“Fossil Capitalism”: Conceptual Origins, Theoretical Framework, and Theoretical Assessment

“Fossil Capitalism” is a theoretical concept gradually formed by Western left-wing scholars in the process of exploring the relationship between capitalism and the use of fossil fuels, climate change, and ecological destruction. Its theoretical gist is a critique of the capitalist mode of production that relies on fossil fuels. As a highly topical issue, “fossil capitalism” represents the ongoing research of contemporary foreign left-wing scholars into the critique of fossil capital. Andreas Malm, in his book *Fossil Capital: The Rise of Steam Power and the Roots of Global Warming*, emphasizes that fossil fuels are the necessary material basis for the production of surplus value. Ian Angus, in his book *Facing the Anthropocene: Fossil Capitalism and the Crisis of the Earth System*, points out the causes of fossil capitalism, solutions to it, and its relationship with the Anthropocene. John Bellamy Foster, in the foreword to *Facing the Anthropocene: Fossil Capitalism and the Crisis of the Earth System*, writes that if “fossil capitalism” does not stop, it will be a runaway train, leading to global environmental apartheid and a historical stage that the British Marxist historian E.P. Thompson called “exterminism,” in which the living conditions of hundreds of millions, even billions, of people will be overturned, and the foundations of life as we know it will be threatened. Naomi Klein, in her book *This Changes Everything: Capitalism vs. the Climate*, emphasizes that the capitalist mode of production and addressing the climate crisis are incompatible opposites. Faced with the global climate crisis, fossil capitalism continues to put up a stubborn fight. As John Szabo points out in his article “Fossil Capitalism’s Lock-ins: The Natural Gas-Hydrogen Nexus,” the power relations within the fossil-fuel-based capitalist system allow the natural gas industry to adopt the concept of a hydrogen energy utopia and replace the vision of renewable energy with a natural-gas-based vision. Tetet Lauron, a scholar at the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, argues that global climate problems arise from the overexploitation of fossil fuels under capitalist expansion. The British left-wing writer Camilla Royal, in *The Plunder of Nature: Capitalism and the Ecological Rift*, points out that capitalism plunders natural resources by exploiting labor, and the use of fossil fuels is a result of this exploitation. Theoretical analysis originates from the realm of reality. Of the Earth’s greenhouse gases, 80% of carbon dioxide, 40% of methane, and 30% of nitrogen oxides are caused by the use of fossil energy, i.e., carbon-based energy. “Fossil capitalism” has led to increasingly severe climate problems, causing a rise in global temperatures (atmosphere and oceans), and also triggering chain reactions, such as sea-level rise, frequent natural disasters, and glacial melting. Ian Angus points out that radical fossil capitalism spreads disorderly across the globe to meet its demand for capital accumulation, and the means of achieving this is by burning more fossil fuels. Faced with the new geological stage of the Earth, the “Anthropocene,” how to eliminate the negative effects brought about by “fossil capitalism” has become a practical challenge that all of humanity must confront together. Returning to the level of scholarly research, current domestic academic research on “fossil capitalism” is relatively weak, leaving room for further academic exploration. Therefore, to promote deeper research on this issue, the author will sort out and summarize the conceptual generation and core themes of “fossil capitalism,” and on this basis, conduct a theoretical assessment, with the aim of proposing future research directions and focal points for deepening the study of “fossil capitalism.”

“化石资本主义”(Fossil Capitalism)是由西方左翼学者探讨资本主义与化石燃料使用、气候变化以及生态破坏之间关系的过程中逐渐形成的理论概念，其理论要旨是对依赖化石燃料的资本主义生产方式的批判。“化石资本主义”作为一个极富现实性的议题，是当代国外左翼学者对化石资本批判的延续性研究，安德烈亚斯·马尔姆(Andreas Malm)在《化石的资本：蒸汽发电的兴起与全球变暖的根源》（Fossil Capital:The Rise of Steam Power and the Roots of Global Warming）一书中强调，化石燃料是生产剩余价值的必要物质基础；伊恩·安格斯（Ian Angus）在其所著的《面对人类世：化石资本主义与地球系统危机》（Facing the Anthropocene:Fossil Capitalism and the Crisis of the Earth System）一书中指出，化石资本主义的形成原因、破解方案以及同人类世之间关系；约翰·贝拉米·福斯特（John Bellamy Foster）在《面对人类世：化石资本主义与地球系统危机》的前言中写到，“化石资本主义”如果不停止，将是一列失控的火车，导致全球环境种族隔离和英国马克思主义历史学家E.P·汤普森称之为“灭绝主义”的历史阶段，在这个阶段中，数亿人乃至数十亿人的生存条件都将被颠覆，我们所知道的生命基础也将受到威胁；娜奥米·克莱恩（Naomi Klein）在《改变一切：气候危机、资本主义与我们的终极命运》一书中强调，资本主义生产方式与应对气候危机是难以兼容的对立双方；面对全球性的气候危机，化石资本主义依然在负隅顽抗，诚如约翰·萨博（John Szabo）在《化石资本主义的锁：天然气与氢气的联系》（Fossil Capitalism’s Lock-ins:The Natural GasHydrogen Nexus）一文中指出，以化石燃料为基础的资本主义体系中的权力关系允许天然气工业采用氢能源乌托邦的概念，并将以天然气为基础的愿景取代可再生能源的愿景；罗莎·卢森堡基金会学者泰特·劳伦（Tetet Lauron）认为全球气候问题的产生是由资本主义扩张下对化石燃料过度开采导致的；英国左翼作家卡米拉·罗亚尔（Camilla Royal）在《对自然的掠夺：资本主义与生态断裂》中指出，资本主义通过剥削劳工来掠夺自然资源，化石燃料的使用便是这种剥削的结果。理论辨析源于现实范畴，地球温室气体中有80%的二氧化碳、40%的甲烷、30%的氮氧化合物是由使用化石能源即碳基能源造成的，“化石资本主义”致使气候问题日趋严重，造成全球温度上升（大气和海洋），同时也引发连锁反应，例如海平面上升、自然灾害频发、冰川消融等问题。伊恩·安格斯指出，激进的化石资本主义在全球无序地蔓延，以此来满足其对资本积累的需求，而实现途径就是燃烧更多的化石燃料。面对“人类世”（Anthropocene）的地球地质新阶段，如何消弭“化石资本主义”带来的负面效能，成为全体人类需要共同面对的现实难题。回到学理研究层面，当前国内学界对于“化石资本主义”的研究较为薄弱，有可供继续探索的学理空间。因此，为推动对这一问题的研究向纵深发展，笔者将对“化石资本主义”的概念生成和核心议题进行梳理和总结，并在这个基础上展开理论评析，以期提出今后对“化石资本主义”研究的展望方向和深化重点。

I. The Conceptual Origins of “Fossil Capitalism”

一、“化石资本主义”的概念源起

From an academic perspective, the author believes that clarifying the core meaning of “fossil capitalism” first requires sorting out the ins and outs of the concept of “fossil capitalism.” Therefore, this study analyzes the concept from three levels: historical origins, theoretical clues, and practical logic, to understand the conceptual orientation of “fossil capitalism,” and thereby better grasp the core narrative of “fossil capitalism.”

从学理层面上看，笔者认为阐明“化石资本主义”的核心要义首先需要理清“化石资本主义”概念的来龙去脉。因此，本研究从历史源流、理论线索和实践逻辑三个层面对概念进行解析，理解“化石资本主义”的概念指向，进而更好地把握“化石资本主义”的核心叙事。

(I) The Historical Origins of “Fossil Capitalism”

（一）“化石资本主义”的历史源流

The integrated fusion of capitalism and the fossil economy began with capitalist industrialization, undergoing the entire process in which steam power, dominated by fossil fuels, replaced water power, dominated by nature, until fossil fuels became the energy support for the capitalist mode of production. Alf Hornborg, in his article “Nature, Society, and Justice in the Anthropocene,” criticizes capitalism as a “fetishistic system” built on fossil fuels and money, thereby causing the negative phenomenon of the “planet burning” in the Anthropocene. Large-scale global greenhouse gas emissions also originated from capitalist industrialization, i.e., the capitalist mode of production based on fossil fuels as an energy base. Surveying the history of the Industrial Revolution in Western countries, “capitalism” = “fossil capitalism”; the core of the Industrial Revolution was in fact a revolution in energy conversion. Taking Britain as an example, before the Industrial Revolution, Britain had 5,000 wind-powered factories. Machines such as Hargreaves’s spinning jenny and Arkwright’s water frame were driven by water and animal power; steam power had not yet become the main power source. However, the historical key point that changed this situation was the First Industrial Revolution, when mechanization was promoted on a large scale, and steam engines based on fossil fuels were also widely applied. In this sense, comparing British society’s energy needs before and after industrialization, the transformation is reflected in a shift from plant-based electricity, hydropower, wind power, and a limited amount of coal (fossil fuels) to a large amount of coal (fossil fuels), to meet producers’ demand for energy resources, thereby enabling capital accumulation to accelerate uninterrupted. In the context of capitalist expansion, economic growth, industrialization, and fossil fuel consumption were combined, structurally establishing a fossil capitalist relationship. In the “fossil capitalism” relationship, these three elements show a trend of moving in the same direction, i.e., economic growth or industrialization inevitably brings about a large amount of fossil fuel consumption, while fossil fuel consumption is the driving support for economic growth or industrialization. The massive consumption of fossil fuels has also caused a surge in atmospheric carbon dioxide concentration. For example, in 1950, the global atmospheric carbon dioxide concentration was about 35 parts per million higher than the pre-industrial level, 65% of which was caused by emissions from the two countries, the United States and Britain.

资本主义与化石经济的一体化融合，开端于资本主义工业化，历经了由化石燃料为主导的蒸汽驱动取代以自然为主导的水力驱动的全过程，直至化石燃料成为资本主义生产方式的能源支撑。霍恩伯格（Alf Hornborg）在《人类世的自然、社会与正义》（Nature,Society,and Justice in the Anthropocene）一文中批判资本主义是建立在化石燃料和货币上的“拜物教体系”，并由此造成人类世“星球燃烧”的负面现象。全球大规模的温室气体排放，也是肇始于资本主义工业化，即以化石燃料为能源基础的资本主义生产方式。纵览西方国家的工业革命历程，“资本主义”=“化石资本主义”，工业革命的核心其实就是能源转换的革命。以英国为例，在工业革命之前，英国有5 000家风力驱动的工厂，诸如哈格里夫斯的珍妮纺织机、阿克赖特的水力纺纱机都是以水力和畜力作为驱动，蒸汽动力尚未成为主要的动力来源。然而，改变这一情形的历史关键点是第一次工业革命，机械化得到了大规模的推广，以化石燃料为能源基础的蒸汽机也得以广泛应用。从这个意义上看，比较工业化前后的英国社会能源需求，其转变体现在由植物类发电、水电、风力发电和有限数量的煤炭（化石燃料）转向大量的煤炭（化石燃料），来满足生产者对能源资源的需求，这使资本积累得以不间断加速进行。在资本主义扩张的语境中，经济增长、工业化和化石燃料消耗三者实现结合，在结构上建立起化石资本主义关系。在“化石资本主义”关系中，这三者呈现出同向而行的演进态势，即经济增长抑或是工业化必然带来大量的化石燃料消耗，而化石燃料消耗则是经济增长或工业化的动力支撑。化石燃料的大量消耗也造成大气中二氧化碳浓度的飙升，如在1950年，全球大气中二氧化碳浓度比工业化前水平上升了约百万分之三十五，其中65%是由于美国和英国这两个国家产生的排放。

Focusing on the present, approximately 80% of the world’s energy comes from fossil fuels. If current and future plans for fossil fuel expansion are not halted, even though the share of renewable energy in the overall energy mix is increasing, the amount of fossil fuel used will not be reduced. In particular, the growing global energy demand, most of which still must be met by fossil fuels, allows the forces of “fossil capitalism” to continue to strengthen, accelerating the expansion of monopoly capitalism dominated by fossil capital. For example, according to Fortune’s (2019) statistics on the world’s top 500 companies, six of the ten companies with the largest total revenue were oil and gas companies. To this day, the intervention of fossil capital in social, political, economic, cultural, and other dimensions has penetrated deep into the “marrow” of capitalist society, thereby forming the core characteristic of the expansion of “fossil capitalism”: maintaining the social structure and mode of operation locked in by “fossil capitalism.” However, the power relations dominated by fossil capital have not become increasingly stable with capitalist industrialization; on the contrary, the excessive consumption of fossil fuels has caused a global climate crisis, and to a certain extent, it has affected the capitalist power relations governed by fossil capital.

聚焦当下，世界上大约80%的能源来自化石燃料。如果当前和未来的化石燃料扩张计划不停止，尽管可再生能源所占能源份额整体上有所增加，但化石燃料的使用量将不会削减。特别是当代全球能源需求的不断加大，其中大部分能源需求仍要通过化石燃料得到满足，这让“化石资本主义”势力得以不断壮大，使以化石资本为主导的垄断资本主义加速扩张，如《财富》（2019年）对全球500强公司的统计，综合收入最大的10家公司中有6家是石油和天然气公司。时至今日，化石资本对社会政治、经济、文化等向度的介入，已经深入资本主义社会的“骨髓”，并由此形成“化石资本主义”扩张的核心表征，即维护“化石资本主义”所锁定的社会结构和运行模式。但是，化石资本所主导的权力关系并未随着资本主义工业化而日趋稳固，反而由于过度消耗化石燃料而造成全球性的气候危机，并在一定程度上影响化石资本所统驭的资本主义权力关系。

(II) The Theoretical Origins of “Fossil Capitalism”

（二）“化石资本主义”的理论溯源

“Fossil capitalism” is a composite concept based on the capitalist mode of production, and also a comprehensive reflection on the characteristics of the capitalist mode of production. To explore the logic of the emergence of “fossil capitalism,” it is necessary to first clarify the theoretical threads of “fossil capitalism” and deconstruct the constituent elements of “fossil capitalism” from a theoretical dimension. The author believes that the sorting out of textual theory lies in grasping the ideas of the conceptual interpreters. As a proper noun, “fossil capitalism” is mainly used by scholars such as Andreas Malm, Ian Angus, Naomi Klein, and John Sabor. Therefore, sorting out the theoretical threads of “fossil capitalism” is also an analysis of the ideas and viewpoints of these scholars. Within this analytical framework, the author believes that the theoretical threads of “fossil capitalism” are, respectively: the theoretical absorption of Marxist thought and the theoretical borrowing from ecological socialism.

“化石资本主义”是基于对资本主义生产方式的复合概念，也是对资本主义生产方式特质的综合思考。探讨“化石资本主义”的出场逻辑，需要提前理清“化石资本主义”的理论线索，从理论维度解构“化石资本主义”的要素构成。笔者认为，文本理论的梳理在于对概念阐释者思想的把握，“化石资本主义”作为一个专有名词，其主要使用者有安德烈亚斯·马尔姆、伊恩·安格斯、娜奥米·克莱恩、约翰·萨博等学者，因而梳理“化石资本主义”的理论线索也是对这些学者思想观点的研析。出于这一分析框架，笔者认为“化石资本主义”的理论线索分别是：对马克思主义思想的理论吸纳和对生态社会主义的理论借鉴。

First, the theoretical absorption of Marxist thought.

一是对马克思主义思想的理论吸纳。

First, historical materialism provides a scientific perspective for understanding “fossil capitalism.” In *Fossil Capital: The Rise of Steam Power and the Roots of Global Warming*, Andreas Malm analyzes the harmfulness of fossil capital in relation to energy transitions. In the book, he elaborates on the entire process of the capitalist mode of production shifting from water power to steam power, analyzing the origins and causes of global warming from a historical perspective, and also revealing the relationship between fossil capital and the bourgeoisie—that is, fossil capital and the bourgeoisie are intertwined, and even to maintain class rule, “developed capitalism is inevitably hesitant on climate change issues.” The critical logic here is that scholars such as Andreas Malm explore the evolution of “fossil capitalism” from the perspective of historical materialism, taking the energy transition of the capitalist mode of production as the entry point for criticizing “fossil capitalism,” directly pointing to the essential contradictions inherent in “fossil capitalism.” Second, the “metabolic rift” theory is used to reveal the harm of “fossil capitalism.” Scholars such as Ian Angus and Naomi Klein introduce the “metabolic rift” theory into the analytical framework of “fossil capitalism,” pointing out that “fossil capitalism” causes catastrophic damage to the climate and environment, resulting in a rupture in the natural cycle. As Marx pointed out, “civilization and the entire development of industry have always played a very large role in the destruction of forests; in comparison, the opposite role they play, that is, the role in the protection and production of forests, is negligible.” [2]2 Karl Marx, *Capital*, Volume 2, Chapter 6, note 21. The translation follows the standard English edition. Third, the proletariat is the main force opposing fossil capitalism. Ian Angus points out: “The characteristic of fossil capitalism is inequality, which is also the general characteristic of class society; the unparalleled wealth of society is always concentrated in the hands of a few.” [3]3 Ian Angus, *Facing the Anthropocene: Fossil Capitalism and the Crisis of the Earth System*, Monthly Review Press, 2016, p. 215. Fossil capitalism inherits the class characteristics of capitalism, and the bourgeoisie remains the dominant class of “fossil capitalism.” Facing the class characteristics of fossil capitalism, scholars such as Ian Angus and Susanne Jeffery regard the “proletariat” as the revolutionary subject opposing fossil capitalism; only through the proletarian movement can the lock-in of fossil capitalist rule be broken.

第一，唯物史观为认识“化石资本主义”提供了科学的视阈。安德烈亚斯·马尔姆在《化石的资本：蒸汽发电的兴起与全球变暖的根源》中围绕能源变迁对化石资本的危害性展开剖析，他在书中阐述了资本主义生产方式从水力驱动到蒸汽动力的全过程，从历史角度剖析了全球变暖的起源和肇因，也揭示出化石资本与资产阶级的关系，即化石资本与资产阶级相互勾连，甚至为维护阶级统治，“发达资本主义必然会在气候变化问题上踌躇不前”。这一批判逻辑在于，安德烈亚斯·马尔姆等学者从唯物史观角度探讨了“化石资本主义”的演变，将资本主义生产方式的能源变迁作为批判“化石资本主义”的切入点，直指“化石资本主义”存在的本质矛盾。第二，以“新陈代谢断裂(Metabolic Rift)”理论揭示“化石资本主义”的危害。伊恩·安格斯、娜奥米·克莱恩等学者将“新陈代谢断裂”理论引入对“化石资本主义”的分析框架之中，指出“化石资本主义”对气候环境的灾难性破坏，造成自然界循环的断裂，如马克思所指出的，“文明和整个的产业发展，对森林的破坏从来就起很大的作用，对比之下，它所起的相反的作用，即对森林的护养和生产所起的作用则微乎其微”。第三，无产阶级是对抗化石资本主义的主体力量。伊恩·安格斯指出：“化石资本主义的特点就是不平等，这也是阶级社会的总特征，社会无与伦比的财富总是集中在少数人手里。”化石资本主义继承了资本主义的阶级特质，资产阶级仍然是“化石资本主义”的主导阶级。面对化石资本主义的阶级特质，伊恩·安格斯、苏珊娜·杰弗瑞等学者都将“无产阶级”视为对抗化石资本主义的革命主体，只有通过无产阶级运动才能挣脱化石资本主义的统治锁定。

Second, the theoretical borrowing from ecological socialism.

二是对生态社会主义的理论借鉴。

With the support of Foster, Ian Angus wrote *Facing the Anthropocene: Fossil Capitalism and the Crisis of the Earth System*, and in the third part of the book, he emphasizes the “alternative” to “fossil capitalism”—“ecological socialism.” As an ecological liberation concept of ecological Marxism, the theory of “ecological socialism” criticizes the capitalist system through a beautiful conception of a future ecological society. Therefore, Ian Angus sets “ecological socialism” as a programmatic path to counter global warming in his text. Foster and Ian Angus both endorse the “ecological socialist movement,” praising “ecological socialism” as “an economic transformation based on non-monetary values of social justice and ecological balance,” [4]4 John Bellamy Foster and Ian Angus, “Ecological Socialism: A Strategy for the Transition,” *Monthly Review*, Vol. 68, No. 4, 2016. hoping to bridge the real crisis caused by “fossil capitalism” through the “ecological socialist movement.” From the propositions of scholars such as Foster and Ian Angus, “ecological socialism” defends humanity’s “basic human rights and natural rights,” achieves a functional transcendence over “clean capitalism,” and is an environmental program that directly struggles against the capitalist system.

在福斯特的支持下，伊恩·安格斯撰写了《面对人类世：化石资本主义与地球系统危机》，并在书中第三部分着重强调“化石资本主义”的“替代方案”——“生态社会主义”。“生态社会主义”理论作为生态马克思主义的生态解放构想，是通过对未来生态社会的美好构设来批判资本主义制度，因而伊恩·安格斯在文中将“生态社会主义”设置为对抗全球气候变暖的方案路径。福斯特、伊恩·安格斯都认同“生态社会主义运动”，赞赏“生态社会主义”是“建立在社会正义和生态平衡的非货币价值基础上的经济转型”，希冀通过“生态社会主义运动”来弥合“化石资本主义”所造成的现实危机。从福斯特、伊恩·安格斯等学者的主张来看，“生态社会主义”捍卫了人类的“基本人权和自然权利”，实现了对“清洁资本主义”的功能超越，是直接与资本主义制度作斗争的环境方案。

(III) The Practical Logic of “Fossil Capitalism”

（三）“化石资本主义”的实践逻辑

The logic of the emergence of “fossil capitalism” is considered based on feedback from the practical dimension. As Marx said, “All social life is essentially practical.” [5]5 Karl Marx, “Theses on Feuerbach,” Thesis VIII. The translation follows the standard English edition. The author believes that the practical logic of “fossil capitalism” has three threads: the struggle of capitalist states for fossil energy, the man-made global climate crisis, and the inability of the capitalist system to effectively solve climate problems.

依据实践向度的反馈来考量“化石资本主义”的出场逻辑。正如马克思所说，“全部社会生活在本质上是实践的”。笔者认为，“化石资本主义”的实践逻辑有三条线索：资本主义国家对化石能源的争夺，人为制造的全球性气候危机，资本主义制度无法有效解决气候问题。

First, the struggle of capitalist states for fossil energy.

其一，资本主义国家对化石能源的争夺。

The rise, survival, and expansion of capitalist states have all been based on the use and possession of “cheap” fossil energy. From the “maritime hegemon” the Netherlands to the “empire on which the sun never sets” Britain, and then to the contemporary United States, their capitalist hegemony has been built on the absolute control of fossil energy. Since the 20th century, Western countries have engaged in fierce struggles over fossil fuel energy. During the stalemate phase of the fierce fighting in World War I, Britain had already quietly extended its tentacles of influence into the oil-producing regions—the eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East—intending to control oil transportation routes and obtain oil extraction rights in the Gulf region after the war. However, due to the overall decline of British power, it failed to achieve complete control over oil extraction rights in the Gulf region, allowing the United States to squeeze into the “Red Line Agreement” [6]6 The Red Line Agreement (1928) was a secret pact between major Western oil companies (including those from Britain and the United States) to carve up oil reserves in the former Ottoman Empire, restricting competition and maintaining monopoly control. and establish a Middle East oil order. The Middle East has echoed with the struggle between Britain and the United States for monopoly advantages in Middle East oil. To this day, the resource struggle of Western countries over fossil fuel energy is still ongoing, even showing an intensifying trend, and resorting to force has become a norm. The logic implicit in this change is: fossil fuel energy can satisfy the state’s pursuit of strategic resources and space.

资本主义国家的崛起、存续和扩张，都是基于对“廉价”化石能源的使用和占有。从“海上霸主”荷兰到“日不落帝国”英国，再到当代美国，它们的资本主义霸权无一不是建立在对化石能源绝对把控的基础之上。自20世纪以降，西方国家围绕化石燃料能源展开激烈的争夺，英国在第一次世界大战各方激战正酣、相持阶段之际，就已悄然将势力触角深入石油生产地——地中海东部和中东地区，意在战后控制石油运输通道和获得海湾地区的石油开采权，但是随着英国整体实力衰退而致使其未能形成对海湾地区石油开采权的完全掌控，以至于美国挤进“红线协议”到建立中东石油秩序，中东地区一直回荡着英、美对中东石油垄断优势的争夺。时至今日，西方国家关于化石燃料能源的资源争夺依然处于进行时，甚至出现愈演愈烈的趋势，诉诸武力已成为一种常态，其变化所暗含的逻辑是：化石燃料能源能够满足国家对战略资源和空间的追求。

Second, the man-made global climate crisis.

其二，人为制造的全球性气候危机。

The surge in fossil fuel combustion has led to an increase in greenhouse gas emissions, inaugurating an era of anthropogenic climate change. Based on an examination of the logic of capital, fossil fuel combustion provides “power” for capital expansion, sustaining the state of “capital never sleeps,” expanding the global space of capitalist production, and creating the real possibility for the “free circulation” of capital. However, this process has also intensified the global climate crisis, for reasons in the following aspects. First, unrestrained energy consumption. The rise of Western capitalist countries was built on the foundation of enormous energy consumption; for example, in 1870 Britain used “100 million tons of coal, a figure ‘equivalent to 800 trillion calories of heat, enough to sustain 850 million adult males for one year (the actual population at the time was about 31 million)’” [7]7 John Sabor: A scholar who has written on the political economy of fossil fuels and the concept of “fossil capitalism.”. Yet capitalist countries to this day have not changed their high consumption of the past century, still maintaining massive fossil energy consumption, causing the global climate crisis to become increasingly severe. Second, bottomless shirking of responsibility. Developed capitalist countries shift the blame for global climate issues onto developing countries, claiming that the development of developing countries is the root cause of the global climate crisis, while completely ignoring the greenhouse gases they released and the environmental pollution they caused during their industrialization period, simply “passing the buck” to other countries. Third, unconstrained climate governance. Countries have repeatedly reached relevant agreements on climate governance regarding global climate issues, but the results achieved have not been significant; the global climate crisis continues to deepen, expand, and spread. The reason is:

化石燃料燃烧的激增导致了温室气体排放的增加，开启了一个人为气候变化的时代。基于对资本逻辑的审视，化石燃料燃烧为资本扩张提供“动力”，维持“资本永不眠”的状态，扩大资本主义生产的全球空间，为资本“自由流通”创造现实可能。但是这个过程也加剧了全球性气候危机，其原因在以下几个方面。第一，无节制的能源消耗。西方资本主义国家的崛起就是建立在巨大能源消耗的基础之上，如英国于1870年使用了“1亿吨煤，这个数字‘相当于800万亿卡的热量足以供8.5亿成年男子用1年（当时实际人口约为3100万）’”，然而资本主义国家至今也没有改变百年以来的高消耗，仍旧保持巨大的化石能源消耗量，致使全球性气候危机日趋严峻。第二，无底线的责任推脱。发达资本主义国家将全球气候问题责任推诿于发展中国家，认为发展中国家的发展是造成全球气候危机的根源，浑然无视其在工业化时期所释放的温室气体和造成的环境污染，一味地“甩锅”给其他国家。第三，无约束的气候规治。各国关于全球气候问题多次达成气候规治的相关协议，但是其所取得的成效并不显著，全球气候危机仍然在不断加深、扩大和蔓延。究其原因是：化石资本主导的大规模工业化为资本积累突破了自然、时间和空间等多向度的限制，为资本主义国家发展经济提供重要的“引擎器”，在巨大利益的驱使下资本无法做到“自我限制”。

Third, the capitalist system is unable to effectively resolve the climate problem.

其三，资本主义制度无法有效解决气候问题。

The capitalist system cannot eliminate the climate catastrophe brought about by fossil capitalism; on the contrary, it expands the spatial scope of the global climate crisis to a certain extent. The most typical example is the approach of the United States toward the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Agreement. The Kyoto Protocol, formulated by the international community in 1997, aimed to implement the 1992 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, using the convention to fulfill the ecological framework responsibilities of the signatory states and curb global ecological destruction and environmental pollution. As the largest emitter of greenhouse gases at the time, with annual emissions accounting for one-quarter of the global total, U.S. accession to the Kyoto Protocol would have played a crucial leading role in global ecological protection. However, the United States refused to ratify the Kyoto Protocol, which directly exacerbated the global greenhouse effect. According to data released by the United Nations, U.S. greenhouse gas emissions grew alarmingly between 1990 and 2004, increasing by approximately 16 percent, placing a huge burden on the Earth's ecological environment. Subsequently, with the Paris Agreement serving as an international accord for countries worldwide to jointly address global climate challenges, the vacillation of the United States toward the Paris Agreement reflects the true attitude of capitalist countries toward ecological governance: that the sustainable development of capitalism takes precedence over ecological and environmental protection. From the U.S. withdrawal from the Paris Agreement to its re-entry, the decision-making core implied behind this is a "climate governance" dominated by the logic of capital. As Edwardo Lao Rhodes pointed out, in the United States, "the environment is not a concern of the poor and minorities." Within the operational system of capital, the logic of capital has locked in the limited scope of climate governance, meaning that climate governance must be subordinate to the logic of capital, rather than to the actual conditions of the climate problem.

资本主义制度无法消弭化石资本主义所带来的气候灾难，反而会在一定程度上扩大全球气候危机的空间范畴。最为典型的事例就是，美国对待《京都议定书》（Kyoto Protocol）和《巴黎协定》（Paris Agreement）的做法。1997年国际社会制定的《京都议定书》旨在落实1992年出台的《联合国气候变化框架公约》，以公约的形式落实各协定国的生态框架责任，来遏制全球生态破坏和环境污染。美国作为当时最大的温室气体排放国，其每年的排放量占据全球排放量的四分之一，因此美国加入《京都议定书》对于全球生态保护具有重要的引领作用。然而，美国拒绝批准《京都议定书》，这直接加剧了全球的温室效应，根据联合国公布的数据：美国的温室气体排放量在1990年到2004年之间有惊人的增长，增加了约16%，给地球生态环境造成了巨大的负担。此后，《巴黎协定》作为世界各国为共同应对全球气候挑战的国际协定，美国对待《巴黎协定》的左右摇摆，反映出资本主义国家在生态治理方面的真实态度，即资本主义的可持续性发展优于生态环境保护的序位。从美国退出《巴黎协定》到美国重新加入《巴黎协定》，其背后所暗含的决策内核是：以资本逻辑为主导的“气候治理”。诚如爱德华多·劳·罗德斯（Edwardo Lao Rhodes）指出，在美国“环境不是穷人和少数人所关心的问题”。在资本运行体系中，资本逻辑已经锁定气候治理的限定范畴，即气候治理要依附于资本逻辑，而非气候问题的现实状况。

II. The Theoretical Framework of "Fossil Capitalism"

二、“化石资本主义”的理论框架

The theory of "fossil capitalism" distills the new changes in contemporary capitalism, namely that capitalist economic growth "depends on the large-scale extraction and consumption of fossil fuels." To grasp these new changes in contemporary capitalism, one must return to the theoretical narrative of "fossil capitalism" in order to better explain them. Therefore, we explore the specific narrative of "fossil capitalism" from the following aspects.

“化石资本主义”理论提炼出当代资本主义的新变化，即资本主义的经济增长“依赖于对化石燃料的大规模开发和消费”。要把握当代资本主义的新变化就需回到“化石资本主义”的理论叙事，以便更好地阐释当代资本主义的新变化。因此，我们从以下几个方面探讨“化石资本主义”的具体叙事。

(I) How to Define the Interpretation of the Meaning of Fossil Capitalism

（一）如何界定化石资本主义的意涵阐释

It must be emphasized that this study takes the exposition of "fossil capitalism" by scholars such as Ian Angus as its starting point, using them as an important reference for understanding the meaning of "fossil capitalism," and summarizing and concluding the core narrative of "fossil capitalism."

需要强调的是，本研究是以伊恩·安格斯等学者对“化石资本主义”的阐述为出发点，把它们作为我们理解“化石资本主义”意涵的重要参照，对“化石资本主义”的叙事内核作出归纳和总结。

First, the economic dimension: fossil capitalism is the lifeline of the capitalist economy.

第一，经济层面：化石资本主义是资本主义经济的生命线。

Global industrialization depends on the large-scale extraction and consumption of fossil fuels. Since the First Industrial Revolution, the status of fossil fuel energy in the process of global industrialization has become increasingly important, to the extent that the output of fossil fuel energy determines, to a certain degree, the rate of capital expansion. As Foster stated, "the coming peak oil strikes at the lifeline of the existing capitalist economy." The lifeline of the capitalist economy lies in its inherent attribute of infinite growth; if growth cannot be maintained, it intensifies the internal contradictions of capitalism, causing paralysis in the functioning of the capitalist system. In the context of the logic of capital, "growth" is the external manifestation of capital expansion. "Corporate executives, economists, experts, bureaucrats, and politicians all believe that growth is beneficial, while non-growth is detrimental." Capitalist economic growth can bring considerable benefits to the bourgeoisie, which explains why "governments and corporations have been shoveling coal into the runaway growth train." Returning to concrete factual levels, for example, governments and environmental organizations, in response to the risks of pollution caused by fossil fuels, have advocated replacing fossil fuel energy with renewable energy to build a sustainable society. Yet they remain unable to break the "lock-in brought about by the long-term investment commitments already made in fossil fuel assets by vested interest groups." The crux of the problem is that new clean energy threatens the structural elements of fossil capitalism, undermining the accumulation model constructed by fossil capital. To avoid this outcome, fossil capital infiltrates the interests of major organizations advocating for the use of new clean energy, such as large green environmental groups. For instance, there is an exchange of interests between fossil fuel companies and large green environmental groups: Conservation International has long been a partner of Walmart, Monsanto, BHP Billiton (a large coal mining company), Shell, Chevron, ExxonMobil, Toyota, McDonald's, and BP, among others.

全球工业化依赖于对化石燃料的大规模开发和消费。自第一次工业革命以降，化石燃料能源在全球工业化进程中的地位日趋重要，以至于化石燃料能源产量在一定程度上决定了资本扩张的速率。诚如福斯特所言，“即将来到的石油峰值打击了现存资本主义经济的生命线”。资本主义经济的生命线在于其无限增长的存在属性，若不能保持增长则会激化资本主义的内在矛盾，造成资本主义制度的运转瘫痪。在资本逻辑的语境中，“增长”是资本扩张的外在表征，“企业高管、经济学家、专家、官僚、政客都认为增长是有益的，而不增长则是无益的”，资本主义的经济增长可以为资产阶级带来可观的利益，这也就解释了为什么“政府和公司一直在为失控的增长列车铲煤”。回到具体的事实层面，比如政府、环保组织为应对化石燃料造成污染的风险，提倡尝试以可再生能源来取代化石燃料能源，建立一个可持续发展的社会，但是仍无法解开既得利益集团“已经在化石燃料资产上做出的长期投资承诺带来的锁”。因为问题的关键在于，新的清洁能源会威胁到化石资本主义的结构要素，破坏化石资本所建构的增殖模式。为避免出现这一现象，化石资本向倡议利用新清洁能源的主力组织（如大型绿色环保组织）进行利益渗透。例如，化石燃料公司与大型绿色环保组织之间的利益交换，保护国际基金会与沃尔玛、孟山都、必和必拓公司（BHP Billiton，一家大煤炭开采商）、壳牌、雪佛龙、埃克森美孚、丰田、麦当劳、英国石油公司等一直都是合作伙伴关系。

Second, the political dimension: fossil capitalism is the power valve for the bourgeoisie to maintain the continuation of its rule.

第二，政治层面：化石资本主义是资产阶级维护统治存续的权力阀门。

The power relations constructed by fossil capitalism are intended to uphold the class will of the bourgeoisie and ensure that its interests are not infringed upon. Within the conceptual framework of fossil capitalism, fossil energy has become a constituent element of the capitalist hegemonic system, which both expands the spatial reach of capitalist hegemony and endows fossil energy with the attribute of a political tool, thereby further reinforcing the stability of the bourgeois ruling structure, so as to suppress and eliminate “challengers” to the order in the energy dimension. John Sabor likens the political dominance of fossil capitalism to “shaping the actions of the state”; the fossil energy industry is a “powerful” political interest group whose “interest group power” has become deeply entrenched and can, to a large extent, influence or even determine government policy and control social order. In the political life of capitalist countries, the political groups dominated by the fossil energy industry seek to achieve their control over government policy through political lobbying, political donations, and the cultivation of proxies. If they lose control over government policy, the political groups dominated by the fossil energy industry exert influence through domestic trade union movements (by providing job opportunities) and international monopolies (by manipulating energy prices), thereby protecting the overall interests of the fossil energy industry. In short, the power structure constructed by fossil capitalism takes the will of the bourgeoisie as its “foundation,” and by erecting a stable and seamless political framework, it ensures the continuation of capitalist rule.

化石资本主义所建构的权力关系旨在维护资产阶级的阶级意志，保证其利益不受侵害。在化石资本主义的语境范畴中，化石能源已成为资本主义霸权体系的构成要素，这既扩大了资本主义霸权的延伸空间，也赋予了化石能源政治工具属性，进一步强化了资产阶级统治结构的稳定性，从而打压、扼杀了在能源向度的秩序“挑战者”。约翰·萨博将化石资本主义的政治统摄力喻为“塑造了国家的行动”，化石能源工业是一个“强有力”的政治利益集团，它的“利益集团势力”已经根深蒂固，并且在很大程度上能够影响甚至决定政府政策和控制社会秩序。在资本主义国家的政治生活中，化石能源工业主导的政治集团通过政治游说、政治捐款以及扶持代理人等政治行径，企图达到它对政府政策的把控。如果失去对政府政策的把控，化石能源工业主导的政治集团就会通过国内工会运动（提供工作机会）和国际垄断（操控能源价格）来施加影响，以此来保护化石能源工业的整体利益。总之，化石资本主义所建构的权力结构，是以资产阶级的意志作为“地基”，通过搭建形态稳固、严丝合缝的政治架构来保证资本主义的统治延续。

Third, the natural dimension: the exponential growth of fossil capitalism is the foundation for pushing the Earth system into the Anthropocene.

第三，自然层面：化石资本主义的指数级增长是推动地球系统进入人类世的基础。

Moving toward the “Anthropocene” is the destination of the exponential growth of fossil capitalism. As a cutting-edge concept in geology, the “Anthropocene” has no precise starting year; it refers to a period in which human activities have had a profound impact on the climate and ecosystems. In 2002, Dutch atmospheric chemist and Nobel Prize laureate in Chemistry Paul Jozef Crutzen published “Geology of Mankind” in *Nature*, stating: “It is appropriate to use the term ‘Anthropocene’ to refer to the current, human-dominated geological epoch, supplementing the ‘Holocene’—the warm period of the past 10–12 millennia.” The “Anthropocene” is a geological epoch marked by severe ecological crises. Even the renowned scientist Frank Fenner, credited with eradicating smallpox, predicted that humanity could become extinct within a hundred years, bringing the “Anthropocene” to an end. Faced with this geological turn toward the Anthropocene, Ian Angus points out: “Capitalism has pushed the Earth system to a crisis point in the relationship between humanity and the rest of nature. If business as usual continues, the first full century of the Anthropocene will be marked by the rapid deterioration of our material, social, and economic environment. The decay of the biosphere will trigger global warming and extreme weather, but we can also expect rising sea levels to cause widespread flooding, the collapse of fisheries, toxic rivers, and so on.” Indeed, since the Industrial Revolution, human activity has become a highly influential “geological force,” the most active factor in the Earth system. Fossil capitalism, dominated by the logic of capital, has further amplified the negative effects of human activity, becoming the “hidden driver” behind the continuous worsening of the global climate crisis.

走向“人类世”是化石资本主义指数级增长的归宿。“人类世”作为一个地质学的前沿概念，它没有准确的开始年份，其意指人类活动对气候及生态系统造成了深刻影响的时期。2002年，荷兰大气化学家、诺贝尔化学奖获得者保罗·克鲁岑（Paul Jozef Crutzen）在Nature上发表了《人类地质学》，文中指出：“将‘人类世’一词指涉当前这个由人类主导的地质年代是确切的，它为‘全新世’——过去10～12个千年的温暖期做了补充。”“人类世”是一个存在严峻生态危机的地质年代，甚至著名的科学家、消灭天花病毒的功臣弗兰克·芬纳预测人类有可能在一百年内灭绝，“人类世”也随之终极。面对“人类世”的地质转向，伊恩·安格斯指出：“资本主义已经将地球系统推向了人类和自然其他部分之间关系的危机点。如果一切如常，人类世的第一个完整世纪的标志将是我们的物质、社会和经济环境的迅速恶化。生物圈的衰变将引发全球变暖和极端天气，但我们也可以预期，海平面的上升会导致大范围的洪水、渔业的崩溃、有毒的河流等等。”诚然如此，自工业革命后，人类活动俨然已成为一种强影响的“地质力量”（geological force)，是地球系统中最活跃的因素。资本逻辑所主导的化石资本主义，进一步放大了人类活动的负面效能，成为全球气候危机不断恶化的“幕后推手”。

(II) How to Identify the Main Characteristics of Fossil Capitalism

（二）如何甄别化石资本主义的主要特征

The external manifestations of fossil capitalism are an extension of its connotation, reflected in four aspects: the anti-ecological “nature” of the logic of capital, the expansion and evolution of fossil capitalism into fossil imperialism, the emergence of metabolic rifts in the global system, and the export of war by capitalist states.

化石资本主义的外在表征是其内涵的延续，体现在资本逻辑的反生态“天性”、化石资本主义向化石帝国主义的扩张演绎、全球代谢出现裂痕以及资本主义国家的战争输出四个方面。

First, core definition: the anti-ecological “nature” of the logic of capital.

第一，内核界定：资本逻辑的反生态“天性”。

The infinite expansiveness of the logic of capital and the finite endowment of the natural environment are diametrically opposed. Fossil fuel companies, as the material carriers of fossil capitalism, pursue their interest in capital accumulation through the extraction, production, sale, and transportation of fossil fuels. Faced with external pressure from the climate crisis, fossil fuel companies promote capital accumulation through more “concealed” means, namely by supporting natural gas companies to address the climate crisis. In the view of John Sabor and Naomi Klein, natural gas cannot alter the trend of large-scale climate change, because natural gas itself is a type of fossil fuel, and the methane it produces when burned still has a severe impact on the climate. Under the domination of the logic of capital, the material carrier of fossil fuels has extended from coal to oil and natural gas, but it remains the energy carrier controlled by fossil capitalism. Fossil capitalism has proven to be a highly flexible system; it reveals the operational mechanism of capital based on fossil fuels, and regardless of their sustainability, it can keep the relations of production and consumption of fossil fuels unchanged.

资本逻辑的无限扩张性与自然环境的禀赋有限性是截然对立的双方。化石燃料公司作为化石资本主义的形态载体，通过对化石燃料的开发、生产、销售和运输，来达到其资本积累的利益诉求。面对气候危机的外部压力，化石燃料公司通过更为“隐蔽”的方式来推动资本积累，即扶持天然气公司来应对气候危机。在约翰·萨博、娜奥米·克莱恩看来，天然气无法改变大规模气候变化的趋势，因为天然气本身就属于化石燃料的一种，它燃烧时产生的甲烷仍然会对气候造成严重影响。在资本逻辑的统驭下，化石燃料的承载主体从煤炭延伸至石油、天然气，但其仍旧是化石资本主义所宰制的能源载体。化石资本主义已被证明是一个非常灵活的系统，它揭示了基于化石燃料基础的资本运行机理，不管它们的可持续性如何，它皆能使化石燃料的生产和消费关系保持不变。

Second, form escalation: fossil imperialism.

第二，样态进阶：化石帝国主义。

When the production and consumption of fossil fuels become an important form of capital accumulation, the escalation of fossil capitalism into fossil imperialism is a further expansion of the logic of capital. In terms of its formation background, fossil capitalism originated in the energy transition during the First Industrial Revolution, while fossil imperialism stems from the structural changes in the economies of developed capitalist countries, which urgently require large quantities of fossil fuel energy. Fossil imperialism represents an upgrade in the form of fossil capitalism, characterized by greater expansiveness, aggressiveness, and destructiveness. For example, the United States has responded to its own crises through “fossil imperialism” (crisis one: U.S. imports of foreign oil exceed the 50% threshold; crisis two: the disappearance of global spare oil production capacity; crisis three: the concentration of large oil resources in the Persian Gulf region; crisis four: responding to the emergence of peak oil). Examining the entire process of capital accumulation, fossil fuels are a necessary material basis for the production of surplus value, and ensuring the supply of fossil fuels and market monopoly is the purpose of fossil capitalism or fossil imperialism. Therefore, on the basis of ensuring energy supply and the realization of profits, fossil imperialism uses fossil fuels as a tool carrier to maintain capital hegemony, employing fossil fuel energy to suppress and contain the development of other countries. All of this is consistent with the historical development of capitalism and is also a response by a declining hegemon to global forces beyond its control.

当化石燃料的生产和消费成为资本积累的重要形式，化石资本主义向化石帝国主义的进阶转变就是资本逻辑的再扩张。从形成背景来看，化石资本主义发韧于第一次工业革命时期的能源更迭，而化石帝国主义则是源于发达资本主义国家的经济结构变化而亟需大量的化石燃料能源，化石帝国主义是对化石资本主义的形态升级，其更具扩张性、攻击性和破坏性。例如，美国通过“化石帝国主义”来应对其自身危机（危机之一，美国进口外国石油超过50%的阈值；危机之二，世界石油闲置产能消失；危机之三，大量石油资源集中于波斯湾地区；危机之四，应对石油峰值的出现）。审视资本积累的全过程，化石燃料是生产剩余价值的必要物质基础，保证化石燃料供应和市场垄断是化石资本主义或化石帝国主义的宗旨。因此，化石帝国主义在保证能源供应和利益兑现的基础上，将化石燃料作为维护资本霸权的工具载体，借助化石燃料能源来打压、遏制其他国家的发展。这一切都与资本主义的发展历史相一致，也是衰落的霸主对其掌控之外的全球力量的一种回应。

Third, abnormal state emergence: global ecological metabolic rift.

第三，异态产生：全球生态代谢裂痕。

Both Liebig and Marx provided profound explanations of the metabolic process and pointed out that different chain effects emerge within it. Influenced by the release of fossil fuel energy, the global metabolism has experienced severe ruptures; chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) destroy the Earth’s ozone layer, disrupting the rhythm of the planet’s operation. Analyzing the mechanism of its occurrence, it is the economic and social activities dominated by the logic of capital that exert pressure on the Earth’s biosphere, altering the benign cyclical metabolism of land, forests, water, and air, leading to the formation of coastal dead zones and fish kills, loss of biodiversity, pollution of rivers and groundwater, and frequent respiratory diseases, among other things. “What nature took hundreds of millions of years to create, capital can destroy in a few hundred years.” Capital’s coercion of nature is the root cause of global metabolic rifts; for example, the excessive use of nitrogen fertilizers in agricultural production reduces soil fertility, yet agricultural production requires ever more nitrogen fertilizers to sustain output.

李比希、马克思都对代谢过程进行过深刻的阐释，并且指出代谢过程中会呈现出不同的连锁效应。受化石燃料能源释放的影响，全球代谢产生了严重的断裂，氯氟碳化合物（Chlorofluorocarbon，简称CFCs，又称氟氯烃）破坏地球的臭氧层，扰乱地球运行的节奏。剖析其发生机理，是资本逻辑主导的经济社会活动对地球生物圈施加压迫，改变了土地、森林、水和空气等良性的循环代谢，导致形成沿海死亡区和鱼类死亡、生物多样性丧失、河流和地下水被污染以及呼吸系统疾病频发，等等。“大自然花了数亿年才创造出来，资本却在几百年内就可将其毁灭”，资本对自然的裹挟是致使全球代谢裂痕的根源，比如在农业生产中过度使用氮肥会降低土壤肥力，但农业生产却需要越来越多的氮肥来维持生产。

Fourth, logic of output: the export of war.

第四，输出逻辑：战争输出。

The war export caused by fossil capitalism is the developed capitalist countries’ bottomless attachment to the logic of capital expansion. U.S. Secretary of War Henry Stimson once said: “For a war in a capitalist country, you must let business make money from the process, otherwise business is useless.” In World War II, U.S. fossil fuel companies’ “after-tax profits amounted to $52 billion, they accumulated about $85 billion in capital reserves, and increased their production capacity by more than 50%”; the war created丰厚 profits for fossil fuel companies and accelerated the rate of capital expansion. To explain this phenomenon, one must return to a longitudinal historical evolution for discussion. From World War I to World War II, oil played an increasingly important, even decisive, role in war, because oil-powered weapons—tanks, aircraft, submarines, aircraft carriers, and armored personnel carriers, etc.—had an enormous demand for oil. For example, in World War II “a typical armored battalion needed gallons of oil, but it could only travel miles.”

化石资本主义所造成的战争输出就是发达资本主义国家对资本扩张逻辑的无底线依附。美国的国防部长亨利·斯廷森（Henry Stimson）曾言：“对于一个资本主义国家的战争，你必须让企业从这个过程中赚钱，否则企业就没用了。”在第二次世界大战中，美国的化石燃料公司的“税后利润为520亿美元，积累了约850亿美元的资本储备，并使其生产能力增加了50%以上”，战争为化石燃料公司创造了丰厚的利润，加速资本扩张的速率。要解释这一现象，则须回到历史的纵向演进历程中进行探讨，从第一次世界大战到第二次世界大战，石油在战争中的作用是愈发重要，甚至是起到决定性的作用，因为以石油为动力的武器——坦克、飞机、潜艇、航空母舰和装甲运兵舰等，其对石油的需求量是极其巨大的，例如在二战中“一个典型的装甲营需要加仑的石油，但它却只能行驶英里”。

(3) How to Break “Fossil Capitalism”

（三）如何破解“化石资本主义”

“If fossil capitalism remains dominant, the Anthropocene will be a new dark age of barbaric rule, in which the majority will suffer barbaric hardship.” Therefore, finding countermeasures to fossil capitalism is particularly important. Scholars hold different views on how to deal with fossil capitalism. Scholars represented by John Sabo believe that “it is easier to imagine the end of the world than to end fossil capitalism,” while scholars such as Ian Angus believe that the “eco-socialist movement” can effectively counter “fossil capitalism.” This study focuses on the “eco-socialist movement” view of scholars such as Ian Angus, and then sorts out and summarizes the relevant content.

“如果化石资本主义仍然占主导地位，人类世将是一个野蛮统治的新黑暗时代，大多数人将遭受野蛮的苦难。”因此，找寻化石资本主义的应对之策就尤为重要。对于如何应对化石资本主义，各学者也持不同的观点。以约翰·萨博为代表的学者认为：“想象世界末日比终结化石资本主义更容易”，而伊恩·安格斯等学者认为“生态社会主义运动”能够有效应对“化石资本主义”。本研究以伊恩·安格斯等学者的“生态社会主义运动”观点为重点研究，进而对相关内容展开梳理和总结。

First, Eclecticism: Absorbing the Propositions of the “Green-Left.”

其一，兼容并蓄：吸纳“绿色左翼”(Green-Left)的主张。

Scholars such as Ian Angus advocate awakening the eco-socialist consciousness of the majority, in order to launch an eco-socialist movement to confront fossil capitalism. In the process of moving toward eco-socialism, Ian Angus advocates absorbing the views and methods of the “Green-Left,” because the eco-socialist movement is a movement of the majority, possessing the core characteristics of pluralism. Ian Angus points out that “a single socialist group will not become a mass movement”; we should “‘unite’ different participants around these goals of common interest,” forming a “united” main force of ecological revolution, thereby promoting the eco-socialist movement in depth. For example, well-known “Green-Left” organizations include: the Climate Action Network, Climate Justice Now!, and Climate Justice Action. Although each follows different action concepts, they all aim to provide strength for solving the climate crisis. Facing the global climate problem, Ian Angus calls for uniting all forces that can be united, gathering all parties involved in climate governance, to jointly address the climate crisis.

伊恩·安格斯等学者提倡唤醒多数人的生态社会主义意识，以发动生态社会主义运动来对抗化石资本主义。在走向生态社会主义的过程中，伊恩·安格斯主张吸纳“绿色左翼”的观点和方法，因为生态社会主义运动是多数人的运动，兼具多元主义的内核特征。伊恩·安格斯指出，“单一的社会主义群体不会变成群众运动”，应“‘团结起来’不同的参与者围绕着这些具有共同利益的目标”，形成一股“团结在一起”的生态革命主体力量，从而推动生态社会主义运动向纵深方向开展。如知名的“绿色左翼”组织有：“气候行动网络”(Climate Action Network)、“现在就要气候正义!”(Climate Justice Now!)、“气候正义行动”(Climate Justice Action)，虽然它们各自因循不同的行动理念，但都旨在为解决气候危机提供力量。面对全球性的气候问题，伊恩·安格斯呼吁要团结一切可以团结的力量，聚拢气候治理的各方力量，共同应对气候危机。

Second, Keeping Pace with the Times: Improving the Applicability of Ecological Protection Plans.

其二，与时俱进：提高生态保护方案的适用性。

Ecological protection plans are not one-dimensional plans that rigidly adhere to standard answers, but action guides that must be constantly adjusted according to objective reality. Ian Angus calls on us to expand our analysis and procedures based on the constantly changing political environment and scientific knowledge, because “there is no, and never will be, a perfect, unchangeable eco-socialist plan.” On the one hand, we must continuously enrich the scientific knowledge of environmental governance. Ian Angus points out that we must, on the basis of Marxist methodology, continuously learn and absorb the scientific knowledge and experience of environmental governance, in order to better address environmental problems under different circumstances. On the other hand, we must continuously innovate the methodology of environmental governance to adapt it to dynamic environmental changes. Ian Angus points out that formulating environmental protection plans “requires us to think and respond creatively, not just repeat yesterday’s slogans,” ensuring that environmental governance plans can fit contemporary socio-economic and environmental dynamic changes, and maximize the effectiveness of ecological governance.

生态保护方案不是固守标准答案的单向度计划，而是要依据客观实际不断调适的行动指南。伊恩·安格斯呼吁，我们必须根据不断变化的政治环境和科学知识，扩展我们的分析和程序，因为“没有，也永远不会有，一个完美的、不可改变的生态社会主义计划”。一方面，要不断充实环境治理的科学知识。伊恩·安格斯指出，我们要在马克思主义方法论的基础之上，不断学习并吸纳环境治理的科学知识和经验，以此更好地应对不同情况下的环境问题。另一方面，要不断创新环境治理的方法论，使其适应环境动态变迁。伊恩·安格斯指出，制定环境保护计划“需要我们创造性地思考和回应，而不仅仅是重复昨天的口号”，确保环境治理方案能够贴合当代社会经济、环境动态变迁，发挥生态治理的最大效能。

Third, Taking a Clear Stand: Being Firm Internationalists and Anti-Imperialists.

其三，旗帜鲜明：做坚定的国际主义者和反帝国主义者。

Ecosystems have no national boundaries; ecological changes in any region of the world affect all countries in that region. Scholars such as Foster believe that ecological problems are very complex issues that need to be resolved at the global level. Ian Angus points out that the people of the South (developing countries) are the main victims of climate change and other forms of environmental destruction, while the main environmental criminals are the capitalists of the North (developed countries). Therefore, to solve the global climate crisis, it is necessary to strengthen international communication and cooperation, contributing collective wisdom and strength to the “struggle for environmental justice.” As Foster says, ecological degradation at the world level is related to the differentiation of the capitalist system. Because the world economy is arbitrarily controlled by developed capitalist countries, the benefits and dividends remain in developed capitalist countries, while the destruction and pollution are dumped on developing countries. Ian Angus calls on citizens of all countries to be firm internationalists and anti-imperialists, to jointly confront the unrestricted erosion, destruction, and manipulation of fossil capitalism, thereby safeguarding global climate justice and protecting the world’s ecosystem.

生态系统没有国界的限制，世界上任何区域的生态变化都会影响该区域的各个国家。福斯特等学者认为，生态问题属于一个非常复杂的问题，需要在全球层面上予以解决。伊恩·安格斯指出，南方人民（发展中国家）是气候变化和其他形式的环境破坏的主要受害者，而主要的环境罪犯是北方（发达国家）资本家。因此，要解决全球性的气候危机，就必须加强国际间的沟通和协作，为“环境正义斗争”贡献集体智慧和力量。正如福斯特所说，世界层面的生态退化与资本主义制度的分化有关。因为世界经济受发达资本主义国家肆意把控，实惠红利留在发达资本主义国家，而破坏污染则甩给了发展中国家。伊恩·安格斯呼吁各国公民做坚定的国际主义者和反帝国主义者，一起来对抗化石资本主义无限制的侵蚀、破坏和操控，进而维护全球气候正义和保护世界生态系统。

Fourth, Ecological Practice: Encouraging Various Groups to Actively Participate in Ecological Construction.

其四，生态实践：鼓励各团体积极参与生态建设。

Ian Angus believes that the eco-socialist movement cannot stop at the level of condemnation and complaint, but should actively participate in the struggle for environmental construction (the struggle against fossil capitalism), bringing together everyone—socialists, liberals, deep greens, trade unionists, feminists, indigenists, etc.—all those willing to use action to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Especially in the face of the wanton destruction of fossil capitalism, Ian Angus appeals to the public that only by jointly striving for interests and environmental reforms, promoting the eco-socialist movement, and actively participating in various types of ecological construction, can they truly protect their own interests and avoid the harm and domination of fossil capitalism.

伊恩·安格斯认为，生态社会主义运动不能停留在谴责和抱怨的层面，而应积极参与环境建设的斗争之中（反抗化石资本主义的斗争），把每一个人——社会主义者、自由主义者、深绿主义者、工会主义者、女权主义者、土著主义者等——所有愿意用行动来减少温室气体排放的人聚集在一起。特别是面对化石资本主义肆无忌惮的破坏，伊恩·安格斯向公众呼吁只有通过共同争取利益和环境改革，推广生态社会主义运动，积极参与各类生态建设，才能够真正保护好自身利益，规避化石资本主义对其的侵害与宰制。

3. Theoretical Assessment of “Fossil Capitalism”

三、“化石资本主义”的理论评述

The theory of “fossil capitalism” provides us with theoretical resources and practical guidance that can be referenced in revealing the new characteristics of contemporary capitalism and exploring ways to transcend capitalism. However, “fossil capitalism” is not a flawless critical theory; its theoretical explanation also has obvious cognitive limitations and perspective biases.

“化石资本主义”理论在揭示当代资本主义新特征和探索超越资本主义途径等方面，为我们提供可以参照的理论资源和现实指引，但是“化石资本主义”并非是一个完美无瑕的批判理论，其理论阐释也存在明显的认识局限与视野偏差。

(1) The Enlightenment of the Theory of “Fossil Capitalism”

（一）“化石资本主义”理论的启示

The theory of “fossil capitalism” is a theoretical critique of the capitalist system launched by Western left-wing scholars such as Ian Angus in the context of the global climate crisis. It provides valuable theoretical resources for understanding the new changes in contemporary capitalism, the destruction of nature by the capitalist mode of production, and the construction of socialist ecological civilization in China.

“化石资本主义”理论是伊恩·安格斯等西方左翼学者在全球气候危机背景下对资本主义制度发起的理论批判，为我们认识当代资本主义的新变化、资本主义生产方式对大自然的破坏、我国社会主义生态文明建设提供了宝贵的理论资源。

First, it expounds the new changes in contemporary capitalism from a dynamic perspective, profoundly criticizing fossil capital’s willingness to destroy the earth’s ecosystem in the process of pursuing valorization.

第一，以动态的眼光阐述当代资本主义新变化，深刻批判了化石资本在追逐增殖过程中不惜以破坏地球生态系统为代价。

Moreover, it further reveals the mutually reinforcing relationship between contemporary capitalism and fossil energy, especially the widening gap between rich and poor caused by developed capitalist countries’ struggle to monopolize fossil fuel energy, wars and turmoil in oil-producing countries or regions, global warming, and the destruction of biodiversity. Therefore, through “fossil capitalism,” we can see that the “capital’s profit-seeking” characteristic of capitalism remains an unchanging nature.

不仅如此，它还进一步揭示了当代资本主义与化石能源相互强化的关系，尤其是发达资本主义国家为争夺、垄断化石燃料能源而造成贫富差距扩大，产油国家或地区的战争和动荡，全球气候变暖以及生物多样性破坏等问题。所以，我们透过“化石资本主义”可以发现资本主义的“资本逐利”特征仍是不变的天性。

Second, it prominently illustrates the destruction of nature by the capitalist mode of production.

第二，突出说明了资本主义生产方式对大自然的破坏。

The theory of “fossil capitalism” reveals that fossil capitalism is a major driving force pushing human society toward the “Anthropocene,” and that the “culprit” behind fossil capitalism is the capitalist mode of production. Western left-wing scholars such as Ian Angus have shown how fossil capital causes the destruction of ecosystems in its pursuit of valorization. On the one hand, fossil capitalism produces massive greenhouse gas emissions, leading to frequent extreme weather events, rising sea levels, and air and water pollution. On the other hand, the resource-intensive lifestyle promoted by fossil capitalism further exacerbates resource consumption and environmental destruction. To meet the challenges posed by fossil capitalism, we must uphold the socialist system with Chinese characteristics, promote development through a sustainable socialist mode of production, and achieve harmony between humanity and nature.

“化石资本主义”理论启示我们化石资本主义是致使人类社会走向“人类世”的重要推力，而化石资本主义背后“肇事元凶”就是资本主义生产方式。伊恩·安格斯等西方左翼学者揭示了化石资本为实现增殖而造成生态系统的破坏。一方面，化石资本主义造成了大量的温室气体排放，造成了极端天气事件频发、海平面上升、空气和水体污染等问题；另一方面，化石资本主义所提倡的资源消耗型的生活方式进一步加剧资源消耗和环境破坏。为应对化石资本主义带来的挑战，我们要坚持中国特色社会主义制度，以可持续的社会主义生产方式来促进发展，实现人与自然的和谐共生。

Third, it provides valuable theoretical resources for China’s socialist ecological civilization construction.

第三，为我国的社会主义生态文明建设提供了宝贵的理论资源。

First, the theory of “fossil capitalism” profoundly reveals the environmental problems and climate change caused by the capitalist mode of production’s heavy dependence on fossil fuel energy, offering important theoretical reference for socialist ecological civilization construction and strengthening the resolve to protect the ecological environment and achieve sustainable development. Second, the theory of “fossil capitalism” criticizes the malady of capitalist countries neglecting environmental protection in their pursuit of economic development. This provides valuable experience for socialist ecological civilization construction, enabling adherence to the concept of green development to promote effective coordination between economic and social development and natural environmental protection. Third, the theory of “fossil capitalism” highlights the importance of global cooperation in addressing climate protection. Socialist ecological civilization construction likewise emphasizes the coordinated participation of all countries in global ecological governance, jointly responding to climate change challenges, and promoting the building of a community with a shared future for mankind.

其一，“化石资本主义”理论深刻揭示了资本主义生产方式对化石燃料能源的高度依赖所引发的环境问题和气候变化，为社会主义生态文明建设提供了重要的理论借鉴，坚定了保护生态环境、实现可持续发展的决心；其二，“化石资本主义”理论批判了资本主义国家在追求经济发展的过程中忽视环境保护的弊病。这为社会主义生态文明建设提供了宝贵的经验，以坚持绿色发展理念来推动经济社会发展与自然环境保护的有效协同；其三，“化石资本主义”理论突出了全球合作应对气候保护的重要性。社会主义生态文明建设也同样强调各国协同参与全球生态治理、共同应对气候变化挑战，推动构建人类命运共同体。

(2) Limitations of the Theory of “Fossil Capitalism”

（二）“化石资本主义”理论的局限

The theory of “fossil capitalism” offers a new perspective for grasping the new changes in contemporary capitalism, but its theory has certain limitations. First, it fails to establish a connection between theoretical discourse and practice, exhibiting a tendency toward utopian socialism. As an emerging theoretical discourse, “fossil capitalism” lacks a precise, unified, and clear concept. Different scholars understand it differently according to their research focus or direction, and this conceptual ambiguity creates difficulties in applying the theory. On the one hand, the critical theory of “fossil capitalism” reduces the complex capitalist system to a dependence on fossil fuels, while ignoring the essence of the fundamental contradiction of capitalism. On the other hand, “fossil capitalism” does not translate its critical theory into concrete, feasible policy recommendations and practical actions, but remains at the level of abstract theory, exerting no actual impact on the real world. The utopian tendency of “fossil capitalism” is also reflected in the idealized climate governance schemes proposed by its theoretical advocates and followers, such as a comprehensive transition to renewable energy and a thorough transformation of consumption patterns, without considering the political, economic, and social obstacles in reality. As Ben Agger pointed out, “Marxism, as a methodology of change, requires both theory and practice.” [14]14 Ben Agger, Western Marxism: An Introduction (Santa Monica: Goodyear Publishing Company, 1979), p. 3. Second, it adopts a Western-centered observational perspective, exhibiting one-sidedness. The critical theory of “fossil capitalism” takes the West as its main observational perspective, lacking a dialectical holistic view. It often overlooks differences in economic and social development levels, environmental policies, and energy use across countries and regions, leading to proposed solutions that lack universal applicability. If the “diagnosis and treatment” of capitalism is divorced from a dialectical analytical perspective, it is doomed to fail to achieve the final victory over capitalism. Third, the overall theory does not implement the basic principles of scientific socialism. The critical theory of “fossil capitalism” inherits the tradition of Western Marxist theory, focusing on how the capitalist mode of production’s dependence on fossil fuels leads to global ecological destruction. However, it fails to implement the basic principles of scientific socialism and does not recognize that the fundamental contradiction of capitalism is irreconcilable in essence. Fourth, it neglects the specific responsibility of each citizen. “Fossil capitalism” pins its hopes for improving the global ecological environment on the transformation of capitalism, while ignoring the objective fact that all people in modern society (including the advocates of “fossil capitalism”) participate in greenhouse gas emissions. From the perspective of historical materialism, the masses are the creators of social history. Improving the global ecological environment is a long-term, complex systemic project requiring the joint efforts of the whole society. Although “fossil capitalism” proposes encouraging various groups to actively participate in ecological construction, the truly effective solution lies in clarifying the responsibility of each citizen, broadly mobilizing the masses, and forming a societal consensus and action for ecological civilization construction.

“化石资本主义”理论在把握当代资本主义新变化方面为我们提供新的视角，但其理论存在一定的局限性。一是没有形成理论话语与实践之间的连接，存在乌托邦倾向。“化石资本主义”作为一个新兴的理论话语，没有一个准确、统一、清晰的概念。不同学者依据自己所研究的重点或方向会对其有着不同理解，模糊性的概念理解会造成理论在应用上的困难。一方面，“化石资本主义”批判理论将复杂的资本主义制度简化为对化石燃料的依赖，而忽视资本主义基本矛盾的本质；另一方面，“化石资本主义”没有将批判理论转化为具体的、可行的政策建议和实践行动，而是停留在抽象的理论层面，未对现实世界产生实际影响。“化石资本主义”所表现出的乌托邦倾向还体现在其理论倡议者、追随者提出的理想化气候治理方案，如全面转变可再生能源、彻底改变消费模式等，而未考虑到现实中政治、经济及社会等层面的阻力。诚如阿格尔指出，“马克思主义作为一种变革的方法论,既需要理论又需要实践”。二是以西方为主体的观察视角，存在片面性。“化石资本主义”批判理论是以西方为主体的观察视角，缺乏辩证的整体视野，往往会忽视不同国家和地区的经济社会发展水平、环境政策、能源使用情况等因素差异，导致其所倡议的解决方案不具备普适性。对于资本主义的“诊治”，若是脱离辩证的分析视角，将注定无法取得对资本主义最终的胜利。三是整体理论没有贯彻科学社会主义的基本原则。“化石资本主义”批判理论继承了西方马克思主义理论传统，关注到资本主义生产方式对化石燃料的依赖导致了全球生态环境的破坏，但是它未能贯彻科学社会主义的基本原则，没有认识到资本主义基本矛盾是不可调和的本质存在。四是忽视了每个公民的具体责任。“化石资本主义”将改善全球生态环境寄托于资本主义的转型，而忽视了现代社会的所有人（包括“化石资本主义”的倡导者）都参与了温室气体排放的客观事实。从唯物史观来看，人民群众是社会历史的创造主体。改善全球生态环境是一项长期、复杂的系统工程，需要全社会共同努力。“化石资本主义”虽然提出要鼓励各团体积极参与生态建设，但真正有效的解决之道在于明确每个公民的责任，广泛发动人民群众，形成全社会的生态文明建设的共识和行动。

In summary, the critical theory of “fossil capitalism” provides a new perspective for analyzing the new changes in contemporary capitalism, offers new ideas for exploring paths beyond capitalism, and provides theoretical reference for advancing contemporary China’s development. However, “fossil capitalism” also has certain theoretical limitations, requiring us to examine the critical theory of “fossil capitalism” with a dialectical eye, “taking its essence and discarding its dross.”

综上所述，“化石资本主义”批判理论为我们辨析当代资本主义新变化提供了新视角，为探索超越资本主义道路提供了新思路，为推进当代中国的发展提供了理论借鉴；但是“化石资本主义”也存在一定的理论局限，需要我们以辩证的眼光审视“化石资本主义”批判理论，做到“取其精华，去其糟粕”。

(The author is a doctoral student at the School of Marxism, Harbin Normal University)

（作者系哈尔滨师范大学马克思主义学院博士研究生）

Online editor: Zhang Jian

网络编辑：张剑