党，目前在国家政治生活中仍具有重要的影响力。委共曾是执政党第五共和国运动和统一社会主义党的政治盟友，委共党员曾在政府和公共部门任职，还曾出任政府的部长职务。近年来委共与马杜罗政府及统一社会主义党在一些问题上分歧逐渐加深。在2020年国会选举中，委共与执政党领导的“大爱国中心”分道扬镳，并与其他左翼政党组成选举联盟，在国会获得1席，在一些市级议会中也获得一些席位。2022年11月，委共召开第十六次代表大会，重点讨论更新党的纲领和政治路线，试图继续扩大党的影响力。8乌共是左翼政党联盟“广泛阵线”的成员，“广泛阵线”于2005—2020年连续执政15年，乌共一直是重要的参政党。“广泛阵线”在2020年失去执政地位，但乌共在国家政治生活中仍保持着重要的影响力，在本届议会(2020—2024年)中，该党在参议院30席中占2席，在众议院99席中占6席。2022年5月，乌共召开第三十二次代表大会，根据新形势制定了面向2024年的战略。9

(4) It is conducive to further advancing the struggle against capitalism in the Latin American region.

(四)有利于在拉美地区进一步推动反对资本主义的斗争

No matter how the situation in Latin America changes or how the balance of political forces shifts, the sustained critique of capitalism and the struggle against capitalism have always been important practical activities of the region’s left. The new wave of left-wing governance in Latin America has further propelled the left-wing forces in the region to carry out the struggle against capitalism.

无论拉美地区形势怎样变化、政治力量对比如何变动，持续对资本主义进行批判并开展反对资本主义的斗争一直是该地区左翼的重要实践活动。拉美新一轮左翼执政，进一步推动了该地区左翼力量开展反对资本主义的斗争。

Left-wing political parties in Latin America, including communist parties of various countries, have engaged in sustained criticism of capitalism and called for a struggle against it. In December 2020, the 26th National Congress of the CPCh pointed out that the crisis of legitimacy of the neoliberal model is broader and deeper than ever, the negative consequences of barbaric capitalism are increasingly evident, and social contradictions and social fragmentation are further intensifying. In June 2021, the 9th National Congress of the Communist Party of Paraguay focused on discussing the capitalist crisis, the balance of forces between exploiters and the exploited, and the prospects for socialist revolution, proposing that capitalism is in a structural crisis and that a way out should be sought through socialism and revolution. In October 2021, the 15th National Congress of the Communist Party of Brazil proposed that capitalist rule has produced disastrous consequences, and that democratic forces should strengthen unity and open a path for national reconstruction led by democracy.

包括各国共产党在内的拉美左翼政党对资本主义开展了持续性的批判，并号召进行反对资本主义的斗争。2020年12月，智共第二十六次全国代表大会指出，新自由主义模式的合法性危机比以往更加广泛和深刻，野蛮资本主义的消极后果越来越明显，社会矛盾与社会撕裂进一步加剧。2021年6月，巴拉圭共产党第九次全国代表大会重点讨论了资本主义危机、剥削者与被剥削者力量对比状况，以及社会主义革命的前景等，提出资本主义处于结构性的危机之中，应该通过社会主义和革命的方式寻求出路。2021年10月，巴共第十五次全国代表大会提出，资本主义统治造成了灾难性的后果，民主力量应该加强团结，以民主为引领开辟国家的重建之路。

Regional organisations and conferences of the Latin American left have also called for the struggle against capitalism. The 2020 video conference of the São Paulo Forum emphasised that socialist ideas have been reborn in the backyard of imperialism; the Forum announced through its official website in 2021 that it remains very necessary to carry out the struggle against neoliberalism and imperialism in Latin America. The 7th meeting of the Puebla Group in 2021 pointed out that although the neoliberal development model is widespread in Latin America, it has been heavily questioned over the past 30 years and is no longer in line with the times. In 2019, Cuba initiated and convened an international conference with the theme “For Democracy, Against Neoliberalism, and for Anti-Imperialist Unity,” which stated that neoliberalism threatens not only humanity but also the entire globe, emphasising that our struggle is resistance; the 2021 conference proposed that capitalism and imperialism are the root causes of inequality in Latin America.

拉美左翼的区域组织和地区性会议也号召开展反对资本主义的斗争。圣保罗论坛2020年视频会议强调，社会主义思想在帝国主义的后院重获新生；该论坛2021年通过官网宣布，在拉美地区开展反对新自由主义和反对帝国主义的斗争仍然非常有必要。普埃布拉集团2021年召开的第七次会议指出，新自由主义的发展模式虽然在拉美地区广泛流行，但其在过去30年期间也饱受质疑，已经不再符合潮流。2019年，古巴倡导并召开主题为“争取民主、反对新自由主义、团结反帝”的国际会议，会议指出，新自由主义不仅会威胁人类，还会威胁全球，强调我们的斗争就是抵抗；2021年的会议提出资本主义及帝国主义是拉美地区产生不平等问题的根源。

Important representatives of the Latin American left and left-wing intellectuals have also frequently called for the struggle against capitalism. Many left-wing scholars in Latin America believe that the inherent limitations of capitalism are becoming increasingly evident, that capitalism is the root of many governance problems in the world today, that it is incapable of solving the various problems and challenges it generates, and that therefore the people of Latin America should carry out the struggle against capitalism and achieve a transcendence of capitalism. Álvaro García Linera, the renowned Bolivian left-wing theorist and former vice president, believes that neoliberalism is “a form of capitalism,” whose essence is plunder, and that capitalism is not only outdated but can also be defeated. Many leaders of left-wing political parties in Latin America have also called for the struggle against capitalism; Evo Morales, president of the Bolivian “Movement Toward Socialism,” emphasised that neoliberal policies have failed; Nicolás Maduro, president of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela, criticised the adverse consequences of the capitalist model and stressed the need to break the shackles of capitalism.[10]10 Álvaro García Linera served as Vice President of Bolivia from 2006 to 2019 under Evo Morales.

拉美左翼的重要代表人物及左翼知识分子也频繁号召开展反对资本主义的斗争。不少拉美左翼学者认为，资本主义自身固有的局限性正越来越明显地表现出来，资本主义是目前世界上诸多治理难题的根源，它没有能力解决自身所产生的各种问题和挑战，因而拉美地区人民应开展反对资本主义的斗争，并实现对资本主义的超越。玻利维亚著名左翼理论家、前副总统阿尔瓦洛·加西亚认为，新自由主义是“资本主义的一种方式”,其本质是掠夺，资本主义不仅已经过时，而且是可以被战胜的。拉美许多左翼政党领导人也号召开展反对资本主义的斗争，玻利维亚“争取社会主义运动”主席莫拉莱斯强调，新自由主义政策已经失败；委内瑞拉统一社会主义党主席马杜罗批评了资本主义模式造成的不良后果，强调要冲破资本主义的桎梏。10

III. Conclusion

三、结 论

The development of left-wing forces in Latin America is closely linked to the development of the socialist movement in the region. The development of the socialist movement is an important component of the development of the Latin American left, and also one of the important indicators of the left’s growth and strengthening. Although not all Latin American leftists advocate or explicitly raise the slogan of socialism, the positions of the region’s left share some common or similar, overlapping and intersecting points with socialist positions. Most Latin American leftists not only do not oppose but even endorse socialist ideas and positions, and some left-wing parties and left-wing leaders are themselves advocates of socialism. Left-wing political parties, political and social organisations are the important political, organisational and social foundations for the development of socialism in Latin America. The continuous growth and strengthening of left-wing forces in Latin America not only provides a more favourable environment and conditions for the development of the socialist movement in Latin America, but also gives the development of the socialist movement in Latin America a more solid political foundation and stronger momentum.

拉美左翼力量的发展与该地区社会主义运动的发展有紧密的关联。社会主义运动的发展是拉美左翼发展的重要组成部分，也是该地区左翼发展壮大的重要标志之一。虽然并非所有拉美左翼都主张或明确提出过社会主义的口号，但该地区左翼的主张与社会主义的主张有一些共同或类似、重合和交叉之处。拉美多数左翼不仅不反对甚至赞同社会主义的理念和主张，而且有些左翼政党和左翼领导人自身就是社会主义的倡导者。左翼政党、左翼政治和社会组织是拉美社会主义发展的重要政治、组织和社会基础。拉美左翼力量的不断发展壮大，不仅为拉美社会主义运动发展提供了更加有利的环境和条件，也使拉美社会主义运动的发展获得了更加坚实的政治基础和更加强大的动力。

The construction of socialist political parties largely determines the state of development of the socialist movement in Latin America. Left-wing parties are the main practitioners of socialist thought and practice in Latin America; left-wing parties, especially those with socialist tendencies, exert a significant influence on the development of the socialist movement in the region. The experience of Latin American countries shows that strong ideological, political, and organizational construction of socialist parties will greatly promote the development of the socialist movement; conversely, it will have a negative impact on the development of the socialist movement. For example, many Latin American left-wing parties, including socialist parties (such as Ecuador’s “PAIS Alliance” [11]11 “PAIS Alliance” (Alianza PAIS): A left-wing political party in Ecuador founded by former President Rafael Correa in 2006, which governed from 2007 to 2017. and Bolivia’s “Movement for Socialism” [12]12 “Movement for Socialism” (Movimiento al Socialismo): A left-wing political party in Bolivia founded by Evo Morales in 1998, which governed from 2006 to 2019.), are still not mature enough in their own construction, their theoretical systems are incomplete, their organizational structures are not sound, and their cadre ranks are not rational. Many parties were founded by charismatic leaders, and the rise and fall of the party is overly dependent on the individual leader; the phenomenon of the party perishing when the leader leaves is common. Some parties lack strong collective leadership, which easily leads to a lack of internal party supervision and creates risks of breeding clientelism, bureaucratism, and cronyism. These defects in the construction of socialist parties inevitably cause damage to the development of the socialist movement in Latin America.

社会主义政党的建设在很大程度上决定着拉美社会主义运动发展的状况。左翼政党是拉美社会主义思想和实践的主要践行者，左翼政党特别是那些具有社会主义倾向的政党会对拉美社会主义运动的发展产生重要影响。拉美国家的经验表明，社会主义政党的思想、政治和组织建设有力，将会极大地促进社会主义运动的发展；反之，则会对社会主义运动的发展产生消极影响。例如，包括社会主义政党在内的许多拉美左翼政党(如厄瓜多尔“主权祖国联盟”和玻利维亚“争取社会主义运动”等)自身建设还不够成熟，理论体系不够完备，组织机构不够健全，干部队伍不够合理。不少政党由魅力型领袖创建，党的兴衰成败过度依赖领袖个人，人走党亡的现象屡见不鲜；一些党缺乏坚强有力的集体领导，容易造成党内监督的缺失，存在滋生庇护主义、官僚主义和任人唯亲等现象的风险。社会主义政党建设的这些缺陷不可避免地会对拉美社会主义运动的发展造成损害。

The fierce struggle between the left and the right, along with the relatively frequent alternation of ruling parties between left and right, has a cyclical impact on the development of the socialist movement in Latin America. The coexistence and competition between the left and the right are important contents and distinctive features of political development in Latin American countries. “Left advances, right retreats” and “left retreats, right advances” occur cyclically, and the alternating governance of left-wing and right-wing parties is increasingly becoming the norm in the political development of Latin American countries. In the political environment and atmosphere of multi-party competition and frequent alternation of ruling parties between left and right, the development of the socialist movement in Latin America faces many uncertainties. This, to a certain extent, determines that the socialist movement in the region can only develop in a gradual manner, and the practical exploration of socialism will advance in a wave-like fashion.

左翼和右翼的激烈争斗以及相对频繁的执政党左右轮替，对拉美社会主义运动发展产生周期性的影响。左翼与右翼的共存和竞争是拉美国家政治发展的重要内容和鲜明特点，“左进右退”与“左退右进”周期性发生，左翼和右翼政党交替执政日益成为拉美国家政治发展的常态。在多党竞争和执政党左右频繁轮替的政治环境和氛围下，拉美社会主义运动的发展面临诸多不确定性，这在一定程度上决定了该地区的社会主义运动只能以渐进方式发展，社会主义的实践探索将以波浪式方式推进。

The development of the socialist movement in Latin America finds it difficult to completely escape the constraints of external factors. The development of the socialist movement in Latin America has not only been obstructed by right-wing and conservative forces within the region but has also long encountered strong external resistance. Right-wing and conservative forces in the United States and Europe have consistently held a hostile attitude toward the socialist movement in Latin America. The United States, in particular, has long regarded Latin America as its traditional sphere of influence. To maintain its hegemony and interests, it has consistently pursued a strategy of “supporting the right and attacking the left” in the region, attempting to maximally divide and weaken left-wing forces in Latin America and curb the development and growth of the socialist movement there. In recent years, conservative forces from the United States, Europe, and Latin America have united to support right-wing opposition parties in countries such as Venezuela and Bolivia, even attempting to overthrow the left-wing governments in these countries. The hostility and obstruction of external forces have become a significant obstacle to the development of the socialist movement and the practical exploration of socialism in Latin America, and this obstacle is difficult to eliminate in the short term.

拉美社会主义运动的发展难以完全摆脱外部因素的制约。拉美社会主义运动的发展不仅一直遭到本地区右翼和保守势力的阻挠，而且长期遭遇强大的外部阻力。美国、欧洲地区的右翼保守势力一直对拉美社会主义运动持敌视态度。美国更是长期把拉美作为自己的传统势力范围，为维护自己的霸权和利益，在该地区一贯奉行“拉右打左”的策略，试图最大限度地分化瓦解拉美左翼力量，遏制该地区社会主义运动的发展壮大。近年来，美国、欧洲和拉美保守势力联合起来支持委内瑞拉、玻利维亚等国的右翼反对派，甚至试图推翻这些国家的左翼政府。外部力量的敌视和阻挠，成为拉美社会主义运动发展和社会主义实践探索的重要阻力，且这种阻力在短期内难以清除。

Online editor: Zhang Jian

网络编辑：张剑