On the Problematic Logic and Contemporary Value of the Critical Theory of “Transitional Capitalism”

“Political Marxism” is an important school of contemporary foreign Marxism, exerting significant influence in contemporary Anglo-American Marxist academic circles and forming three generations of academic community. “Political Marxism,” centering on concepts such as social property relations and class analysis, deeply analyzes the transitional development of capitalism, forming a critical theory of “transitional capitalism.” “Political Marxism” consistently adheres to Marx’s method of historical materialism, proposing an agrarian origin theory of capitalism, holding that capitalism emerged contingently in English agriculture, profoundly altering the developmental trajectory of England and Western Europe; capitalist society manifests a process of transformation from agrarian capitalism to industrial capitalism, then from industrial capitalism to colonialist imperialism, and finally from colonialist imperialism to capitalist imperialism; capitalist ideology has become an important component of the capitalist system of rule, forming an ideological chain of “progress,” “democracy,” “endless war,” “liberalism,” and so forth. “Political Marxism” argues that contemporary capitalism faces severe crises of class struggle, economic crisis, ecological crisis, and social crisis, and that a total crisis will inevitably lead to the demise of capitalism; it is necessary to transcend capitalism and realize the revival of 21st-century socialism. The critical theory of “transitional capitalism” in “Political Marxism” offers very important insights for developing 21st-century Marxism, enriching contemporary foreign Marxist critical theories of capitalism, and advancing the development of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era.

“政治马克思主义”是当代国外马克思主义的重要流派,在当代英美马克思主义主义学界具有重要的影响,形成了三代学术共同体。“政治马克思主义”围绕社会财产关系、阶级分析等概念,深入分析了资本主义的转型发展,形成了“转型资本主义”批判理论。“政治马克思主义”始终坚持马克思的历史唯物主义的方法,提出了资本主义的农业起源论,认为资本主义是在偶然情况下,在英国农业领域产生,并深刻改变着英国和西欧的发展历程;资本主义社会呈现出从农业资本主义转变到工业资本主义,再从工业资本主义发展为殖民主义的帝国主义,最后从殖民主义的帝国主义转型为资本帝国主义的发展过程;资本主义的意识形态已经成为资本主义统治体系的重要组成部分,形成了“进步”“民主”“无限战争”“自由主义”等意识形态链条。“政治马克思主义”认为当代资本主义出现了严重的阶级斗争危机、经济危机、生态危机、社会危机等,总体性的危机必然导致资本主义走向消亡;必须要超越资本主义,实现21世纪社会主义的复兴。“政治马克思主义”的“转型资本主义”批判理论对发展21世纪马克思主义、丰富当代国外马克思主义的资本主义批判理论、推进新时代中国特色社会主义发展具有非常重要的启示。

In the 1990s, the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the upheavals in Eastern Europe, and the end of the bipolar structure saw the world present a configuration of “one superpower and multiple great powers”; the socialist camp ceased to exist, and the proletarian revolutionary movement fell into a low ebb; the “end of history” thesis and the “theory of the demise of Marxism” promoted by some Western right-wing scholars gained prevalence; at the same time, emerging countries proliferated, and U.S. unilateralism, hegemonism, and power politics became increasingly pronounced. Capitalist countries not only intensified external capital export and capital expansion but also shifted domestic contradictions, exposing the entire world to the risks of economic crisis, ecological crisis, and social crisis. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, many Marxist scholars abandoned the critique of capitalism and gave up the possibility of creating socialism. They not only failed to uphold and develop Marx’s theory of socialist revolution but instead encouraged some to focus on so-called small, “realistic” social reforms, which were believed achievable within a “market society.” Therefore, in order to oppose the slander and betrayal of Marxism by right-wing intellectuals, post-Marxists, and certain left-wing intellectuals, “Political Marxism,” represented by Wood and Brenner, delved into the capitalist system to reveal its alienation and inherent contradictions. According to the view of “Political Marxism,” to transcend contemporary capitalism and rebuild socialism, it is necessary to adhere to Marx’s historical materialist viewpoint and method, reveal the essence and developmental forms of capitalism, clarify a series of issues such as capitalism’s relationship with modernity and globalization, and at the same time pay close attention to contemporary “new socialist” movements and proletarian revolutionary movements in some regions, exploring the paths and models for realizing the revival of world socialism in the 21st century.

20世纪90年代，苏联解体，东欧剧变，两极格局结束，世界呈现出“一超多强”的发展态势；社会主义阵营不复存在，无产阶级革命运动陷入低潮；一些西方右翼学者宣扬的“历史终结论”“马克思主义消亡论”大行其道；同时，新兴国家大量涌现，美国的单边主义、霸权主义和强权政治越来越明显。资本主义国家不仅加紧对外资本输出和资本扩张,而且转嫁国内矛盾,使整个世界都面临着经济危机、生态危机和社会危机的风险。在苏联解体后,许多马克思主义学者们纷纷抛弃批判资本主义,放弃创造社会主义的可能性。他们不仅没有坚持和发展马克思社会主义革命理论,反而鼓励一些人去关注所谓的小的、“现实的”社会改革,这些改革被认为在“市场社会”中可以达到。因此，为了反对右翼知识分子、后马克思主义、某些左派知识分子对马克思主义的污蔑和背叛，以伍德和布伦纳为代表的“政治马克思主义”深入到资本主义体系内揭示资本主义的异化和内在矛盾。按照“政治马克思主义”的观点，要实现对当代资本主义的超越，重建社会主义，就必须坚持马克思的历史唯物主义的观点和方法，揭示资本主义的本质和发展形态，澄清资本主义与现代性、全球化等一系列问题，同时要高度关注当代“新社会主义”运动以及部分地区的无产阶级革命运动等，探寻实现21世纪世界社会主义复兴的道路和模式。

I. Tracing the Origins of “Political Marxism” and Its Concept of “Transitional Capitalism”

一、“政治马克思主义”及其“转型资本主义”概念探源

“Political Marxism” and its critical theory of “transitional capitalism” emerged against the important backdrop of significant progress in globalization, major changes in the political, economic, and social structures of capitalism, severe setbacks in the international communist movement, the tortuous development of socialism, and the gradual rise of new social movements and contemporary Western left-wing thought. The direct theoretical source of the “Political Marxism” critical theory of “transitional capitalism” is the Marxist critique of capitalism, and it is also deeply influenced by early Western Marxism, the Frankfurt School, the British Marxist historical school, structuralist Marxism, analytical Marxism, and others.

“政治马克思主义”及其“转型资本主义”批判理论是在全球化已经取得重大进展,资本主义的政治、经济和社会结构发生重要变化,国际共产主义运动遭受严重挫折,社会主义曲折发展,新社会运动和当代西方左派思潮逐渐兴起的重要背景下形成的。“政治马克思主义”的“转型资本主义”批判理论直接的理论来源是马克思主义的资本主义批判学说,也深受早期西方马克思主义、法兰克福学派、英国马克思主义历史学派、结构主义马克思主义、分析马克思主义等的影响。

“Political Marxism” has undergone more than 40 years of development, forming three generations of academic community. The first generation includes Robert Brenner, Ellen Meiksins Wood, Neal Wood, George Comninel, Charles Post, Harvey Kaye, and others. The second generation includes Hannes Lacher, Benno Teschke, Michael A. Zmolek, Samuel Knafo, Geoff Kennedy, and others. The third generation includes Xavier Lafrance, Eren Duzgun, and others. Among them, Brenner and Wood are regarded as the two main standard-bearers of “Political Marxism.” To a certain extent, “Political Marxism” was formed through the collision of multiple theoretical currents after the 1970s, with “historical specificity, class relations, and class analysis constituting the core categories and methods of political Marxism, to a certain degree deepening the historical-political dimension of historical materialism.”

“政治马克思主义”已经经过了40多年的发展历程,形成了三代学术共同体。第一代包括罗伯特·布伦纳(Robert Brenner)、艾伦·梅克森斯·伍德(Ellen Meiksins Wood)、尼尔·伍德(Neal Wood)、乔治·科米奈尔(George Comninel)、查尔斯·波斯特(Charles Post)、哈维·凯伊(Har-vey Kaye)等。第二代包括汉内斯·拉切尔(Hannes Lacher)、贝诺·塔斯卡(Benno Teschke)、迈克尔·兹莫莱克(Michael A.Zmolek)、塞缪尔·科纳弗(Samuel Knafo)、杰夫·肯尼迪(Geoff Kennedy)。第三代包括萨维埃·拉弗朗斯(Xavier Lafrance)、埃伦·迪兹金(Eren Duzgun)等。其中布伦纳和伍德被誉为“政治马克思主义”的两位主要旗手。在一定程度上看，“政治马克思主义”就是在20世纪70年代后多个理论思潮相互碰撞下形成的，“历史特殊性、阶级关系和阶级分析构成了政治马克思主义的核心范畴和方法，在一定程度上对历史唯物主义的历史—政治维度做出了重要深化”。

The concept of “transitional capitalism” originates from the “Political Marxism” school’s analysis of the developmental history of capitalism. Using this concept can prominently highlight the main theoretical issues of the “Political Marxism” school, mark its distinctive characteristics, and reflect its unique theoretical interests and value. The critical theory of “transitional capitalism” is the main content within the ideological system of “Political Marxism,” a theoretical system with rigorous logic; centering on the theoretical theme of “transcending capitalism,” “Political Marxism” provides an in-depth interpretation of capitalism.

“转型资本主义”这一概念来源于“政治马克思主义”学派对资本主义的发展史的分析，用这一概念能够突出彰显“政治马克思主义”学派的主要理论问题，标识其鲜明特点，体现出其独特的理论旨趣和价值。“转型资本主义”批判理论是“政治马克思主义”思想体系中的主要内容，是一个具有严密逻辑性的理论体系；围绕“超越资本主义”的理论主题，“政治马克思主义”对资本主义进行了深入阐释。

II. The Problematic of the Critical Theory of “Transitional Capitalism”

二、“转型资本主义”批判理论的问题域

The critical theory of “transitional capitalism” in “Political Marxism” is a theoretical system encompassing numerous issues, possessing its own internal logical thread. By grasping its internal logic and problematic, we can gain a deep understanding of its theoretical interests and developmental tendencies. “Political Marxism” provides an in-depth exposition of the origins of capitalism, capitalist ideology, the total crisis of capitalism, and the path to transcending capitalism, which together form the “problematic” of the critical theory of “transitional capitalism.”

“政治马克思主义”的“转型资本主义”批判理论是一个涵盖众多问题的理论体系，具有自身内在的逻辑线索，通过把握其内在逻辑和问题域，能让我们深入了解其理论旨趣和发展趋向。“政治马克思主义”深入论述了资本主义的起源、资本主义的意识形态、资本主义的总体危机及其超越资本主义的路径，这也形成了“转型资本主义”批判理论的“问题域”。

(A) The Theory of the Agrarian Origins of Capitalism Based on the Transformation of Social Property Relations

(一)基于社会财产关系转变的资本主义农业起源论

“Political Marxism” strongly emphasizes the central position of social property relations within capitalist political relations, arguing that capitalism must strengthen the dependence between the state and the market, and that the establishment of market dependence promotes the formation of a new mode of production. “Wood says that capitalism did not originate from the emergence of cities, the expansion of trade, or even wage labor. It primarily depended on the disruption of peasants’ traditional life practices, the transformation of agricultural land into private property as a whole, and the powerful establishment of market dependence throughout the English countryside.”

“政治马克思主义”非常强调社会财产关系在资本主义政治关系中的核心地位，认为资本主义必须加强国家和市场之间的依耐性，市场依耐性的确立促进了新的生产方式的形成。“伍德说资本主义不是源自城市的产生，贸易的扩大，甚至是雇佣劳动。它首先主要有赖于对农民传统生活实践的打破，对农业土地向整个的私人财产的转化，对遍及英国乡村地区的市场依赖性的强有力的确立。”

Wood criticizes the demographic theory and the absolutist state theory of the origin of capitalism, and rejects the “commercialization” explanatory model of capitalism’s origin; she argues that this explanatory model is a circular argument. “The commercialization model does not recognize the unique necessity of capitalism, the unique way markets operate under the capitalist system, nor the unique laws of motion—which include competition, profit maximization, and capital accumulation—that force people into the market, reinvest surplus wealth, and engage in efficient production by improving labor productivity. Proponents of the commercialization model also see no need to explain the unique social property relations and the unique mode of exploitation that determine these unique laws of motion.”

伍德批判了资本主义起源的人口说、绝对主义国家说，否定了资本主义起源的“商业化”解释模式，她认为这种解释模式是一个循环论证。“商业化模式不承认资本主义独特的必要性，不承认市场在资本主义制度下运作的独特方式，也不承认独特运动定律——该定律包括竞争、利润最大化和资本积累，它迫使人们进入市场，将剩余财富重新投资，并通过改进劳动生产率进行有效率的生产。商业化模式的拥趸者也认为没有必要对独特的社会财产关系，以及决定了上述独特运动定律的独特的剥削方式做出解释。”

Brenner also argues that both the demographic and the commercialization explanatory models face theoretical difficulties, because neither incorporates an analysis of social property relations, and neither can reveal the economic development consequences arising from differences in population and commerce. In Brenner’s view, social property relations are a more effective concept than Marx’s social relations of production. What Brenner calls “property relations” refers to “the relations between direct producers, between members of the exploiting class (if an exploiting class exists), and between exploiters and producers, relations that specifically define and determine the rights of individual economic actors (or households) to the means of production and to the economic product.” Brenner’s social property relations are precisely what Marx called relations of production; their essence is class relations. Brenner’s concept of social property relations emphasizes the analysis of a system of vertical and horizontal class relations, encompassing both the vertical system of class relations between exploiters and producers and the respective horizontal systems of structural relations within the exploiting class and within the producer class. The transformation of social property relations directly determines actual class and social relations, and also determines the mode of operation of society.

布伦纳也认为人口和商业化的解释模式都存在理论的困境，因为它们都没有结合社会财产关系进行分析，也无法揭示因为人口和商业的差异导致的经济发展后果。在布伦纳看来，社会财产关系是比马克思的社会生产关系更加有效的概念。布伦纳所谓的“财产关系”是指“直接生产者之间、剥削阶级(如果存在剥削阶级的话)成员之间、剥削者与生产者之间的关系,这种关系具体规定并决定个体经济行为人(或家庭)得到生产资料及经济产品的权利。”布伦纳的社会财产关系也就是马克思所说的生产关系，其实质是阶级关系。布伦纳的社会财产关系概念强调的是对垂直和水平阶级关系系统的分析，既包括剥削者与生产者之间的垂直阶级关系系统,也包括剥削者内部和生产者内部各自的水平性结构关系系统。社会财产关系的转变直接决定了现实的阶级和社会关系，也决定了社会的运行模式。

(II) The Theory of Capitalist Transformation and Development Driven by the Logic of Capital (Market)

(二)资本(市场)逻辑推动下的资本主义转型发展论

“Political Marxism” holds that capitalist society exhibits a spiral development process, transforming from agricultural capitalism to industrial capitalism, then from industrial capitalism to colonialist imperialism, and finally from colonialist imperialism to capital imperialism. Throughout this process, social property relations display a continuous trend of transformation.

“政治马克思主义”认为，资本主义社会呈现出从农业资本主义转变到工业资本主义，再从工业资本主义发展为殖民主义的帝国主义，最后从殖民主义的帝国主义转型为资本帝国主义的螺旋式发展过程。在这一过程中，社会财产关系呈现出不断的转变趋势。

In the stage of agricultural capitalism, social property relations underwent a major transformation: land gradually became private property, and in England a new agricultural tripartite relationship emerged—landlords living off capitalist ground-rent, capitalist tenant farmers living off profits, and wage laborers living off wages. Under the new market compulsion, a polarization of the rural population occurred, with one pole being an increasing number of large-scale landowners and the other pole being propertyless wage laborers who were increasingly exploited. However, this competitive pressure and the accompanying new “laws of motion” initially depended not on the emergence of a large-scale proletariat, but on the existence of a large number of market-dependent tenant producers. The new concept of social property rights directly influenced production activities, and the new principle of value (value arises from production, not from unequal commodity exchange) also governed the development of agricultural capitalism, becoming the logic of agricultural capitalism. It was gradually implemented throughout the English countryside, and the theory of imperial expansion emerged along with it.

在农业资本主义阶段，社会财产关系实现了重大转变，土地逐渐变为私人财产，在英国形成了新的农业三角关系—依靠收取资本主义地租而生的地主、依靠收益而生的资本主义式的佃农以及依靠赚取薪资而活的雇佣劳动者。在新的市场强制下，产生了乡村人口的两极分化,其中一极是越来越多的大规模土地所有者，另一极则是丧失财产的雇佣劳动者，并且越来越受到剥削。但是这种竞争性压力以及与之相伴的新的“运动规律”在最初并非取决于大规模无产阶级的出现，而是取决于依赖市场的佃农生产者的大量存在。新的社会财产权观念直接影响着生产活动，而且新的价值原则(价值产生于生产，而不是产生于不平等的商品交换)也左右着农业资本主义的发展，并成为农业资本主义的逻辑，它渐渐地实施于整个英国乡村，并且促使帝国扩张的理论也随之产生。

Influenced by market compulsion, industrial capitalism transformed into a new form, colonialist imperialism. This was an imperialist form created by England and driven by the logic of capital (capital accumulation, profit maximization, unlimited competition, etc.). Colonialist imperialism emphasized the plunder and occupation of colonies, which was closely linked to the decisive requirements of capitalist social property relations.

受到市场强制影响，工业资本主义转型为新的形态殖民主义的帝国主义,这是由英格兰创造的,并且是由资本逻辑(资本积累、利润最大化、无限竞争等)所驱动的帝国主义形式。殖民主义的帝国主义强调对殖民地的掠夺和占有,这与资本主义社会财产关系的决定性要求紧密联系。

In the analysis of contemporary capital imperialism, “Wood, from a historical perspective, compares the differences between ancient and modern Anglo-American imperialism, pointing out the characteristics of capital imperialism: exploitation is not based on extra-economic, directly coercive foundations, but on market economic power. Of course, Wood also acknowledges that the establishment and maintenance of the market mechanism requires a certain political force, requires the state to establish and protect it; at present, the global capitalist economic system also needs to be maintained. Her explanation of capital imperialism is: using property rights and market forces to accumulate surplus value, rather than using methods of political management or military control to occupy territory.” [5]5 This is a direct quotation from the original Chinese text, referencing Ellen Meiksins Wood’s analysis of capital imperialism. The capital imperialist countries, led by the United States, have precisely on the basis of continuous global expansion of capital achieved their hegemony, and globalization has directly promoted this expansion. Capital imperialism intervenes globally, even commits aggression, launches unlimited wars, leading to the predicament of world peace and development.

在对当代资本帝国主义的分析中,“伍德从历史的角度,比较了古代和近代英美帝国主义之间的区别,指出资本帝国主义的特点：剥削不是建立在超经济的、直接强制性基础之上,而是建立在市场经济权力上。当然,伍德也承认市场机制的建立和维系需要一定的政治力量,需要国家来建立和保护,在当前,全球的资本主义经济体系也需要维系。她对资本帝国主义的解释是,运用财产权利和市场力量来积累剩余价值,而不是用政治管理或军事控制的方法来占领领土”。以美国为首的资本帝国主义国家正是在不断地进行资本全球性扩张的基础上实现了其霸权,全球化也在直接推动了这种扩张。资本帝国主义在全球进行干涉甚至侵略,发动了无限战争,导致世界和平与发展的困境。

(III) The Critique of Capitalist Ideology

(三)资本主义意识形态批判论

“Political Marxism,” grounded in the historical development of capitalist society, explains the essence, function, and effects of capitalist ideology from four aspects.

“政治马克思主义”立足于资本主义社会的历史发展，从四个方面阐释了资本主义意识形态的本质、功能和效应。

First, regarding the concept of “progress” as a capitalist ideology: the concept of “progress” is directly related to property rights, bearing the imprint of capitalist power discourse, causing people to view so-called capitalist progress only abstractly, and even to regard capitalist colonial plunder as progress and justice.

第一,从作为资本主义意识形态的“进步”概念来看,“进步”的概念直接和财产权相关,烙下了资本主义权力话语的印记,使得人们只抽象地看待资本主义所谓的进步,甚至将资本主义的殖民掠夺看作是进步和正义的。

Second, regarding democracy as a capitalist ideology: capitalist democracy has become a tool of its rule, internal to the capitalist system of domination, and even an indispensable component of maintaining imperial hegemony. With the development of Western capitalism, when this so-called liberal democracy could no longer threaten the property rights and rule of the bourgeoisie, the concept of liberal democracy was widely accepted, but this cannot conceal its function of political domination.

第二,从作为资本主义意识形态的民主来看,资本主义的民主已经成为其统治的工具,内在于资本主义统治体系中,甚至成为维持帝国霸权不可缺少的组成部分。随着西方资本主义的发展,当这种所谓的自由民主无法威胁到资产阶级的财产权及其统治的时候,自由民主的观念才被广泛接受,但也无法掩盖其政治统治的作用。

Third, regarding the new imperialist “unlimited war” as a capitalist ideology: the new imperialism, represented by the United States, under the banner of “just war,” using the fight against terrorism and the elimination of “rogue states” as pretexts, vainly attempts to achieve its goal of global hegemony. The United States maintains its superpower status by deploying its overwhelming military force, with no other country or force able to contend with it.

第三,从作为资本主义意识形态的新帝国主义“无限战争”来看,以美国为代表的新帝国主义打着“正义战争”的旗号,以打击恐怖主义,消灭“流氓国家”为借口,妄图实现其全球霸权的目的。美国通过运用其超强的军事力量来保持其超级大国地位,没有任何其他国家和力量能够与之抗衡。

Fourth, regarding liberalism as a capitalist ideology: liberalism not only became an important ideological weapon for capitalism to resist feudal absolutist power, but also became the core content of capitalist political rule. Liberalism has developed into an ideology encompassing the Western “progressive” view of history, the liberal democratic political view, and new imperialist thought. Within liberal ideology, there is no concept of class struggle based on exploitation in the Marxian sense; the fundamentally opposed class of producers and the class of surplus extractors cannot be reconciled or assimilated.

第四,从作为资本主义意识形态的自由主义来看,自由主义不仅成为资本主义反抗封建绝对主义强权的重要思想武器,而且成为了资本主义政治统治的核心内容。自由主义发展成为包含西方“进步”的历史观、自由民主的政治观以及新帝国主义思想的意识形态。在自由主义意识形态中,不存在马克思意义上的以剥削为基础的阶级斗争观念,根本对立的生产者阶级和剩余榨取者阶级之间不可能和解或同化。

(IV) The Theory of the State and Modern International Relations

(四)国家与现代国际关系论

“Political Marxism” explains the connotation of the state from the perspective of the transformation of royal power and the formation of centralized states in England, France, and Germany, arguing that the state is closely linked to civil society and the development of capitalism. The evolution of “modern” European nationalism is related to the formation of the state and centralization. In the process of the formation of the modern state, France is an important typical case. The French Revolution promoted the awakening of the French nation and the unification of the state, providing an important model of liberation for other countries in the world, especially European countries, and its impact was even more profound than in France itself. The French Revolution not only promoted Europe’s transition from feudal autocracy to republicanism, but also led to the formation of the modern state; its direct driving force lay in the threat of revolution to the ruling class and the impetus of Jacobinism. [6]6 Jacobinism refers to the political ideology and practices of the Jacobin Club during the French Revolution, associated with radical egalitarianism, centralization of state power, and the Reign of Terror.

“政治马克思主义”从英国、法国、德国王权的转变和集权国家的形成视角阐释了国家的内涵,认为国家与公民社会、资本主义的发展有着紧密的联系。“现代”欧洲民族主义的演变与国家的形成和中央集权有关。在现代国家的形成过程中,法国是一个重要的典型。法国革命促进了法国民族的觉醒和国家的统一,为世界其他国家特别是欧洲国家提供了一个重要的解放模式,而且其所产生的影响甚至比在法国本身还要深远。法国革命不仅促进了欧洲由封建专制走向共和制,而且使得现代意义上的国家开始形成,其直接动因就在于统治阶级对革命的威胁以及雅各宾主义的推动。

After breaking through the inter-state relations of geopolitics based on territorial logic, capital began to expand within the spatial scope of the world, forming a globalization centered on the economy, and continuously reshaping the face of the world. As Marx and Engels pointed out, the logic of capital demands the expansion of markets, establishing various economic, political, and other connections on a global scale. On the one hand, the bourgeoisie, through the exploitation of the world market, makes the production and consumption of each country cosmopolitan, causing interdependence among nations; on the other hand, it subjects non-capitalist countries to the warships and cannons of capitalism and incorporates them into the global production system of capitalism. However, Tasca [7]7 Refers to the Italian Marxist theorist Angelo Tasca (1878–1960), a founding member of the Italian Communist Party, later expelled. believes that this conception emphasizes that capitalist expansion is transnational, not international. The expansion of capitalism is premised on the mediation of geopolitics and must be based on the existence of national territorial organizations. “This means that capitalism cannot form a system of states, but must ‘self-operate’ through presupposed multiple sovereignties.” [8]8 The source of this quotation is not identified in the original text. Precisely for this reason, capitalism was born within the dynastic political system, consolidated territory during the absolutist period, and modern capitalist international relations are also formed on the basis of transcending the existing fragmented territorial states.

在突破基于领土逻辑的地缘政治的国家间关系之后,资本开始在世界空间范围内扩张,形成以经济为核心的全球化,并不断重塑着世界的面貌。正如马克思和恩格斯指出的,资本逻辑要求扩大市场,在全球范围内建立起经济、政治等各种联系。一方面,资产阶级通过对世界市场的剥削,使各国的生产和消费具有世界性,使得各个国家间互相依存；另一方面,使得非资本主义国家屈服于资本主义的船舰利炮,并被纳入到资本主义的全球生产体系中。但是塔斯卡认为,这个设想强调的是资本主义扩张是跨国的,而不是国际性的。资本主义的扩张是以地缘政治为中介的前提,并且要立足于国家领土组织的存在。“这意味着资本主义不可能形成国家体系,而是必须通过预设的多重主权‘自我运作’。”正是如此,资本主义在王朝政治体系中诞生,在专制时期巩固了领土,现代资本主义的国际关系也是在超越现存的碎片化的领土国家的基础上形成。

(V) The Theory of the General Crisis of Capitalism

(五)资本主义的总体危机论

First, the crisis of class struggle. “Political Marxism” holds that the contradiction between labor and capital in contemporary capitalist society is more pronounced. The historical encounter and structural opposition between capital and labor become clearer precisely when the class opposition has become quite urgent and visible. The contradiction between workers and capitalists is more universal and irreconcilable. The goal of class struggle in contemporary capitalist society is not merely economic interests or increasing jobs, but to eliminate the wage-labor relationship of capitalism, to eliminate the power of the possessor (the capitalist) to extract surplus value—the power to dispose of surplus labor. This requires changing the social property relations of capitalism and the distribution between direct producers and exploiters.

第一,阶级斗争危机。“政治马克思主义”认为,当代资本主义社会的劳资矛盾更加显著,资本与劳动之间的历史性遭遇与结构性对立在阶级的对立已经相当急迫和看得见之时呈现得更加清晰,工人与资本家的矛盾更加普遍和无法调和。当代资本主义社会的阶级斗争的目标不是只为了经济利益或增加工作,而是要消除资本主义的雇佣劳动关系,消除占有者(资本家)榨取剩余的权力——对剩余劳动的支配权,这就要改变资本主义的社会财产关系,改变直接生产者和剥削者之间的分配。

Second, economic crisis. “Political Marxism” holds that capitalism is the first economic system in which the market plays a central role. The market does not possess an inherent dynamic sufficient to develop in a direction that replaces previous modes of production; this only becomes possible after peasants lose their land. The pursuit of profit maximization is a necessary means for producers to maintain survival. Enterprises earn profits not out of greed, but to meet the demands of market competition. Therefore, the market is a compulsion. As long as production activities are based on market competition, the contradiction between labor and capital can never disappear. “Political Marxism” believes that the rise of finance capital and neoliberalism is a consequence, not a cause, of capitalist economic crises. It should not focus on the sphere of production but should adhere to Marx’s thought that excessive competition under capitalism leads to crisis.

第二,经济危机。“政治马克思主义”认为资本主义是第一个市场起到中心作用的经济体制。市场并不存在朝着足以取代过去的生产方式的方向发展的内在动力,而这只有在农民失去自己的土地之后才有可能出现。追求利润最大化是生产者维持生存的必要方式,企业赚取利润并非出于贪婪,而是要满足市场竞争的要求。因此,市场是一种强制,只要生产活动是建立在市场竞争之上的,劳资矛盾就绝不可能消失。“政治马克思主义”认为金融资本和新自由主义的兴起是资本主义经济危机的结果而不是原因,不应该着眼于生产领域而应该坚持马克思关于资本主义过度竞争导致危机的思想。

Third, ecological crisis. “Political Marxism” points out that because the internal contradictions of capitalism are irreconcilable, and capitalism has reached its geographical limits, that unlimited spatial expansion of capital has ended. Therefore, the greater the profit or so-called growth it pursues, the more severe its devouring of humanity or natural resources. The root cause of the ecological disasters brought by capitalism lies in its logic of capital. Subject to the logic of capital, contemporary capitalism leads to increasingly severe ecological crises, directly affecting the long-term development of humanity.

第三,生态危机。“政治马克思主义”指出，由于资本主义的内在矛盾无法调和,而且资本主义已经到达其地理界限,那种无限的资本空间扩张已经结束,因此,它所追求的利润或所谓的增长越大,它对人类或自然资源的吞噬也就越严重。资本主义带来生态灾难的根源在于其资本的逻辑。受制于资本逻辑,当代资本主义导致越来越严重的生态危机,直接影响着人类的长远发展。

Fourth, social crisis. “Political Marxism” points out that while the development of capitalism on the one hand promotes the development of productive forces and provides relatively abundant material wealth, on the other hand it also leads to a widening gap between rich and poor and polarization in society. Contemporary capitalism has achieved the universalization of the logic of capital, penetrating all areas of social life, continuously replaying creative destruction, and leading to serious social crises.

第四,社会危机。“政治马克思主义”指出，资本主义的发展虽然一方面促进了生产力的发展,并提供了较为丰富的物质财富,但另一方面也导致了社会贫富差距加大和两极分化。当代资本主义实现了资本逻辑的普遍化,渗透进社会生活的各个领域,不断重演着创造性破坏,导致严重的社会危机。

(VI) The Theory of Transcending Capitalism

(六)超越资本主义论

First, it is necessary to take developed Marxism as the theoretical weapon of critique. “Political Marxism” believes that capitalism has become a universal system. With the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the world socialist movement has suffered serious setbacks. Therefore, it is necessary to reconstruct historical materialism, develop Marxism, and strengthen confidence in socialism. Marxism must be comprehensively reflected upon and clarified, highlighting its due scientificity and revolutionary character. Marxism lies not only in criticizing capitalism, but even more in constructing a new socialism that conforms to human development.

第一,要以发展的马克思主义作为批判的理论武器。“政治马克思主义”认为,资本主义已经成为一种普遍的制度。随着苏联解体,东欧剧变,世界社会主义运动遭受了严重的挫折,因此,必须要重建历史唯物主义,发展马克思主义,增强社会主义的信心。必须要对马克思主义进行全面的反思和澄明,彰显其应有的科学性和革命性,马克思主义不仅在于批判资本主义,更加在于构建一个符合人类发展的崭新的社会主义。

Second, the revolutionary subject status of the working class must be upheld. “Political Marxism” believes that capitalism has no way out, no longer has a “safety valve,” and there is no path of reform outside its own inherent laws. Only by carrying out anti-capitalist class struggle can the internal contradictions of capitalism be overcome and socialism be achieved. Advancing class struggle must rely on the working class. The working class has not been captured by bourgeois ideology; its class consciousness and revolutionary consciousness have not been dissolved; on the contrary, it has increased its strength in the globalization of capital.

第二,必须坚持工人阶级的革命主体地位。“政治马克思主义”认为,资本主义已经无路可逃,不再有“安全阀”,在其自身的内在规律之外也不存在改良的途径只有实行反资本主义的阶级斗争才能克服资本主义的内在矛盾,走向社会主义。推进阶级斗争必须要依赖工人阶级,工人阶级并没有被资产阶级的意识形态俘获,其阶级意识和革命意识也没有被消解,反而在资本全球化中增加了力量。

Third, it is necessary to base anti-capitalist revolutionary struggle on the nation-state to achieve genuine democracy. “Political Marxism” points out that the nation-state plays an irreplaceable role in the socialist revolution. Only a socialist state that seizes state power can transcend capitalist liberal democracy, achieve genuine democracy, open the path for the process of modernization, and provide a solid foundation for realizing global fairness and justice. To transcend the formal democracy of capitalism, the separation of economic democracy and political democracy should be eliminated, and genuine socialist democracy should be realized.

第三,要立足于民族国家进行反资本主义的革命斗争,实现真正的民主。“政治马克思主义”指出,民族国家在社会主义革命中具有不可替代的作用,掌握国家政权建立的社会主义国家才能超越资本主义的自由民主,实现真正的民主,为现代化的进程开辟道路，为实现世界的公平正义提供坚实基础。要超越资本主义的形式民主,应消除经济民主和政治民主的分离,实现真正的社会主义民主。

Fourth, it is necessary to achieve a great unity of international revolutionary forces and realize the revival of 21st-century socialism. “Political Marxism” believes that existing anti-capitalist social forces should be organized, and the forces of the working class and leftist forces should be reintegrated at the global level. In particular, the working class, leftist intellectuals, marginalized social groups, etc., should be united. Moreover, the labor movement should combine with new social movements (peace movements, ecological movements, women’s movements, etc.) to achieve a great unity at the global level, gradually advance the anti-capitalist struggle, and move from the liberation of the working class to the liberation of humanity.

第四,要实现国际革命力量的大联合,实现21世纪社会主义的复兴。“政治马克思主义”认为要将现存的反资本主义的社会力量组织起来,在全球层面重新整合工人阶级的力量和左派力量,特别是要将工人阶级、左派知识分子、社会边缘人群等联合起来,而且,劳工运动应该与新社会运动(和平运动、生态运动、妇女运动等)结合,实现全球层面的大联合,逐步推进反资本主义斗争,通过工人阶级的解放走向人类的解放。

III. Conclusion

三、结 语

“Political Marxism,” based on the reality of capitalist society, employs Marx’s method of historical materialism, insists on a total critique of capitalism, and attempts to explore paths to transcend capitalism. “Political Marxism” has not departed from the traditional theoretical system of classical Marxism but has combined traditional theoretical issues with practical problems, fully reflecting “Political Marxism’s” concern for the reality of contemporary capitalism and its courage to engage in theoretical innovation in accordance with changed realities. As a developing academic community, “Political Marxism” enriches and develops the social critical theory of contemporary foreign Marxism. It is an inheritance and development of four critical models: the critique of state capitalism, the critique of consumer society, the critique of late capitalism, and the critique of global capitalism. It develops the Marxist dialectic of the particularity and universality of capitalism, reveals the revolutionary subject, revolutionary institutions, dynamics, and mechanisms of the revival of world socialism, dispels the infatuation with capitalism, helps to strengthen the “Four Confidences,” [9]9 The Four Confidences (四个自信) is a CPC slogan referring to confidence in the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics. and helps to deepen the understanding of the development of contemporary capitalism in the 21st century.

“政治马克思主义”立足于资本主义社会的现实,运用马克思的历史唯物主义方法,坚持对资本主义进行总体批判,试图探寻超越资本主义的道路。“政治马克思主义”没有脱离经典马克思主义的传统理论体系,而是将传统的理论问题与现实的问题结合起来,充分体现了“政治马克思主义”对于当代资本主义现实的关注,以及善于根据变化了的实际进行理论创新的勇气。“政治马克思主义”作为正在发展中的学术共同体,丰富和发展了当代国外马克思主义的社会批判理论,是对国家资本主义批判、消费社会批判、晚期资本主义批判和全球资本主义批判等四种批判模式的继承和发展，发展了马克思主义关于资本主义的特殊性和普遍性的辩证法，揭示了世界社会主义复兴的革命主体、革命机构、动力和机制，破除了对资本主义的迷恋,有助于坚定“四个自信”，有助于深化理解21世纪的当代资本主义发展。

(Author’s brief introduction: Feng Wangzhou, Professor, School of Marxism, Zhongnan University of Economics and Law)

（作者简介：冯旺舟，中南财经政法大学马克思主义学院教授）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心