Deeply Comprehending the Reform Spirit of Further Deepening Reform Comprehensively

Reform and opening up is an important magic weapon for the cause of the Party and the people to keep pace with the times. The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC, aiming at the second centenary goal of building a great modern socialist country, places reform in a more prominent position, closely focuses on advancing Chinese-path modernization to implement further deepening of reform comprehensively, and continues to stand at the forefront of the trend of the times. The construction of ideological and political theory courses (hereinafter referred to as “ideological and political courses”) needs to revolve around this spirit, to explore the reform spirit of further deepening reform comprehensively in the New Era, as well as the major theoretical and practical issues involved, and to integrate the results into the teaching of ideological and political courses.

改革开放是党和人民事业大踏步赶上时代的重要法宝。党的二十届三中全会致力于建设社会主义现代化强国的第二个百年奋斗目标，把改革摆在更加突出位置，紧紧围绕推进中国式现代化落实进一步全面深化改革，继续站在时代潮流的前面。思想政治理论课（以下简称“思政课”）建设需要围绕这一精神，就新时代进一步全面深化改革的改革精神，及其所涉及的重大理论和现实问题进行探讨，并将成果融进思政课教学中。

I. Clarifying the Direction through Comparison: Relying on Reform and Opening Up to Catch Up with, Grasp, and Lead the Times, and Comprehending the Reform Spirit of Further Deepening Reform Comprehensively from the New Characteristics of the Times

一、在比较中明方向：依靠改革开放追赶、把握、引领时代，从新的时代特色上领悟进一步全面深化改革的改革精神

Reform and opening up is a new great revolution led by the Party, uniting and leading the people of all ethnic groups across the country under new historical conditions. It is the most distinctive feature of contemporary China. The new characteristics of the times are the key to understanding the “three Third Plenary Sessions.” As the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC pointed out, the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the CPC “was epoch-making,” and the Third Plenary Session of the 18th Central Committee of the CPC “was also epoch-making.”[1]1 The Four Confidences (四个自信) refers to confidence in the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics, a guiding principle promoted under Xi Jinping. At the same time, we must also say that the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC is equally epoch-making. Calling it epoch-making indicates that these three Third Plenary Sessions were all key choices made by the Party at historical turning points, embodying new characteristics of the times. The Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee shifted the Party’s work focus from “taking class struggle as the key link” to taking modernization as the center, “opening a new period of reform and opening up and socialist modernization.” Its epoch-making significance lies in “breaking the ice and breaking through.” The Third Plenary Session of the 18th Central Committee responded to the actual need for strengthening “top-level design” as reform entered a critical period and uncharted waters, “opening a new journey of comprehensively deepening reform in the New Era, systematically and holistically designing and advancing reform, and creating a completely new situation for China’s reform and opening up.” Its epoch-making significance lies in “holistic design and advancement.” The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee, under the current conditions of the accelerated evolution of changes unseen in a century in the world and China’s construction of a great modern socialist country and the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation being at a critical period, responds to the questions of the times through “further deepening reform comprehensively to advance Chinese-path modernization,” laying the foundation for realizing the Party’s second centenary goal. Its epoch-making significance lies in “systematic integration.”[1]1 The Four Confidences (四个自信) refers to confidence in the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics, a guiding principle promoted under Xi Jinping.

改革开放是党在新的时代条件下团结带领全国各族人民进行的新的伟大革命，是当代中国最鲜明的特色，新的时代特色是我们理解“三个三中全会”的关键。正如党的二十届三中全会指出的，党的十一届三中全会“是划时代的”，党的十八届三中全会“也是划时代的”。[1]同时我们还要说，党的二十届三中全会同样具有划时代的意义。说划时代，表明这三个三中全会都是党在历史转折点作出的关键抉择，体现了新的时代特色。党的十一届三中全会把党的工作重心从以“阶级斗争为纲”转向了以现代化建设为中心，“开启了改革开放和社会主义现代化建设新时期”，其划时代意义在于“破冰突围”；党的十八届三中全会应对改革进入攻坚期和深水区，必须加强“顶层设计”的实际需要，“开启了新时代全面深化改革、系统整体设计推进改革新征程，开创了我国改革开放全新局面”，其划时代意义在于“整体设计推进”；党的二十届三中全会则是在当下世界百年未有之大变局加速演进、我国的强国建设、民族复兴处在关键时期的时代条件下，通过“进一步全面深化改革，推进中国式现代化”回应时代之问，为党的第二个百年奋斗目标实现奠基，其划时代意义在于“系统集成”。[1]

First, the characteristics of the times of the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC. To grasp the characteristics of the times of the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC, we must start from two advantages that did not exist before: first, the scientific judgment of the New Era; second, the basic finalization of the socialist system with Chinese characteristics.

第一，党的二十届三中全会的时代特征。把握党的二十届三中全会的时代特征，必须从此前不具有的两个优势出发：一是对于新时代的科学判断，二是中国特色社会主义制度的基本定型。

Our establishment of economic construction as the central task and implementation of the basic state policy of reform and opening up presuppose a relatively peaceful and stable international environment, which requires changing the long-held judgment of the times with war and revolution as the theme. At the beginning of reform and opening up, we had not yet had time to make an overall judgment on this. It was not until 1985 that Deng Xiaoping clearly identified peace and development as the two major issues of the times, confirming the possibility that no new world war would occur for a relatively long period. He pointed out: “The two really great issues confronting the world today, the two global strategic issues, are the issue of peace and the issue of economics, or development.”[2]2 The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC was held in July 2024, focusing on further deepening reform comprehensively to advance Chinese modernization.(P105) The judgment that a new world war might not break out for a relatively long period was based on the fact that at that time, only the two superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union, were “qualified” to fight a world war. However, due to many constraints on war and the high cost of fighting a world war, they could not but have some scruples. The following year, he made a clearer judgment on this: “It is possible that a large-scale world war will not break out for a relatively long period, and there is hope for maintaining world peace. Based on this analysis of the world situation and our surrounding environment, we changed our previous view that the danger of war was imminent.”[2]2 The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC was held in July 2024, focusing on further deepening reform comprehensively to advance Chinese modernization.(P127) This was a fundamental change in the understanding of the characteristics of the times. However, we were not yet able to judge whether we were facing a new era different from the era initiated by the October Revolution.

我们确立以经济建设为中心，实行改革开放的基本国策，前提是有一个相对和平稳定的国际环境，这就需要改变长期以来以战争和革命为主题的时代判断。改革开放之初我们还没有来得及对此作出整体性的判断，到1985年邓小平才把和平与发展明确为两大时代问题，确认较长时间不发生新的世界大战的可能。他指出：“现在世界上真正大的问题，带全球性的战略问题，一个是和平问题，一个是经济问题或者说发展问题。”[2](P105)判断新的世界大战可能较长时间打不起来，依据是当时有“资格”打世界大战的只有美国和苏联两个超级大国，但由于战争制约多，打世界大战的成本太高，它们不能不有所顾忌。第二年他就此作了更明确的判断：“在较长时间内不发生大规模的世界战争是有可能的，维护世界和平是有希望的。根据对世界大势的这些分析，以及对我们周围环境的分析，我们改变了原来认为战争的危险很迫近的看法。”[2](P127)这是对时代特点认识上的一个根本转变。但是，我们是否正在面对一个与十月革命开创的时代有所不同的新时代，还未能作出判断。

The convening of the 19th National Congress of the CPC coincided with the centenary of the October Revolution. The Congress clearly proposed that “socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a New Era.” Although this mainly focused on China’s reform and opening up and socialist modernization entering a new historical stage, its broader background was the transformation of the times. Starting from the trend of the times and the international situation, Xi Jinping first put forward the scientific judgment that we are facing “changes unseen in a century,” heralding the arrival of a new era different from the new epoch of human history initiated by the October Revolution. The reason we assert that the world has entered a new era characterized by peace and development is that the Third World, which Deng Xiaoping considered still “thin” as a pole of the world in the early 1980s, has, with socialism with Chinese characteristics entering the New Era, enabled the Chinese nation to stand tall in the East of the world with a new posture, while the “unipolar world” that the United States seeks to maintain has irreversibly declined. It can be said that for the United States, the only superpower today, fighting a new world war is not only a matter of high cost but also probably beyond its capacity.

党的十九大召开之时，恰逢十月革命爆发一百年，大会明确提出的“中国特色社会主义进入新时代”，虽然主要着眼于中国的改革开放和社会主义现代化建设进入了新的历史阶段，但其大背景则是时代的转换。习近平从时代潮流和国际大势出发，首先提出了我们正面对“百年未有之大变局”的科学判断，预示了一个有别于十月革命开创的人类历史新纪元的新时代的到来。我们之所以断言世界进入了以和平与发展为特征的新时代，就因为在20世纪80年代初被邓小平认为还很“单薄”的作为世界一极的第三世界，随着中国特色社会主义进入新时代，中华民族以崭新姿态屹立于世界的东方，而美国力图维持的“单极世界”已经无可挽回地衰落。可以说，对于现今唯一超级大国的美国而言，打新的世界大战在今天不仅是成本高的问题，恐怕也已经力不从心。

There are three objective bases for judging the arrival of a new era of peaceful development different from the era of the October Revolution: First, the trend of globalization of productive forces promotes economic globalization, and countries around the world are increasingly integrated and interdependent, with each having a stake in the other. Real common interests constantly transcend the confrontation of clinging to one’s own selfish interests, thus providing objective possibilities for managing risks and “fighting without breaking.” Second, the reason why peace and development remain the theme of the present era is that all major issues in today’s world, including sovereignty and security, derive from them. They are also the general hub for solving the problems of the times, determining that the ultimate means of responding to and solving the problems of the times lies in developing new quality productive forces and winning through “innovation and technology.” Third, the root cause of the above two points is that the essence of the changes unseen in a century in the world is the accelerated evolution of the international landscape and the balance of power. The situation where capitalism dominates the world alone is being fundamentally overturned. And “the collective rise of emerging market economies and developing countries is an unstoppable trend, which will make the global development landscape more comprehensive and balanced and make the foundation of world peace more solid and stable.”[2]2 The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC was held in July 2024, focusing on further deepening reform comprehensively to advance Chinese modernization.(P445) The essence of the transformation of the theme of the times is the end of the capitalist unipolar world and the actual advancement of a new form of human civilization that transcends capitalism.

判断一个有别于十月革命时代的和平发展的新时代的到来，有三大客观根据：其一，生产力的全球化趋势推动经济全球化，世界各国日益融合发展，你中有我、我中有你。现实的共同利益不断超越了固守一己私利的对抗，从而为管控风险、“斗而不破”提供了客观可能。其二，和平与发展之所以仍然是当今时代的主题，是因为当今世界包括主权、安全在内的所有重大问题都从中衍生，也是解决时代问题的总枢纽，决定了回应和解决时代问题的最终手段在于发展新质生产力，决胜于“创新和技术”。其三，上述两条的根源在于世界百年未有之大变局的实质是国际格局和力量对比在加速演变，资本主义独霸天下的局面正在被根本颠覆。而“新兴市场国家和发展中国家群体性崛起势不可当，将使全球发展的版图更加全面均衡，使世界和平的基础更为坚实稳固”。[2](P445)时代主题转换的实质是资本主义单极世界的终结，是超越资本主义的人类文明新形态的实际推进。

We know that Marx, with his scientific judgment of the “two inevitables,” revealed a great era of transition from capitalism to communism. However, history has proven that this is a long process requiring the continuous struggle of more than a dozen or even dozens of generations. During this period, the basic contradictions and general historical direction will not change, but the principal contradiction, methods of resolution, and practical paths will exhibit stage-specific characteristics, forming partial qualitative changes under non-fundamental qualitative changes. This requires, based on the development of practice, dividing the historical era indicated by Marx into several smaller eras to more effectively grasp the times and advance historical development. Since the birth of Marxism, we have been able to distinguish three interconnected yet distinctive smaller eras: the era when scientific socialism emerged and became the guide for action of the world workers’ movement; the era of the world proletarian revolution, including the national liberation movement, initiated by the October Revolution; and the new era of peaceful development facing the 21st century. The division of these smaller eras does not negate but enriches the great historical era revealed by Marxism. As Xi Jinping pointed out: “Although the era we live in has undergone tremendous and profound changes compared with the era Marx lived in, from the broad perspective of 500 years of world socialism, we are still in the historical era indicated by Marxism. This is the scientific basis for our firm confidence in Marxism and our firm belief in the victory of socialism.”[3]3 “Building the Party ideologically” (思想建党) is a principle of Party building emphasizing the primacy of ideological and theoretical work in maintaining the Party’s character and unity, consistently advocated by Mao Zedong.(P66)

我们知道，马克思以“两个必然”的科学判断，揭示了从资本主义向共产主义过渡的一个大时代。但是，历史证明，这是一个需要十几代，甚至几十代人接续奋斗的漫长过程。这期间基本矛盾和大的历史方向不会改变，但主要矛盾、解决方式、实践路径等会出现阶段性特征，形成非根本质变下的部分质变。这就需要根据实践的发展，从马克思指明的历史时代中划分出若干小时代，以便更有效地把握时代，推进历史发展。自马克思主义诞生以来，我们已经可以区分出三个相互联系而又各具特色的小时代：科学社会主义产生并成为世界工人运动行动指南的时代；十月革命开创的包括民族解放运动在内的世界无产阶级革命时代；面向21世纪的和平发展新时代。这些小时代的划分，不是否定而是丰富了马克思主义所揭示的历史大时代。正如习近平指出的：“尽管我们所处的时代同马克思所处的时代相比发生了巨大而深刻的变化，但从世界社会主义500年的大视野来看，我们依然处在马克思主义所指明的历史时代。这是我们对马克思主义保持坚定信心、对社会主义保持必胜信念的科学根据。”[3](P66)

Making clear that we are today in a New Era of peaceful development is the objective basis for our grasp of the contemporary world’s currents and our unswerving advancement of reform and opening up, it is our strategic resolve to stand on the correct side of history and lead the times, and it is also the foothold for our correct handling and construction of the basic relationship between China and the world. From this it follows that the further deepening of reform comprehensively proposed by the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC is an expansion and deepening of the reform process led by our Party, a reform practice characterized by consciousness, initiative, profundity, and foresight. There is no doubt that, like the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee and the Third Plenary Session of the 18th Central Committee, the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee is epoch-making.

明确我们今天处在和平发展的新时代，是我们把握当今时代世界潮流、坚定不移推进改革开放的客观依据，是我们站在历史正确的一边引领时代的战略定力，也是我们正确处理和建构中国与世界基本关系的落脚点。由此决定了，党的二十届三中全会提出的进一步全面深化改革，是我们党领导的改革历程的拓展和深化，是具有自觉性、主动性、深刻性和前瞻性的改革实践。毫无疑问，和党的十一届三中全会及党的十八届三中全会一样，党的二十届三中全会也是划时代的。

Second, the characteristics of further deepening reform comprehensively in the New Era. The new characteristics of the era determine that the Decision adopted by the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee has some important features different from previous reforms: First, the overall goal of reform for perfecting institutions is clearer. This is “to continue to perfect and develop the system of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and to advance the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity.” [1]1 The Four Confidences (四个自信) refers to confidence in the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics, a guiding principle promoted under Xi Jinping. Although the Decision of the Third Plenary Session of the 18th Central Committee had a similar formulation, at that time the system of socialism with Chinese characteristics could not yet be described as mature or finalized. In fact, as early as the beginning of 1992, Deng Xiaoping predicted: “It will probably take another thirty years for us to form a more mature and more finalized set of institutions in all respects. The principles and policies under these institutions will also become more finalized.” [4]4 “Having a definite object in view” (有的放矢) is a Chinese idiom meaning to shoot the arrow at the target; it is often used in CPC discourse to emphasize targeted, problem-oriented action.(P307) The core issue among these is upholding the position of Party leadership in the national governance system, how to organically integrate upholding Party leadership with adhering to a people-centered approach and law-based governance, and how to transform the political advantage of Communist Party leadership into an advantage in the national governance system and governance capacity. Precisely because of this, there are still differing opinions on issues such as the development and perfection of institutions and the modernization of the national governance system, and we even frequently fall into debates over pseudo-questions like “Is the Party bigger than the law or is the law bigger than the Party?”

第二，新时代进一步全面深化改革的特色。新的时代特色决定了党的二十届三中全会通过的决定具有与以往改革不同的一些重要特点：其一，完善制度的改革总目标更明确。这就是“继续完善和发展中国特色社会主义制度，推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化”。[1]尽管党的十八届三中全会的决定也有类似的表述，但当时中国特色社会主义制度还谈不上成熟、定型。实际上，早在1992年初，邓小平就预言：“恐怕再有三十年的时间，我们才会在各方面形成一整套更加成熟、更加定型的制度。在这个制度下的方针、政策，也将更加定型化。”[4](P307)其中核心问题是坚持党的领导在国家治理体系中的地位，如何使坚持党的领导和坚持以人民为中心、坚持依法治国有机统一，如何把共产党领导的政治优势转化为国家治理体系和治理能力的优势。正因为如此，我们在制度的发展完善以及国家治理体系的现代化等问题上还有不同的意见，甚至常常陷入“党大还是法大”一类伪问题的争论。

Under the strong leadership of the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, the Party has continuously achieved major breakthroughs in governing the country and managing state affairs, and the system of socialism with Chinese characteristics has been continuously perfected and matured. The Fourth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee in 2019 elucidated the overall composition of the system of socialism with Chinese characteristics, including fundamental institutions, basic institutions, and important institutions, indicating that the institutional system upholding the leadership of the Communist Party of China has been largely finalized and will gradually fully demonstrate the superiority of our institutions in the process of continuous improvement. This shows that the direction for further deepening reform comprehensively is clearer, the overall design is more mature, the strength of coordinated planning and holistic advancement is greater, and it will not be disrupted by pointless debates.

在以习近平同志为核心的党中央坚强领导下，党在治国理政方面不断取得重大突破，中国特色社会主义制度不断完善成熟。2019年党的十九届四中全会阐明了包括根本制度、基本制度和重要制度在内的中国特色社会主义制度的总体构成，表明坚持中国共产党领导的制度体系已经大致定型，并将在不断完善的过程中逐渐充分显示我们制度的优越性。这表明，进一步全面深化改革的方向更明确，总体设计更成熟，统筹协调和整体推进的力度更大，不会被无谓争论所干扰。

Second, the institutional advantages relied upon for reform are more prominent. Compared with the reform situation faced by the Third Plenary Session of the 18th Central Committee, today our confidence in further deepening reform comprehensively is greater. In a 2014 interview with a Russian television station, Xi Jinping pointed out, “After more than 30 years of reform, China has entered a deep-water zone. It can be said that the easy, universally welcomed reforms have been completed; the tasty meat has all been eaten, and what remains are hard bones that are difficult to chew.” [5]5 “Key minority” (关键少数) is a CPC term referring to leading cadres at and above the county and department level, whose role is considered crucial for the success of Party policies.(P101) Reform faced a major turning point from local exploration and breaking through ice to “crossing the river by feeling the stones,” to strengthening top-level design and comprehensively deepening reform. There was insufficient experience and a weak foundation, posing a severe challenge as to whether the overall design for comprehensively deepening reform could be effectively implemented.

其二，依托制度的改革优势更突出。和党的十八届三中全会所面临的改革形势相比，今天我们对进一步全面深化改革的信心更足。习近平在2014年接受俄罗斯电视台专访时指出，“中国改革经过30多年，已进入深水区，可以说，容易的、皆大欢喜的改革已经完成了，好吃的肉都吃掉了，剩下的都是难啃的硬骨头”。[5](P101)改革面临着从局部探索、破冰突围的“摸着石头过河”，到加强顶层设计、全面深化改革的重大转折，经验不足、基础不牢，存在着能否有效落实全面深化改革的总体设计的严峻挑战。

Today, however, the reform situation we face is different. Although various challenges remain severe, the basic institutional frameworks in various fields have been largely established, and many fields have achieved historic transformations, systemic restructuring, and holistic reconstruction. Overall, the institutional foundation for completing the reform tasks set by the Third Plenary Session of the 18th Central Committee has been laid. Through the maturation and finalization of institutions, advancing the construction of a modern socialist country not only has a firmer direction but also increasingly mature conditions. This situation determines that in further deepening reform comprehensively, we must highlight “practical results and tangible effectiveness,” complete tasks within a set timeframe, hence the “five-year plan”; we must persist in taking institutional innovation as the main line, consolidate fundamental institutions, perfect basic institutions, and innovate important institutions, continuously elevating reform achievements into institutions, and in turn, through the construction and perfection of institutions, promote the continuous deepening of reform.

今天我们面临的改革形势却有所不同。虽然各种挑战依然严峻，但各领域基础性制度框架基本建立，许多领域实现了历史性变革、系统性重塑、整体性重构。总体而言，完成党的十八届三中全会确定的改革任务的制度基础已经奠立。通过制度的更加成熟、定型，推进社会主义现代化国家的建设，不仅方向更坚定，而且条件也日渐成熟。这一形势决定了我们进一步全面深化改革必须突出“实绩实效”，限期完成任务，因而有了“五年计划”；必须坚持以制度创新为主线，筑牢根本制度、完善基本制度、创新重要制度，不断把改革成果上升为制度，又通过制度的建设、完善推进改革的不断深化。

Third, the reform characteristic of “system integration” is more distinct. To implement the various reform tasks proposed by the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee, it is necessary to recognize that it has characteristics different from previous reforms. Previously, constrained by the objective conditions of reform, we needed to break through ice and make breakthroughs, inevitably having to make some sacrifices: in the breakthrough points of reform, there were singular choices; in the evaluation of reform effectiveness, there were singular criteria; in the beneficiaries of reform, there were distinctions between “getting rich first and getting rich later”; and so on.

其三，“系统集成”的改革特色更加鲜明。落实党的二十届三中全会提出的各项改革任务，需要认清它具有以往改革不同的特色。以前受改革客观条件的限制，我们需要破冰突围，不得不有所舍弃：在改革的突破点上，有单一的选择；在改革的成效评估上，有单一的标准；在改革受益面上，有“先富后富”的区分；等等。

Today, this cannot be the case. First, the holistic nature of reform objectives: all must revolve around the development and perfection of the current system, solving problems as they arise according to different circumstances. There are no choices of the either-or type, such as who goes first and who goes later, who is primary and who is subordinate, outside the institutional framework. Clearly, under the premise that the basic institutional framework has been largely established, and when our fundamental institutions and basic institutions only have requirements for further consolidation and perfection, with no possibility of deviation, if we become entangled in abstract side-taking debates like “retreat of the state and advance of the private sector” or “advance of the state and retreat of the private sector,” the result will only delay and harm reform. Second, the comprehensive nature of reform performance evaluation: it is necessary to break away from single economic value evaluation criteria like GDP-only. Different types of institutional reform and perfection have different performance requirements and evaluation criteria, and their value must be comprehensively evaluated from the perspective of further perfecting the national institutional system. Ecological value, historical value, cultural value, etc., are all basic value bases in comprehensive evaluation. Third, the fairness of reform benefits reaching all the people, continuously meeting the people’s new expectations for reform. In times of economic scarcity, an incentive mechanism for getting rich first and getting rich later was needed. Currently, the principal contradiction in our society is no longer the contradiction between the people’s ever-growing material and cultural needs and backward social production, but the contradiction between the people’s ever-growing needs for a better life and unbalanced and inadequate development. Therefore, we must aim to promote common prosperity, advance reform around the livelihood issues that the people are most anxious about and find difficult, so that the people continuously enhance their sense of gain, happiness, and security in the process of further deepening reform comprehensively.

今天则不能这样。一是改革目标的整体性，都要围绕现行制度的发展完善，根据不同情况，有什么问题就解决什么问题。不存在制度框架外的谁先谁后、谁主谁从一类非此即彼的选择。很明显，在基础性制度框架已经基本建立的前提下，我们的根本制度、基本制度在都只有进一步巩固、完善的要求，而没有背离可能性的情况下，如果纠缠所谓“国退民进”还是“国进民退”一类抽象的选边站，其结果就只会拖延、损害改革。二是改革绩效评价的综合性，需要破除唯GDP一类单一的经济价值评价标准。不同制度类型的改革完善有不同的绩效要求和评价标准，其价值要从国家制度体系的进一步完善上进行综合评价。生态价值、历史价值、文化价值等都是综合评价中的基本价值依据。三是改革成果惠及全体人民的公平性，不断满足人民对于改革的新期待。在经济匮乏的时候，需要有先富后富的激励机制。当前我国社会的主要矛盾已经不是人民日益增长的物质文化需要同落后的社会生产之间的矛盾，而是人民日益增长的美好生活需要和不平衡不充分的发展之间的矛盾。因此，必须以推动共同富裕为目标，围绕群众急难愁盼的民生问题推进改革，使人民在进一步全面深化改革中不断增强获得感幸福感安全感。

II. Grasping the Key Points in Implementation: Adhering to a Problem-Oriented Approach, Focusing on Practical Results and Tangible Effectiveness, and Deeply Comprehending the Reform Spirit of Further Deepening Reform Comprehensively from the Mission and Responsibility of Ideological and Political Theory Courses

二、在落实中抓重点：坚持问题导向，着眼实绩实效，从思政课的使命担当上深入领悟进一步全面深化改革的改革精神

Upholding the guiding position of Marxism in the ideological domain is a fundamental institution within the institutional system for upholding Party leadership, and it is also the fundamental mission and responsibility of ideological and political theory courses in higher education. Currently, higher education faces the major task of deepening the reform of the education system, and ideological and political theory courses cannot ignore this. However, as the main front for Marxist theoretical education in higher education, they must implement the perfection and development of the system of socialism with Chinese characteristics and the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity, concretely applying them to the perfection and advancement of the fundamental institution of upholding the guiding position of Marxism in the ideological domain.

坚持马克思主义在意识形态领域的指导地位，是坚持党的领导制度体系的一项根本制度，也是高校思政课的根本使命担当。当前高校面临深化教育体制改革的重大任务，思政课对此不能忽视。但作为高校马克思主义理论教育的主阵地，必须把完善和发展中国特色社会主义制度、推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化，落实到完善和推进坚持马克思主义在意识形态领域指导地位这一根本制度上。

First, ideological and political theory courses are an important component of the work system for arming the whole Party and educating the people with the Party’s innovative theories. Upholding the fundamental institution of the guiding position of Marxism in the ideological domain belongs to the institutional system for upholding the leadership of the Communist Party of China. Party leadership is fundamentally political and ideological leadership. Mao Zedong always adhered to “building the Party ideologically,” [3]3 “Building the Party ideologically” (思想建党) is a principle of Party building emphasizing the primacy of ideological and theoretical work in maintaining the Party’s character and unity, consistently advocated by Mao Zedong. regarding ideological leadership as the Party’s “primary leadership power.” The Party’s ideological leadership roughly includes theoretical innovation and theoretical arming, which complement each other. Theoretical integrity and innovation are the soul of the Party’s establishment; however, without strong theoretical arming, it cannot be transformed into the practical force of millions of people creating history. From the perspective of institutional construction, the work system for arming the whole Party and educating the people with the Party’s innovative theories is the foundation of theoretical arming.

第一，思政课是用党的创新理论武装全党、教育人民工作体系的重要组成。坚持马克思主义在意识形态领域指导地位的根本制度，属于坚持中国共产党领导的制度体系。党的领导从根本上说是政治思想的领导，毛泽东始终坚持“思想建党”，把思想领导权视为党的“第一位领导权”。党的思想领导大致包括理论创新和理论武装，两者相辅相成。理论上的守正创新是立党之魂，然而如果没有强有力的理论武装，就无法转化为千百万人民创造历史的实践力量。理论武装从制度建设上看，用党的创新理论武装全党、教育人民的工作体系是基础。

Ideological-political courses occupy an important position in the work system of theoretical armed forces. First, institutions of higher education are a “barometer” of the influence of social hotspots, popular sentiment, and major domestic and international social trends, and are an important basis for the Party’s theoretical armed forces work to have a definite object in view. [4]4 “Having a definite object in view” (有的放矢) is a Chinese idiom meaning to shoot the arrow at the target; it is often used in CPC discourse to emphasize targeted, problem-oriented action. Having a definite object in view is the essence of integrating theory with practice; whether in theoretical innovation or theoretical armed forces, one must proceed from problems and aim at solving them. But to grasp problems accurately, typicality and representativeness are needed. The construction of “grand ideological-political courses” that we advocate is a two-way interactive process: it not only helps resolve students’ ideological problems, but also does what society requires, and uses the advantages of higher education’s ideological-political education to promote the resolution of ideological problems existing in society. The latter aspect is one we easily overlook.

思政课在理论武装的工作体系中占有重要的位置。首先，高校是社会热点、群众情绪和国内外重大社会思潮影响力的“晴雨表”，是党的理论武装工作有的放矢的重要依据。有的放矢是理论联系实际的精髓，无论理论创新还是理论武装，都要从问题出发，以解决问题为目的。但问题要抓得准，就需要典型性和代表性。我们倡导的“大思政课”建设，是双向作用过程：它不仅有助于解决学生的思想问题，也在于这样做是社会所需要的，也是运用高校思想政治教育的优势促进社会存在的思想问题的解决。后一方面，是我们容易忽视的。

Second, institutions of higher education are a gathering place and important battlefield for various contradictions in theoretical armed forces, and ideological-political courses in higher education bear the major mission of exploring the path for the Party’s theoretical armed forces. Theoretical armed forces are mainly oriented toward the masses; to popularize theory as a scientific system, two contradictions need to be resolved: first, the contradiction between systematicity and practicality; second, the contradiction between theoretical rigor and popular accessibility. If the first contradiction is not handled well, the Party’s innovative theory easily becomes slogan-like “fragments,” leading not only to ambiguity and deviation in understanding but also to errors in practice; if the second contradiction is not handled well, innovative theory is reduced to simple political posturing, losing the charm of thought. How to grasp these “degrees” is a topic that always requires exploration. The talent team for ideological-political courses in higher education includes both teaching talents skilled in popular interpretation and research talents skilled in theoretical deepening, thus possessing the unique advantage of organically unifying the two. The organic integration of the two is not only necessary for enhancing the effectiveness of ideological-political courses in higher education but also for advancing the Party’s theoretical armed forces work.

其次，高校是理论武装各种矛盾的聚集地和重要战场，高校思政课具有为党的理论武装探路的重大使命。理论武装主要面向大众，要普及作为科学体系的理论，需要解决两个矛盾：一是体系性和实用性的矛盾；二是学理性和通俗性的矛盾。第一个矛盾处理不好，党的创新理论就容易成为口号式的“只言片语”，不仅会出现理解上的歧义和偏差，还会造成实践中的失误；第二个矛盾处理不好，就会把创新理论变成简单的政治表态，丧失思想的魅力。这些“度”如何把握，是永远需要探索的课题。高校思政课人才队伍，既有善于做通俗化解读的教学人才，又有善于做学理化深耕的科研人才，因而具有将两者有机统一的独特优势。两者的有机贯通，不仅是提升高校思政课成效的需要，也是推进党的理论武装工作的需要。

Third, university students are the key target of the Party’s theoretical armed forces and the crucial factor in testing the effectiveness of the Party’s theoretical armed forces work. Fundamentally, the future of the Party’s and the nation’s cause lies in youth; when youth thrive, the nation thrives. Institutions of higher education supply various types of talent for all walks of life in our country and are important bases for scientific and technological innovation, industrial transformation, and innovation in philosophy and social sciences. University students are not only builders of socialism with Chinese characteristics but also the main reserve for Party and state cadres at all levels, even the “key minority.” [5]5 “Key minority” (关键少数) is a CPC term referring to leading cadres at and above the county and department level, whose role is considered crucial for the success of Party policies. Therefore, improving, perfecting, and strengthening the construction of ideological-political courses in higher education is not a general fulfillment of the duty of higher education to foster virtue through education, but a major institutional construction related to the long-term stability and security of the Party and the state.

再次，高校学生是党的理论武装的重点对象，是检验党的理论武装工作成效的关键所在。从根本上说，党和国家事业的未来在青年，青年兴则国家兴。高校为我国各行各业输送了各类人才，是科技创新、产业变革、哲学社会科学创新的重要基地。高校学生不仅是中国特色社会主义建设者，而且也是党和国家各级干部，以致“关键少数”的主要储备。因此，健全、完善和加强高校的思政课建设，不是一般性地履行高校立德树人职责，而是关系党和国家长治久安的重大制度建设。

Second, the reform and innovation of ideological-political courses is an important component of the innovation of the Marxist theoretical research and construction project. The 20 years of implementation of the Marxist theoretical research and construction project are inseparable from the reform and innovation of ideological-political courses. On the one hand, the rooting of ideological-political courses in the national education system, with their status and role continuously strengthened, is a major achievement of the Marxist theoretical research and construction project; on the other hand, the irreplaceable major role of ideological-political courses in the theoretical armed forces of Marxism and its innovative achievements in adapting Marxism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times, in the pioneering and defense of Marxist ideological positions, and in forging the ideological foundation for the common struggle of the Party and the people, has driven the continuous deepening of the Marxist theoretical research and construction project. How to innovate this interactive relationship is a topic facing the innovation of the Marxist theoretical research and construction project today.

第二，思政课的改革创新是创新马克思主义理论研究和建设工程的重要内容。马克思主义理论研究和建设工程实施的20年，和思政课的改革创新密不可分。一方面，思政课在国民教育体系中扎根，其地位和作用不断加强，是马克思主义理论研究和建设工程的重大成果；另一方面，思政课在马克思主义及其中国化时代化创新成果的理论武装、马克思主义思想阵地的开拓坚守，打造党和人民共同奋斗的思想基础方面不可替代的重大作用，推动了马克思主义理论研究和建设工程不断深化。如何创新这种互动关系，是今天创新马克思主义理论研究和建设工程面临的课题。

First, institutional innovation in the cultivation of ideals and convictions. Ideological-political courses must make achievements in “promoting the normalization and institutionalization of ideals and convictions education.” Striving to cultivate more new-era figures who reassure the Party, love the country, contribute to it, and bear the heavy responsibility of national rejuvenation is the fundamental responsibility of ideological-political courses, among which ideals and convictions education is key. It should be said that ideological-political courses themselves are an important form of the normalization and institutionalization of ideals and convictions education. The irreplaceable role of ideological-political courses in this is to impart ideals and convictions as scientific knowledge. Only when ideals and convictions become a knowledge system can their study, teaching, discussion, assessment, and dissemination be normalized and institutionalized. Although our theoretical judgments on ideals and convictions are quite sufficient, there is still room for expansion in forming them into a knowledge system. As a knowledge system, ideals and convictions must first clearly explain why ideals and convictions can become science; why science cannot stop at empirical science; why faith cannot be monopolized by religion. It must clearly explain how Marxism brings faith into the scope of science, how it eliminates the gap between experience and transcendence, establishes the unity of fact and value, and thus scientifically resolves questions about the ultimate existence of the world, the ultimate value of life, and other worldview inquiries.

一是理想信念培养上的制度创新。思政课要在“推动理想信念教育常态化制度化”上有所作为。努力培养更多让党放心、爱国奉献、担当民族复兴重任的时代新人，是思政课的根本责任，其中理想信念教育是关键。应该说，思政课本身就是理想信念教育常态化制度化的重要形式。思政课在其中不可替代的作用是，把理想信念作为科学知识传授。理想信念只有成为知识体系，才能使其学习、讲授、讨论、考核、传播常态化制度化。虽然我们对于理想信念在理论上的论断很充分，但将其形成知识体系还有拓展的空间。作为知识体系的理想信念，首先要讲清楚理想信念为什么可以成为科学？科学为什么不能止步于实证科学？信仰为什么不能被宗教垄断？要讲清楚马克思主义是如何把信仰纳入科学的视野，如何消除经验和超验的鸿沟，确立事实与价值的统一，从而科学解决关于世界的终极存在、生命的终极价值等世界观之问。

It must also, from a broad perspective, clearly explain that scientific faith is a special kind of knowledge. Scientific faith is not only for learning and applying but, more importantly, for “changing the world”; thus it is the highest form of humanity’s conscious creation of history, the concentrated expression of the power of Marxist thought, and the fundamental guarantee for achieving historical confidence and enhancing historical initiative. Therefore, ideals and convictions, on a grand scale, are the foundation of the Party, establishing the essence of a scientific theory that unifies scientificity, practicality, and openness; on a small scale, they are the foundation of personal conduct, the ideological source of the unity of knowledge, faith, and action, and the integration of thought, learning, and insight. Devoting oneself to national rejuvenation and the cause of human liberation, and constantly transcending oneself, is the necessary path for cultivating ideals and convictions; internalizing them in the heart, striving to overcome the inconsistency of knowledge, faith, and action, and resolutely rejecting “double-faced persons,” is the unceasing pursuit of cultivating ideals and convictions. The great enemy of ideals and convictions education is standing outside the matter, placing ideals and convictions on the other side of history, the opposite shore of life, or outside oneself—this is a major taboo. The cultivation of ideals and convictions needs to be integrated into the way of life, basing learning on “clarifying problems for oneself,” on the test of major issues of principle and major ideological and public opinion struggles, and constantly overcoming the phenomenon of “two separate skins” in learning and conduct. [6]6 “Two separate skins” (两张皮) is a Chinese expression describing a situation where two things that should be integrated are disconnected or operate in parallel, often used in CPC discourse to criticize formalism or lack of integration in work.

还要从广阔视野讲清楚科学信仰是特殊的知识。科学信仰不仅要学以致用，更要“改变世界”，因而是人类自觉创造历史的最高方式，是马克思主义思想力量的集中体现，是达到历史自信、增强历史主动的根本保证。因此，理想信念从大处讲是立党之本，奠立了科学性、实践性、开放性相统一的科学理论精髓；从小处讲是立身之本，是知信行相统一、思学悟相贯通的思想本源。投身民族复兴和人类解放事业，不断超越自我是培养理想信念的必由之路；内化于心，努力克服知信行不一致，坚决摈斥“两面人”，是培养理想信念的不竭追求。理想信念教育的大敌是置身事外，把理想信念放在历史彼岸、生活对岸、自身以外是大忌。理想信念的培育需要融入生活方式，把学习立于“自己弄清问题”上，立于大是大非和重大思想舆论斗争的检验上，不断克服学习、做人“两张皮”的现象。

The core of cultivating ideals and convictions is to strengthen the communist ideal. To counter the theory of the “remote and vague” nature of communism, [7]7 The “remote and vague” theory of communism (共产主义渺茫论) refers to a skeptical view that communism is an unattainable, distant ideal, which CPC theorists have consistently refuted. it must be clearly explained that this ideal is a realistic force based on the objective laws and inevitability of history; a guiding force based on the unity of the highest goal and phased goals; and an irresistible progressive force characterized by ending humanity’s “prehistory.” [8]8 “Prehistory” (史前史) is a term used by Marx to describe the period of human history before the communist revolution, characterized by class struggle and alienation; it is often cited in Marxist theory to emphasize the qualitative leap that communism represents. Without a scientific grasp of the communist ideal, the issue of ideals and convictions cannot be clarified. Making the strengthening of the communist ideal the core of the knowledge system of ideals and convictions, and completing the construction of this knowledge system, is undoubtedly a major mission of ideological-political course construction.

理想信念培育的核心是坚定共产主义理想。要针对共产主义“渺茫”论，讲清楚这一理想是以历史的客观规律和必然性为基础的现实性力量；是以最高目标和阶段性目标相统一为基础的引领性力量；是以终结人类的“史前史”为特征的不可抗拒的进步力量。没有对于共产主义理想的科学把握，理想信念问题是说不清楚的。把坚定共产主义理想作为理想信念知识体系的核心，完成理想信念知识体系的构建，无疑是思政课建设的重大使命。

Second, innovation in advancing theoretical exposition. Promoting the “three entries” [9]9 “Three entries” (三进) refers to the requirement that the Party’s innovative theory enter textbooks, enter classrooms, and enter students’ minds (进教材、进课堂、进头脑). of the Party’s innovative theory is the fundamental task of ideological-political courses, and the construction of ideological-political courses must advance in step with the systematization and theoreticalization of the Party’s innovative theory. Currently, the following three basic principles and directions for effort in promoting the systematization and theoreticalization of the Party’s innovative theory need to be established.

二是在推进理论阐发上创新。推进党的创新理论“三进”是思政课的根本任务，思政课建设要与党的创新理论体系化学理化同步推进。当前，需要确立以下三个推进党的创新理论体系化学理化的基本原则和努力方向。

First, theoretical elevation—elucidating Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era with the worldview as its core. Worldview and methodology are the essence of a scientific theoretical system. To accurately and comprehensively elucidate the Party’s innovative theory in the New Era, it must be grasped as a whole with the “New Era” as the historical orientation, “grasping the times and leading the times” as the historical basis, “people-centered” as the value substance, and “systemic concept” as the worldview and methodological characteristic; all major theoretical innovations and original contributions must be elevated to the level of worldview and methodology, revealing their standpoints, viewpoints, and methods; from the Party’s innovative theory’s “adherence and application” of dialectical materialism and historical materialism, the philosophical essence of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era must be summarized and refined.

其一，理论升华——以世界观为内核阐发习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想。世界观和方法论是科学理论体系的精髓。准确全面阐发新时代党的创新理论，必须以“新时代”为历史方位，以“把握时代、引领时代”为历史根据，以“人民至上”为价值本体，以“系统观念”为世界观和方法论特色进行整体把握；必须把所有重大的理论创新和原创性贡献都上升到世界观和方法论层面，揭示其立场观点方法；必须从党的创新理论对于辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义的“坚持运用”中，概括、提炼出习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的哲学精髓。

Second, historical narrative — elucidating Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era from the thread of historical development. That is to say, it must be elucidated within the historical inheritance of Chinese civilization spanning over five thousand years, the ideological transformation of five hundred years of world socialism, and the upholding and innovation of nearly two hundred years of the history of Marxist development. The Chinese civilization, which has continued uninterrupted for over five thousand years, harbors all the secrets for answering the questions posed by China; standing at the new starting point of contemporary China’s historical development, we must constantly return to the profound “root” of fine traditional Chinese culture. World socialism is the product of capitalism’s self-negation and the world-historical basis for Chinese-path modernization, which is distinct from Western modernization; to always stand on the correct side of history, we must share the same breath and common destiny with world socialism. The birth of Marxism was not only a great leap in the world socialist ideological trend but also the most magnificent sunrise in the history of human thought; upholding and innovating Marxism is an important ideological method for the CPC’s governance and the essence

其二，历史叙事——从历史发展的脉络阐发习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想。也就是说，要将其置于中华文明五千多年的历史传承，五百年世界社会主义史的思想变革，近两百年马克思主义发展史的守正创新中阐发。历经五千多年从未中断的中华文明，蕴藏着回答中国之问的全部奥秘；站到当代中国历史发展的新起点上，必须不断回到中华优秀传统文化这一深厚的“根脉”。世界社会主义是资本主义自我否定的产物，是区别于西方现代化的中国式现代化的世界历史根据；要始终站在历史正确的一边，必须与世界社会主义同呼吸、共命运。马克思主义的诞生，不仅是世界社会主义思潮的伟大飞跃，也是人类思想史最为壮丽的日出；对马克思主义的守正创新，是中国共产党治国理政的重要思想方法，也是习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的精髓。

Third, ideological confrontation — elucidating Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era through overcoming erroneous trends of thought. Truth always exists in comparison with and develops through struggle against falsehood. Major innovations in Marxist theory are not only the product of meeting practical needs but also the result of transcending erroneous viewpoints. The “Four Confidences”[1]1 The Four Confidences (四个自信) refers to confidence in the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics, a guiding principle promoted under Xi Jinping. are theoretical weapons that powerfully break through erroneous trends of thought: first, strengthening confidence in the theory to break through the “theory of Marxism being outdated.” Through the division of large and small eras and their interconnections, through the community of shared destiny formed by Marxism and Marxism adapted to the Chinese context and the needs of the times, and through the entry of socialism with Chinese characteristics into the New Era, we have forcefully refuted the so-called “theory of Marxism being outdated.” Second, strengthening confidence in the path to break through the “end of history thesis.” We have not only forged a path different from Western modernization but have also theoretically demonstrated Chinese-path modernization and the new form of human civilization it inaugurates, overturning the fallacy that capitalism cannot be transcended through the combination of theory and practice. Third, strengthening confidence in the system to break through the “theory of selfish human nature.” Western institutional design is premised on selfish human nature; it negates the social-historical character of human nature and negates the institutional value of collectivism and socialism. A problem that socialist countries had long been unable to solve well in the past was the failure to transform the socialist state system into the modernization of the national governance system, which also added weight to Western viewpoints. Today, by solving this difficult problem, we have fundamentally negated the value basis of Western institutions. Fourth, strengthening confidence in the culture to break through the “theory of Western civilizational superiority.” The West, under the guise of “modernity,” strives to dress up its civilization as a “universal civilization” that can dominate the world. By revealing that civilizational diversity is the inexhaustible driving force of human progress, the antagonistic and unsustainable nature of Western civilization, and by shaping the modern form of Chinese civilization, we have shattered the illusion of the “theory of Western civilizational superiority.”

其三，思想交锋——从战胜错误思潮阐发习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想。真理总是在和谬误相比较而存在、相斗争而发展的。马克思主义理论的重大创新，不仅是解决实践需要的产物，也是超越错误观点的结果。“四个自信”是有力破除错误思潮的理论武器：一是坚定理论自信，破除“马克思主义过时论”。我们通过大小时代的划分及其相互联系，通过马克思主义和中国化时代化马克思主义形成的命运共同体，通过中国特色社会主义进入新时代，有力驳倒了所谓的“马克思主义过时论”。二是坚定道路自信，破除“历史终结论”。我们不仅走出了一条和西方现代化不同的道路，而且从理论上论证了中国式现代化及其开创的人类文明新形态，从理论和实践的结合上推翻了资本主义不可超越的谬论。三是坚定制度自信，破除“人性自私论”。西方的制度设计是以人性自私为前提的，它否定人性的社会历史性，否定集体主义、社会主义的制度价值。而过去的社会主义国家长期以来一直未能很好解决的问题，就是未能把社会主义国家制度转化为国家治理体系现代化，这也给西方的观点增加了筹码。今天，我们解决了这一难题，也就从根本上否定了西方制度的价值依据。四是坚定文化自信，破除“西方文明优越论”。西方借“现代”之名，力图将其文明打扮成可以君临天下的“普世文明”。我们通过揭示文明多样性是人类进步的不竭动力，西方文明的对抗性和不可持续，塑造中华文明的现代形态等，打破了“西方文明优越论”的幻觉。

Third, ideological and political courses are the ideological vanguard for “implementing the innovation project in philosophy and social sciences.” The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC[2]2 The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC was held in July 2024, focusing on further deepening reform comprehensively to advance Chinese modernization. put forward the major task of “implementing the innovation project in philosophy and social sciences to build an independent knowledge system for Chinese philosophy and social sciences,” promoting the in-depth reform and development of philosophy and social sciences in our country. Ideological and political courses bear the mission and responsibility of pioneering exploration in this regard.

第三，思政课是“实施哲学社会科学创新工程”的思想先导。党的二十届三中全会提出了“实施哲学社会科学创新工程，构建中国哲学社会科学自主知识体系”这一重大任务，推动我国哲学社会科学深入改革发展。思政课在其中负有先行探路的使命担当。

First, ideological and political courses must explore disciplinary characteristics that distinguish them from Western knowledge systems in constructing their own disciplinary knowledge system. The academic tradition and knowledge system of Western philosophy and social sciences are built on the dualism of knowledge and belief, confining science to empirical knowledge while leaving belief to religion. The profound paradox it contains is: on the one hand, the empiricization of knowledge, taking mathematical modeling, repeatability, and falsifiability as absolute conditions for judging the scientificity of social sciences, increasingly divorces itself from social-historical practice based on interests. On the other hand, because philosophy and social sciences cannot truly be “value-free,” they inevitably set an absolute value as the source of all social phenomena, ensuring that empiricized social knowledge can become a system. Thus, taking unchanging human nature as an uncritical, dogmatic value presupposition becomes the natural premise of the knowledge system of each discipline, such as the so-called “economic man,” “moral man,” “rascal hypothesis,” etc. Therefore, the knowledge system of Western philosophy and social sciences fundamentally excludes Marxism.

其一，思政课要在构建自身的学科知识体系中探索区别于西方知识体系的学科特色。西方哲学社会科学的学术传统和知识体系建立在知识和信仰的二元论上，把科学限于实证知识，而把信仰留给宗教。它所内含的深刻悖论是：一方面，知识的实证化，把数学模型化、可重复性、可证伪作为判断社会科学科学性的绝对条件，日益脱离以利益为基础的社会历史实践。另一方面，由于哲学社会科学不可能真正“价值无涉”，因而必然设定一个绝对的价值，作为一切社会现象之源，确保实证化的社会知识能够成为体系。这样，以不变人性作为非批判的独断价值预设，就成为各学科知识体系的当然前提，如所谓“经济人”“道德人”“无赖假设”等。因此，西方哲学社会科学知识体系从根本上是排斥马克思主义的。

The knowledge system of philosophy and social sciences established under the guidance of Marxism differs from the Western philosophy and social sciences knowledge system in the following ways: First, starting from the premise that social history is an organic whole, it treats knowledge and belief as a unified knowledge system, not acknowledging any absolute value outside of truth; the knowledge system does not proceed from presupposed value premises but, guided by a scientific worldview, determines the object of study for specific disciplines, forming a demonstrable system of scientific categories. Second, starting from the premise that social history is a form of movement with laws, it treats the system of categories as a historically changing knowledge system, not acknowledging people or human nature outside of history; all concepts, including human nature, are formed and evolve in history — it is not human nature that creates history, but history that changes human nature. Third, starting from the mission of philosophy and social sciences, it focuses on summarizing the major connections between individual facts as laws, not acknowledging “petty narratives” that exclude so-called “grand narratives”; petty narratives that exclude grand narratives stop at phenomena and solidify the status quo, actually serving as defenders of the solidification of real interests, and are fundamentally incompatible with the quality of Marxism to change the world and promote historical progress. These three points are the academic requirements that fundamentally distinguish the Marxist-guided knowledge system of philosophy and social sciences from the Western philosophy and social sciences knowledge system, and they are also the basic principles for constructing the knowledge system of ideological and political courses. Persistent exploration in this regard is an important path to breaking free from dependence on the Western philosophy and social sciences knowledge system and creating an independent knowledge system.

以马克思主义为指导建立的哲学社会科学知识体系，和西方哲学社会科学知识体系的区别在于：一是从社会历史是一个有机的整体出发，把知识和信仰作为一元化的知识体系，不承认真理之外的绝对价值；知识体系不从预设的价值前提出发，而是以科学世界观为指导确定具体学科的研究对象，形成可以论证的科学范畴体系。二是从社会历史是一个有规律的运动形式出发，把范畴体系作为一个历史变化的知识体系，不承认历史之外的人和人性；包括人性在内的所有概念都是在历史中形成演变的，不是人性创造历史，而是历史改变人性。三是从哲学社会科学的使命出发，注重把单个事实之间的重大联系概括为规律，不承认排斥所谓“宏大叙事”的“细小叙事”；排斥宏大叙事的细小叙事止步于现象、固化于现状，实际上是现实利益固化的维护者，与马克思主义改变世界、推动历史进步的品质格格不入。以上三点，是以马克思主义为指导的哲学社会科学知识体系根本区别于西方哲学社会科学知识体系的学术要求，也是思政课知识体系构建的基本遵循。对此持之以恒的探索，是摆脱对西方哲学社会科学知识体系的依附，开创具有自主性知识体系的重要途径。

Second, ideological and political courses must take the lead in promoting academic openness and being adept at absorbing outstanding foreign academic achievements. Constructing an independent knowledge system for Chinese philosophy and social sciences is by no means self-enclosure or conducting scholarship behind closed doors. We must unswervingly absorb all outstanding academic achievements from countries around the world, but we must do so with ourselves as the mainstay, conduct scientific analysis, absorb the essence, and discard the dross. Today, Western academia still occupies a dominant position, and its absorption and utilization are indispensable, but scientific analysis is even more necessary, first and foremost starting from the basic Marxist judgment of capitalism. In the Marxist view, the bourgeoisie has undergone a process of transformation from a revolutionary, progressive class to a decadent, declining one; correspondingly, the academic tendency of Western philosophy and social sciences has also undergone a process from theoretical unscrupulousness to fear and avoidance of truth. Therefore, regarding Western academic achievements, while we must establish the viewpoint of primarily absorbing their outstanding theoretical achievements, we must also recognize the trend of decline in the academic achievements of Western philosophy and social sciences as the decadence of capitalism increases, and not follow fashions.

其二，思政课要在推进学术开放、善于吸收国外优秀学术成果上率先垂范。建构中国自主的哲学社会科学知识体系决不是自我封闭，关门做学问。要坚定不移吸收世界各国的一切优秀学术成果，但必须以我为主、科学分析，吸取精华、去其糟粕。在今天，西方学术还占据着主导地位，对其吸收利用不可或缺，但更要做科学分析，首先要从马克思主义对于资本主义的基本判断出发。在马克思主义看来，资产阶级有一个从革命、进步的阶级向腐朽没落转变的过程，相应地，西方哲学社会科学的学术倾向，也有一个从理论上的毫无顾忌到害怕、回避真理的过程。因此，对于西方学术成果，既要确立以吸收其优秀理论成果为主的观点，又要看到西方哲学社会科学的学术成果随着资本主义腐朽性的增加而衰落的趋势，不能赶时髦。

Third, ideological and political courses should, as far as possible, integrate with the realities of various disciplines in philosophy and social sciences, contributing to the comprehensive implementation of a scientific worldview and methodology. As public theoretical courses, ideological and political courses cover all academic disciplines and specialties, providing conditions for the comprehensive implementation of the Marxist scientific worldview and methodology. It is necessary to clearly explain that there is no so-called “pure academic” research in the humanities and social sciences, and to return to the most fundamental question of “what is scholarship, what is knowledge,” truly understanding and mastering that genuine scholarship in philosophy and social sciences consists of raising real questions from practical reality, making law-governed generalizations, and forming forward-looking judgments; it is necessary to apply materialist dialectics and historical dialectics to the construction of disciplinary academic categories and discourse systems, distinguishing the different levels of categories formed by their different real-world foundations, grasping the flexibility of categories due to the historicity of reality, and not solidifying or rigidifying categories; it is necessary to start from the fundamental principles of Marxism to establish the core discourses and basic problems of each discipline in philosophy and social sciences, resolutely overcoming the phenomenon of decoupling fundamental Marxist principles from the core discourses of the disciplines. The basic problems and core discourses of philosophy must be consistent with dialectical materialism and historical materialism; the basic problems and core discourses of law and political science must be based on the Marxist view of the people, the Party, and the state; the basic problems and core discourses of economics must be based on the Marxist labor theory of value; and so on.

其三，思政课要尽量结合哲学社会科学各学科的实际，为科学的世界观和方法论的全面贯彻有所贡献。思政课作为公共理论课，授课范围涵盖了所有学科专业，为马克思主义科学世界观和方法论的全面贯彻提供了条件。要讲清楚人文社会科学不存在所谓“纯学术”研究状况，要回到“什么是学问、什么是知识”这一最本原的问题上，真正学懂弄通哲学社会科学的真学问就是从现实实践中提出真问题、作出规律性的概括、形成前瞻性的预判；要把唯物辩证法和历史辩证法贯彻到学科的学术范畴和话语体系的建设中，区分范畴因不同现实依托而形成的不同层级，把握范畴因现实的历史性而具有灵活性，不能将范畴固化、僵化；要从马克思主义基本原理出发，建立哲学社会科学各学科的核心话语和基本问题，坚决克服马克思主义基本原理与学科核心话语脱钩的现象。哲学的基本问题和核心话语必须与辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义相一致；法学、政治学的基本问题和核心话语必须以马克思主义的人民观、政党观、国家观等为依据；经济学的基本问题和核心话语必须以马克思主义劳动价值论为基础；等等。

III. Sublimation through Comprehension: Systematic Integration, Overall Planning, and Deeply Comprehending the Reform Spirit of Further Deepening Reform Comprehensively from the Innovation of Worldview and Methodology

三、在领悟中升华：系统集成、总体谋划，从世界观和方法论创新上深入领悟进一步全面深化改革的改革精神

Every historic leap in the successful advancement of reform and opening up by the Communist Party of China embodies the creative application of dialectical materialism and historical materialism. Therefore, comprehending the reform spirit from the innovation of worldview and methodology is an inevitable requirement for enhancing reform consciousness. Fundamentally, reform and opening up is a process of emancipating the mind and seeking truth from facts, but the emphases of the three Third Plenary Sessions differ: the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee [10]10 The Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the CPC, held in December 1978, marked the beginning of the reform and opening-up era. highlighted breaking through outdated concepts and advocating an innovative mindset of daring to think and act; the Third Plenary Session of the 18th Central Committee [11]11 The Third Plenary Session of the 18th Central Committee, held in November 2013, focused on deepening reform comprehensively and strengthening top-level design. highlighted strengthening top-level design and strategic thinking for overall planning; the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee [12]12 The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee, held in July 2024, emphasized systematic integration in further deepening reform comprehensively. is mainly reflected in promoting the systematic concept of systematic integration in reform.

中国共产党成功推进改革开放的每一个历史性飞跃，都体现了对辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义的创造性运用。因此，从世界观和方法论的创新上领悟改革精神，是增强改革自觉性的必然要求。从根本上说，改革开放是解放思想、实事求是的过程，但三个三中全会体现的侧重点有所不同：党的十一届三中全会突出的是打破陈旧观念、倡导敢想敢干的创新思维；党的十八届三中全会突出的是加强顶层设计、整体谋划的战略思维；党的二十届三中全会则主要体现在推进改革系统集成的系统观念上。

First, the systematic concept is the ideological foundation for comprehending further deepening reform comprehensively. i. Systematic integration is the characteristic of further deepening reform comprehensively. First is the systematic integration of reform thinking, where priorities, shortcomings, advantages, breakthrough points, etc., have no preset formulas but are determined by their impact on the overall reform situation. Therefore, planning from the perspective of grasping the overall situation is today’s reform thinking. We must truly understand the overall layout of comprehensively advancing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through Chinese-path modernization, coordinate the advancement of the Five-Sphere Integrated Plan, coordinate the implementation of the Four-Pronged Comprehensive Strategy, coordinate both domestic and international situations, and implement the coordination of the “two overall situations” [13]13 “Two overall situations” refers to the overall situation of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the overall situation of changes unseen in a century. into the “dual circulation,” that is, “a new development pattern with domestic circulation as the mainstay and domestic and international circulations reinforcing each other,” etc. This is a highly conscious reform thinking, which, by resolving the principal contradiction at home, promotes better compatibility between relations of production and productive forces, between the superstructure and the economic base, and between national governance and social development. Second is the systematic integration of reform advancement, which, within holistic advancement, places greater emphasis on highlighting key points and focusing on reform effectiveness, providing strong impetus, institutional guarantees, and a favorable international environment for Chinese-path modernization; stimulating more endogenous development momentum, striving for better institutional innovation, building a higher level of opening up, and promoting the effective construction of a community with a shared future for mankind; actively promoting the implementation of the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative, and the Global Civilization Initiative. Finally, there is the systematic integration of reform outcomes. Today, any breakthrough in reform is an institutional breakthrough, thus having overall significance; any success in reform is the result of overall coordination and holistic advancement; the value of any reform outcome must be measured and grasped within the institutional system.

第一，系统观念是领悟进一步全面深化改革的思想基础。其一，系统集成是进一步全面深化改革的特色。首先是改革思路的系统集成，其中主次、短板、优势、突破点等，都没有预设的公式，而以其对改革全局的影响而定。因此，从把握大局出发进行布局是今天的改革思路。我们要真正弄懂以中国式现代化全面推进中华民族伟大复兴的整体布局，统筹推进“五位一体”总体布局，协调推进“四个全面”战略布局，统筹国内国际两个大局，把统筹“两个大局”落实到“双循环”，即“以国内大循环为主体、国内国际双循环相互促进的新发展格局”等。这是高度自觉的改革思路，通过解决国内主要矛盾，推动生产关系和生产力、上层建筑和经济基础、国家治理和社会发展更好相适应。其次是改革推进的系统集成，在整体性推进中更加注重突出重点，注重改革实效，为中国式现代化提供强大动力、制度保障和良好国际环境；激发更多的自身发展动能，致力更好的制度性创新，建设更高水平的对外开放，推动有效的人类命运共同体的构建；积极推动落实全球发展倡议、全球安全倡议、全球文明倡议。最后是改革成果的系统集成。今天，任何改革的突破，都是制度性突破，因而具有全局性意义；任何改革的成功，都是统筹协调、整体推进的结果；任何改革成果的价值，都要在制度系统中衡量把握。

ii. The philosophical foundation of systematic integration is adhering to the systematic concept. The systematic concept is a form of dialectical thinking, but it is not a simple repetition of the general principles of dialectics concerning the universal interconnection, interdependence, and mutual transformation of things; rather, it is materialist dialectics with a historical foundation, characteristics of the times, and distinctive thinking features. The systematic concept emphasizes: the “individual” must be elevated to be grasped within the totality; without understanding the totality, one cannot truly confront the “individual.” This is the reason we emphasize comprehending the worldview and methodology of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era today. Although Lenin, in “On the Question of Dialectics,” also affirmed that “any individual is (in one way or another) a universal. Any universal is (a part, or an aspect, or the essence of) an individual” [14]14 V. I. Lenin, “On the Question of Dialectics,” in *Collected Works*, vol. 38, p. 557. as a dialectical view, he also clearly pointed out that this “is only a particular case of dialectics.” [6]6 “Two separate skins” (两张皮) is a Chinese expression describing a situation where two things that should be integrated are disconnected or operate in parallel, often used in CPC discourse to criticize formalism or lack of integration in work.(P557) This view cannot be absolutized. It cannot be considered that the “universal” can only exist as an abstraction of concrete things, and cannot, like the “individual,” also exist as a “substance.” Many Marxist concepts of “substance,” such as social formation, the people, and class, are not “individuals” but “universals” that exist as beings and even subjects. These substances embodying the “universal,” although inseparable from the “individual,” are not abstractions or aggregates of the “individual,” but the real existence of the “individual.”

其二，系统集成的哲学基础是坚持系统观念。系统观念是辩证思维形式，但不是简单重复事物普遍联系、相互依存、相互转化的辩证法一般原理，而是具有历史基础、时代特性和思维特色的唯物辩证法。系统观念强调：必须把“个别”上升到总体上把握，不认识总体，就不能真正面对“个别”，这是我们今天强调领悟习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的世界观和方法论的原因。虽然列宁在《谈谈辩证法》中也肯定过：“任何个别（不论怎样）都是一般。任何一般都是个别的（一部分，或一方面，或本质）”一类观点有辩证法，但他同时也明确指出，这“只是辩证法的局部情况。”[6](P557)不能将这一观点绝对化。不能认为“一般”只能作为具体事物的抽象存在，而不能与“个别”一样，也可以作为“实体”存在。马克思主义的许多“实体”概念，如社会形态、人民、阶级等，都不是“个别”，而是作为存在以致主体的“一般”。这些体现了“一般”的实体，虽然不能脱离“个别”，但也不是“个别”的抽象或集合体，而是“个别”的真实存在。

Furthermore, the systematic concept proposed by Xi Jinping not only emphasizes the foundational significance of the substantive existence of the “universal,” but is also an innovation in worldview and methodology adapted to the transformation of the times. First, with the deepening development of economic globalization, the world has entered an era of win-win cooperation where “no one can do without anyone else”; second, with the “two overall situations interweaving and interacting,” history has entered an era of a community with a shared future where “if the world is good, China will be good; if China is good, the world will be even better”; third, human development faces many “global” problems, and only the systematic concept can solve difficulties and escape predicaments.

进一步说，习近平提出的系统观念，不仅强调“一般”实体性存在的基础性意义，而且是适应时代转换的世界观和方法论创新。一是经济全球化的深入发展，世界进入了“谁也离不开谁”的合作共赢时代；二是“两个大局同步交织、相互激荡”，历史进入了“世界好，中国才会好；中国好，世界会更好”的命运共同体时代；三是人类发展面临许多“全球性”问题，只有系统观念才能破解难题，走出困境。

Second, the systematic concept is the worldview and methodology for grasping the trend of the times and advancing Chinese-path modernization. i. The systematic concept is the philosophical basis for constructing a “community with a shared future for mankind.” Xi Jinping’s community thinking based on the systematic concept is scientific, and this thinking accurately grasps the characteristics of the current era. These are peaceful development, open innovation, equality and mutual benefit, and win-win cooperation. Today’s world, on the one hand, sees an irresistible and mighty trend of the times; on the other hand, it encounters countercurrents, dangerous shoals, and increased uncertain and unpredictable factors. The “community with a shared future for mankind” is the best way to respond to the theme of the times and maintain strategic initiative. All “Cold War mentalities,” “camp confrontations,” unilateralism, pseudo-multilateralism, and “decoupling and severing supply chains” are retrogressive acts against the trend of the times; even if turbid waves surge, they cannot change the course of history.

第二，系统观念是把握时代潮流、推进中国式现代化的世界观和方法论。其一，系统观念是构建“人类命运共同体”的哲学依据。习近平以系统观念为基础的共同体思维是科学的，这种思维对于当今时代特征作了准确的把握。这就是和平发展、开放创新、平等互利、合作共赢。当今世界，一方面时代潮流浩浩荡荡、不可抗拒；另一方面遭遇逆流、险滩，不确定、难预料因素增加。“人类命运共同体”就是回应时代主题、保持战略主动的最好方式。一切“冷战思维”“阵营对抗”单边主义、假多边主义、“脱钩、断链”都是逆时代潮流的倒行逆施，哪怕浊浪排空，也不可能改变历史进程。

The systematic concept is rich in innovation; it is based on maximizing the integration of the common interests of all parties, drawing the largest “concentric circle.” Although today’s global interest pattern remains complex and volatile, with uncertainties and even the risks of division and confrontation increasing, we can choose: whether to allow the common interests of present-day humanity to grow stronger, or to allow the selfish interests of individuals or individual countries to hijack or even destroy the common interests of humanity? We firmly believe that the common interests of contemporary humanity outweigh the special interests of individual countries or blocs, and the momentum for peaceful development overwhelms provocative and confrontational small moves. “You are in me, I am in you,” and “no one can do without anyone else” are objective facts. Community thinking provides us with a way to avoid the risk of interest confrontation and maximize the interests of present-day humanity.

系统观念富于创新性，它立足于最大限度地整合各方的共同利益，画出最大的“同心圆”。虽然今天世界的利益格局依然复杂多变，不确定性乃至分裂、对抗的风险甚至加大，但我们可以选择：是让现实的人类共同利益不断壮大，还是让一己一国私利绑架以致断送人类共同利益？我们坚定地认为，当代的人类共同利益大于个别国家、集团的特殊利益，和平发展的势头压倒挑衅、对抗的小动作。你中有我、我中有你，“谁也离不开谁”是客观事实。共同体思维为我们规避利益对抗风险，实现现实人类利益的最大化提供了思路。

The systems concept possesses a forward-looking character; it is a concrete method for creating a new form of human civilization, moving toward a society of individual freedom, and ultimately transcending capitalist civilization. Marx once predicted that humanity would, in a “united” manner, harness the immense social productive forces that capitalism could no longer control. Today’s world development has shown that humanity will “end” humanity’s prehistory and move toward true human history by opening up a path of modernization different from capitalism and by creating a new form of human civilization that transcends capitalist civilization. The community-thinking seizes the historical opportunity to continuously transform Marx’s prediction into the current reality of human history.

系统观念具有前瞻性，它是开创人类文明新形态、走向个性自由社会并最终超越资本主义文明的现实方式。马克思曾经预言人类将以“联合起来”的方式，驾驭资本主义已经无法驾驭的巨大社会生产力。今天的世界发展已经表明，人类将通过开辟有别于资本主义的现代化道路，通过开创超越资本主义文明的人类文明新形态，“终结”人类的史前史，走向真正的人类历史。共同体思维抓住历史机遇将马克思的这一预言不断地转为当今现实的人类历史。

Second, the systems concept is a worldview and methodology for grasping the actual conditions of contemporary China. The great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation has entered an irreversible historical process. This is not only the objective basis for our judgment that socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a New Era, but also an important basis for the irreversibility of the historical trend of economic globalization and peaceful development in the world, and moreover, it is a scientific judgment we have made from the perspective of the systems concept.

其二，系统观念是把准当代中国实际的世界观和方法论。中华民族伟大复兴进入了不可逆转的历史进程，既是我们判断中国特色社会主义进入新时代的客观根据，也是世界经济全球化、和平发展的历史潮流不可逆的重要依据，更是我们从系统观念出发作出的科学判断。

On the one hand, the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation today possesses “irreversible” subjective and objective conditions. Objectively, the Communist Party of China, after more than a century of struggle, has overcome various difficulties and obstacles, and has never been as close to the goal of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation as it is today. It can be said that no external force can now block us from achieving this goal. Subjectively, in the process of exploring Chinese-path modernization, we have continuously strengthened the Party’s self-revolution, not fearing difficulties, not being confused by interference, always adhering to the ideological line of seeking truth from facts, and strengthening our confidence in the path. To summarize: “Unswervingly follow the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics, unswervingly carry out reform and opening up, do not take the old road, do not take the evil road, and bravely open up new roads.” [2]2 The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC was held in July 2024, focusing on further deepening reform comprehensively to advance Chinese modernization.(P422) The unity of the subjective and objective aspects has converged into the “irreversible” historical trend of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

一方面，中华民族伟大复兴在今天已具备“不可逆转”的主客观条件。从客观上说，中国共产党经过百余年奋斗，战胜了各种艰难险阻，从来没有像今天这样地接近中华民族伟大复兴的目标，可以说，现在已经没有任何外部力量可以阻挡我们实现这一目标。从主观上说，我们在探索中国式现代化的道路过程，不断加强党的自我革命，不为困难所惧，不为干扰所惑，始终坚持实事求是的思想路线，坚定了道路自信。概括起来就是“坚定不移走中国特色社会主义道路，坚定不移改革开放，不走老路，不走邪路，勇开新路”。[2](P422)主客观两个方面的统一，汇成了中华民族伟大复兴“不可逆转”的历史潮流。

On the other hand, there is the international significance of the transformation of the principal contradiction in Chinese society. The transformation from the contradiction between the people’s ever-growing material and cultural needs and backward social production into the contradiction between the people’s ever-growing needs for a better life and unbalanced and inadequate development not only sets the tone for the nature of contemporary China’s development but also explores a way out of the development predicament for the world today. The current transformation of the principal contradiction is based on major changes in productive forces and social development, that is, underdeveloped productive forces are no longer the main aspect of the problem. The new situation is: under conditions of sustained high-speed economic growth, the challenge of making it healthy and sustainable is severe; on the basis of a substantial increase in total economic volume and per capita income, the pressure to resolve the widening gap between rich and poor is increasing; under the state where food and clothing have been preliminarily solved and people’s material pursuits are constantly flourishing, the urgency of effectively promoting the elevation of spiritual needs is pressing. In fact, issues of climate and ecological environment, common prosperity, and promoting people’s all-round development can no longer be solved simply by developing the economy. Therefore, bringing the realization of balanced and adequate high-quality development to the main aspect of the contradiction requires the guidance of the systems concept.

另一方面，我国社会主要矛盾转变的国际意义。从人民日益增长的物质文化需要同落后的社会生产之间的矛盾，转化为人民日益增长的美好生活需要和不平衡不充分的发展之间的矛盾，既为当代中国的发展性质定调，也为当今世界走出发展的困境探路。当前社会主要矛盾的转化，是基于生产力和社会发展状况的重大变化，即生产力欠发达已经不是问题的主要方面。新的情况是：在经济持续高速增长的情况下如何使之健康、可持续的挑战严峻；在经济总量、人均收入大幅度提升的基础上如何解决贫富差别扩大的压力日增；在温饱已经初步解决、人们的物质追求不断旺盛的状态下如何有效推进精神需要提升的形势紧迫。实际上，气候和生态环境问题、共同富裕问题、促进人的全面发展问题，已经不是单纯的发展经济就能解决的。因此，把实现平衡充分的高质量发展提到矛盾的主要方面需要系统观念的引领。

More importantly, it is necessary to grasp from the systems concept that the transformation of the principal contradiction in Chinese society is highly aligned with the actual requirements of current global economic development. The key to promoting the sustainable development of economic globalization is win-win cooperation, mutual benefit, and common development among all countries in the world, which requires implementing the new development concepts of innovation, coordination, green, openness, and sharing. What hinders global economic recovery and development today is not the lack of material and technical means for development, but the adherence to erroneous development concepts of “zero-sum game” and “winner takes all.” These outdated development concepts ultimately stem from “Cold War thinking,” engaging in “camp confrontation” out of self-interest. Therefore, to grasp the transformation of the times and recognize the trends of the times, it is necessary to replace self-centered one-way thinking with the systems concept.

更为重要的是，要从系统观念出发把握我国社会主要矛盾的转变，与当今全球经济发展的实际要求的高度契合。推进经济全球化可持续发展的关键是世界各国合作共赢、互利互惠、共同发展，需要贯彻创新、协调、绿色、开放、共享的新发展理念。而当今妨碍全球经济复苏、发展的，不是缺乏发展的物质技术手段，而是固守“零和博弈”“赢者通吃”的错误发展理念。不合时宜的发展理念说到底源自“冷战思维”，从一己之私出发搞“阵营对抗”。因此，把握时代的变换，认清时代的潮流，必须以系统观念取代自我中心的单向思维。

Third, the systems concept is a philosophical worldview for grasping the relationship between contemporary China and the world. The “two overall situations” [15]15 The “two overall situations” (两个大局) refer to the overall situation of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the overall situation of changes unseen in a century in the world. This term was formally articulated by Xi Jinping in 2018 to describe the simultaneous and interactive relationship between China’s domestic development and global transformations. “intertwine and interact simultaneously,” establishing the basic pattern of the relationship between contemporary China and the world. The great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation has become an overall situation of world significance, merging into the changes unseen in a century in the world. This is an important basis for our grasp of the transformation of the times. As early as July 2018, Xi Jinping pointed out: “Currently, China is in the best period of development since modern times, and the world is undergoing changes unseen in a century. The two are intertwined and interact simultaneously.” [2]2 The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the CPC was held in July 2024, focusing on further deepening reform comprehensively to advance Chinese modernization.(P428) The reason the “two overall situations” intertwine simultaneously is that both face the same question of the times, influencing each other in resolving current contradictions and seeking a way out. The “simultaneous intertwining” of the two overall situations not only indicates the deep integration of contemporary China and the world but also shows the enormous driving role of contemporary China in world trends. The Chinese-path modernization that promotes the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is completely consistent with the trends of the contemporary world: it is a modernization of peaceful development, win-win cooperation, common prosperity, and never seeking hegemony, fully consistent with the era theme of peace and development; it is a modernization of harmonious coexistence between humans and nature, adhering to the principle of prioritizing conservation, protection, and natural restoration, fully consistent with contemporary humanity’s efforts to address global issues such as climate and environment; it is a modernization that promotes the coordinated development of material civilization and cultural-ethical progress, and promotes people’s all-round development, fully consistent with the direction of progress of contemporary human civilization. China’s continuous growth and strengthening injects certainty into a world situation of increasing uncertainty.

其三，系统观念是把握当代中国与世界关系的哲学世界观。“两个大局”“同步交织、相互激荡”，奠定了当代中国与世界关系的基本格局。中华民族伟大复兴成为具有世界意义的大局，汇入了世界百年未有之大变局中，这是我们把握时代转换的重要依据。早在2018年7月，习近平就指出：“当前，我国处于近代以来最好的发展时期，世界处于百年未有之大变局，两者同步交织、相互激荡。”[2](P428)“两个大局”之所以同步交织，就因为两者面对共同的时代之问，在解决当今矛盾、寻求出路上相互影响。两个大局的“同步交织”既表明了当代中国与世界的深度融合，也表明了当代中国对于世界潮流的巨大推动作用。推动中华民族伟大复兴的中国式现代化与当代世界潮流完全一致：这是和平发展、合作共赢、共同富裕、永不称霸的现代化，同和平与发展的时代主题完全一致；这是人与自然和谐共生，坚持节约优先、保护优先、自然恢复为主方针的现代化，与当代人类应对气候环境等全球性问题的努力完全一致；这是推动物质文明、精神文明协调发展，促进人的全面发展的现代化，与当代人类文明进步的方向完全一致。中国的不断发展壮大，为不确定性增加的世界变局注入确定性。

References

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[1]1 The Four Confidences (四个自信) refers to confidence in the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics, a guiding principle promoted under Xi Jinping. Decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Further Comprehensively Deepening Reform to Advance Chinese-Path Modernization [N]. People’s Daily, 2024-07-22 (1).

[1] 中共中央关于进一步全面深化改革 推进中国式现代化的决定[N].人民日报，2024-07-22（1）.

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[2] 习近平谈治国理政，第3卷[M].北京：外文出版社，2020.

[3]3 “Building the Party ideologically” (思想建党) is a principle of Party building emphasizing the primacy of ideological and theoretical work in maintaining the Party’s character and unity, consistently advocated by Mao Zedong. Xi Jinping: The Governance of China, Vol. 2 [M]. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2017.

[3] 习近平谈治国理政，第2卷[M].北京：外文出版社，2017.

[4]4 “Having a definite object in view” (有的放矢) is a Chinese idiom meaning to shoot the arrow at the target; it is often used in CPC discourse to emphasize targeted, problem-oriented action. Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, Vol. 3 [M]. Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1993.

[4] 邓小平文选，第3卷[M].北京：人民出版社，1993.

[5]5 “Key minority” (关键少数) is a CPC term referring to leading cadres at and above the county and department level, whose role is considered crucial for the success of Party policies. Xi Jinping: The Governance of China, Vol. 1 [M]. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2018.

[5] 习近平谈治国理政，第1卷[M].北京：外文出版社，2018.

[6]6 “Two separate skins” (两张皮) is a Chinese expression describing a situation where two things that should be integrated are disconnected or operate in parallel, often used in CPC discourse to criticize formalism or lack of integration in work. Selected Works of Lenin, Vol. 2 [M]. Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1995.

[6] 列宁选集，第2卷[M]. 北京：人民出版社，1995.

(The author is a Senior Professor at Tianjin Normal University, Dean of the School of Marxism, and President of the Chinese Society of Historical Materialism.)

（作者系天津师范大学资深教授、马克思主义学院院长，中国历史唯物主义学会会长）

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