The Socialist Views of Nepalese Communists

Since its rise in 1949, the Nepalese communist movement, propelled by communist forces such as the Communist Party of Nepal, the CPN (Maoist Centre), the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist), and the Communist Party of Nepal formed by the merger of the CPN (Maoist Centre) and the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist) (hereinafter referred to as the “New CPN”), has actively explored a socialist path suited to national conditions and achieved major historic accomplishments. This article sorts out and analyzes the socialist views of Nepalese communists from four aspects: why socialism should be built in Nepal, what kind of socialism should be built in Nepal, how to build socialism in Nepal, and prospects for Nepalese socialism, in an effort to objectively understand and grasp the development process, current situation, and future prospects of Nepalese socialism.

自1949年兴起以来，尼泊尔共产主义运动在以尼泊尔共产党、尼共（毛主义中心）、尼共（联合马列）以及由尼共（毛主义中心）与尼共（联合马列）合并而成的尼泊尔共产党（以下简称“新尼共”）等为代表的共产主义力量的推动下，积极探索适合本国国情的社会主义道路，取得了重大历史性成就。本文从为什么要在尼泊尔建设社会主义、在尼泊尔建设什么样的社会主义、在尼泊尔怎样建设社会主义以及对尼泊尔社会主义的展望四个方面，对尼泊尔共产党人的社会主义观进行梳理和分析，力图客观认识和把握尼泊尔社会主义的发展历程、现状及未来前景。

I. Why Socialism Should Be Built in Nepal

一、为什么要在尼泊尔建设社会主义

The exploration of the socialist path by Nepalese communists began under the influence of Marxism, amid the upsurge of the world socialist movement and the Indian national independence movement in the first half of the 20th century, and in the high tide of the democratic movement against the feudal autocratic rule of the Rana family. On September 15, 1846, the Rana family, headed by the military man Jung Bahadur Rana, relying on the support of British colonialists, launched a coup, seized the post of prime minister and all military and political power, and turned the king into a puppet. From then on, the Rana family imposed 105 years of family autocratic rule on Nepal. During the Rana family’s rule, Nepalese society was almost stagnant, and the people longed for social change. On April 22, 1949, the 79th anniversary of Lenin’s birth, the Nepalese communist Pushpa Lal Shrestha and four others, in exile in India, founded the Communist Party of Nepal in Calcutta with the aim of opposing the Rana family’s autocratic regime, opposing feudalism and imperialism, and realizing socialism. On April 24, 1949, in its first leaflet, the CPN exposed the reactionary nature of the Rana regime and pointed out that, under the leadership of the Soviet Union, democratic forces worldwide were continuously growing stronger by challenging reactionary forces. Under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, the Chinese people had achieved victory. The great victory of the Chinese revolution also influenced Nepal and spread to Burma, Malaysia, Indochina, Telangana in India, and other places. In those places, under the leadership of communist parties, revolutionary people’s governments were being established and laws were being implemented; even the atomic bomb could not stop the people’s revolutionary enthusiasm. The CPN finally put forward slogans to “overthrow the feudal ruling system,” “shake off the influence of foreign imperialism and the Indian bourgeoisie,” “establish a worker-peasant government,” and “establish a socialist system in Nepal.” From November 1950 to February 1951, under the leadership of the Nepali Congress and the Communist Party of Nepal, the Nepalese people launched a democratic struggle against the Rana family’s dictatorship, forcing the Rana family to hand over power and proclaiming the end of the Rana family’s dictatorial rule.

尼泊尔共产党人对社会主义道路的探索是随着20世纪上半叶世界社会主义运动和印度民族独立运动的高涨，在反对拉纳家族封建专制统治的民主运动的高潮中，在马克思主义的影响下开启的。1846年9月15日，以军人忠格·巴哈杜尔·拉纳（Jung Bahadur Rana）为首的拉纳家族依靠英国殖民主义者的支持发动政变，夺取了首相职务和一切军政大权，使国王成为傀儡。从此，拉纳家族开始对尼泊尔实行长达105年的家族专制统治。拉纳家族在统治期间，尼泊尔社会几乎停滞不前，人民盼望着社会发生变革。1949年4月22日，也就是列宁诞辰79周年纪念日当天，在印度流亡的尼泊尔共产主义者普什帕·拉尔·施瑞斯塔（Pushpa Lal Shrestha）等五人在加尔各答以反对拉纳家族专制政权、反对封建主义和帝国主义，实现社会主义为宗旨，发起成立尼泊尔共产党。1949年4月24日，尼共在其发布的第一份传单中揭露了拉纳政权的反动本质，并指出，在苏联的领导下，全世界的民主力量在通过挑战反动势力不断地发展壮大。在中国共产党的领导下，中国人民取得了胜利。中国革命的伟大胜利也影响到了尼泊尔，并波及到了缅甸、马来西亚、印度支那、印度的特伦甘纳等地。在那些地方，在共产党的领导下，革命的人民政权正在建立起来，法律正在实施，即使是原子弹也不能阻止人民的革命热情。尼共最后提出了要“推翻封建统治制度”“摆脱外国帝国主义和印度资产阶级的影响”“建立工农政权”“在尼泊尔建立社会主义制度”的口号。1950年11月至1951年2月，在尼泊尔大会党（Nepali Congress）和尼泊尔共产党的领导下，尼泊尔人民掀起反对拉纳家族专政的民主斗争，迫使拉纳家族交出政权，宣告了拉纳家族独裁统治的结束。

After the overthrow of the Rana family’s autocratic rule, Nepal began to implement a multi-party parliamentary system under the king. On December 15, 1960, King Mahendra dissolved the Nepali Congress government of B. P. Koirala and the parliament on the grounds of poor governance. On December 16, 1962, Nepal implemented a non-party panchayat system [1]1 The panchayat system (1962–1990) was a partyless, authoritarian system of governance in Nepal in which the king exercised absolute power through a hierarchy of councils (panchayats) at the village, district, and national levels, with all political parties banned. characterized by the king personally taking over all state power and banning all political party activities. With the implementation of the non-party panchayat system and the deterioration of Sino-Soviet relations, the Communist Party of Nepal also split many times. In February 1990, a left-wing united front composed of seven communist parties, represented by the CPN (Marxist) and the CPN (Marxist–Leninist), joined hands with the Nepali Congress to launch a movement to restore democracy, forcing the royal family to lift the ban on parties and end the non-party panchayat system. On January 6, 1991, the CPN (Marxist) and the CPN (Marxist–Leninist) merged to form the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist). From January to February 1993, at its Fifth National Congress, the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist) pointed out that at present, Nepalese society was suffering exploitation and oppression from feudalism, bureaucratic-comprador capitalism, and imperialism; as the party of the Nepalese proletariat and working class, the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist) was committed to ending poverty, material deprivation, and all forms of exploitation and inequality, and building a progressive, developed, wealthy, and prosperous country. To this end, we firmly believe that scientific socialism and communism are the ultimate goals. On November 23, 1990, the CPN (Mashal), the CPN (Fourth Convention), and the CPN (Peasant’s Organization) merged to form the CPN (Unity Centre). In March 1995, the Prachanda faction of the CPN (Unity Centre) changed the party’s name to the CPN (Maoist). In the same month, in the report “Strategy and Tactics of the Armed Struggle in Nepal” adopted at its Third Expanded Meeting, the CPN (Maoist) pointed out that Nepal is a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society, and “the contradiction between the Nepalese people and feudalism, bureaucratic-comprador capitalism, imperialism, and Indian expansionism is the basic contradiction of Nepalese society.” Therefore, only by destroying feudalism and bureaucratic-comprador capitalism and resisting imperialist interference in Nepal can social progress be promoted and the country become prosperous and the people strong; this determines that Nepal must take the socialist road. In December 2017, the left-wing alliance formed by the CPN (Maoist Centre) and the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist) won the general election and came to power. On May 17, 2018, the CPN (Maoist Centre) and the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist) merged to form the new Communist Party of Nepal. In the “Interim Political Report of the Communist Party of Nepal” issued that day, the New CPN pointed out: “The main characteristic of today’s communist and left-wing movements is the goal of national independence and the liberation of the working class. Only by replacing the financial monopoly of capitalists, developing national industrial capital, and achieving economic self-reliance and independence can we lay the foundation for the socialist revolution. The alternative to liberating from the crisis caused by global financial capitalism is to build socialism with national independence. The current crisis further proves the necessity and rationality of socialism.”

拉纳家族专制统治被推翻后，尼泊尔开始实行国王领导下的多党议会制。1960年12月15日，马亨德拉国王以政府执政不力为由解散了大会党毕·普·柯伊拉腊内阁和议会。1962年12月16日，尼泊尔实行以国王亲自接管国家的一切权力和禁止任何政党活动为主要特点的无政党评议会制度。随着无党派评议会制度的实行以及中苏关系的恶化，尼泊尔共产党也多次发生分裂。1990年2月，以尼共（马）（CPN-M）、尼共（马列）（CPN-ML）为代表的七个共产党组成的左翼联合阵线与尼泊尔大会党联手发起了恢复民主的运动，迫使王室解除党禁，结束无党派评议会制度。1991年1月6日，尼共（马）与尼共（马列）（CPN-ML）合并为尼共(联合马列)（CNP-UML）。1993年1月至2月，尼共（联合马列）在第五次全国代表大会上指出，目前，尼泊尔社会正在遭受封建主义、官僚买办资本主义和帝国主义的剥削和压迫，作为尼泊尔无产阶级和工人阶级的政党，尼共（联合马列）致力于结束贫困、物质匮乏以及各种形式的剥削和不平等，建设一个进步、发达、富有和繁荣的国家。为此，我们坚信科学社会主义和共产主义是最终目标。1990年11月23日，尼共（新火炬）（CPN-Mashal）、尼共(四大)（CPN-Fourth Convention）和尼共(农民组织)（CPN-Peasant’Organization）等合并组建了尼共(团结中心)（CPN-Unity Centre）。1995年3月，尼共(团结中心)普拉昌达（Prachanda）派将党名改为尼共（毛）（CPN-Maoist)。同月，尼共（毛）在第三次扩大会议通过的《尼泊尔武装斗争的战略和策略》的报告中指出：尼泊尔是一个半殖民地半封建的社会，“尼泊尔人民同封建主义、官僚买办资本主义、帝国主义以及印度扩张主义之间的矛盾是尼泊尔社会的基本矛盾”，因此，只有摧毁封建主义、官僚买办资本主义，抵御帝国主义对尼泊尔的干涉，才能促进社会进步、实现国富民强，这就决定了尼泊尔必须走社会主义道路。2017年12月，由尼共（毛主义中心）与尼共（联合马列）组建的左翼联盟在大选中获胜并上台执政。2018年5月17日，尼共（毛主义中心）与尼共（联合马列）合并为新的尼泊尔共产党。新尼共在当天发布的《尼泊尔共产党临时政治报告》中指出：“当今的共产主义和左派运动的主要特征是以民族独立和工人阶级的解放为目标。我们只有取代资本家的金融垄断地位，发展民族工业资本，实现经济上的自力更生和独立自主，才能为社会主义革命奠定基础。从全球金融资本主义造成的危机中解放出来的替代方案是建设具有民族独立性的社会主义。当前的危机进一步证明了社会主义的必要性与合理性。”

II. What Kind of Socialism Should Be Built in Nepal

二、在尼泊尔建设什么样的社会主义

On April 5, 1949, the Nepali translation of the *Communist Manifesto*, translated by Pushpa Lal Shrestha, was published. In the introduction to this book, he pointed out: “Because Marxism is a scientific method for enlightening the working class, as the labor movement has developed worldwide, Marxism has also begun to take root. The Soviet Union is not the only case before us today for studying Marxism. Now, in our independent northern neighbor, China, the ideology of Marxism is also being transmitted to us. Furthermore, the victories of the people’s liberation movements led by communist parties in various colonies and semi-colonies also inspire us to embark on the socialist path guided by Marxism.” After the founding of the Communist Party of Nepal (CPN), the vigorous development of Soviet socialism and the imminent nationwide victory of China’s New Democratic Revolution led to an internal debate over whether to follow the Soviet socialist path or the Chinese socialist path. In the early 1960s, as Sino-Soviet relations deteriorated and the international communist movement split, the mainstream force of the Nepalese communist movement “firmly stood on the side of the Chinese communist revolutionaries.” [2]2 The Sino-Soviet split refers to the ideological and political conflict between the Chinese Communist Party and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union that began in the late 1950s and deepened in the 1960s, leading to a rupture in the international communist movement. However, after the Third Congress in April 1962, the CPN still split into a “pro-Soviet faction” supporting the Soviet Union and a “pro-China faction” supporting China. The collapse of the Soviet Union and Eastern European socialist regimes caused the “pro-Soviet faction” to encounter an ideological crisis and wither away, while the “pro-China faction” also split multiple times due to disputes over the line. The Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist) (CPN [M]), the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist-Leninist) (CPN [ML]), and the Communist Party of Nepal (Unity Centre) (CPN [UC]), which split from the “pro-China faction,” all emphasized taking the Chinese path of New Democratic Revolution.

1949年4月5日，由普什帕·拉尔·施瑞斯塔翻译的《共产党宣言》尼泊尔文版出版，他在该书导言中指出：“由于马克思主义是启发工人阶级的科学方式，随着劳工运动在全世界的发展，马克思主义也开始生根发芽。苏联并不是今天摆在我们面前的研究马克思主义的唯一案例。现在，在我们北方独立的中国，也在向我们传播马克思主义的意识形态。此外，各殖民地和半殖民地的共产党领导的人民解放运动的胜利，也激励着我们走上马克思主义为指导的社会主义道路。”尼共成立后，苏联社会主义的蓬勃发展和中国新民主主义革命即将取得全国胜利使党内出现了走苏联社会主义道路，还是走中国社会主义道路的争论。20世纪60年代初，中苏关系恶化，国际共产主义运动出现分裂，尼泊尔共产主义运动的主流力量“坚定站在了中国共产主义革命者一边”。但在1962年4月第三次代表大会后，尼共还是分裂为支持的苏联“亲苏派”和支持中国的“亲中派”。苏东剧变的发生使“亲苏派”遭遇到意识形态危机而消亡，“亲中派”也因路线之争多次分裂。由“亲中派”分裂而来的尼共（马）、尼共（马列）和尼共（团结中心）都强调要走中国的新民主主义革命道路。

After the collapse of the Soviet Union and Eastern European socialist regimes, the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) (CPN [UML]), after profound reflection on the future and fate of socialism, pointed out: “The changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe can only prove that the Soviet model of socialism has disintegrated, but cannot prove the failure of socialism. The scientific socialism we seek to uphold is not the degenerated socialism of the Soviet model, but a system with democratic prosperity and progress. It absorbs all positive factors according to the process of human development and builds a social system superior to capitalism. … Our party and the broad masses of working people also demand the construction of this kind of socialism.” The Fifth Congress of the CPN (UML), based on summing up the lessons of the collapse of the Soviet Union and Eastern European socialist regimes and the experience of the development of the Nepalese communist movement, adopted the political program of “People’s Multiparty Democracy.” [3]3 “People’s Multiparty Democracy” is a political concept adopted by the CPN (UML) in 1993, advocating a multiparty system within a socialist framework, distinct from both Soviet-style one-party rule and Western liberal democracy. “People’s Multiparty Democracy” advocates accepting multiparty politics, eliminating the exploitation and oppression of feudalism, bureaucratic comprador capitalism, and imperialism through peaceful struggle, and establishing a socialist society in Nepal based on the principle of “from each according to his ability, to each according to his work.” In November 1994, the CPN (UML) won the mid-term election and formed the first communist government in Nepal. In September 1995, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) (CPN [Maoist]), in its report “Plan for Launching a Historic People’s War,” stated that its plan was based on the experience of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist theory on violent revolution, with the goal of eliminating feudalism and imperialism, completing the New Democratic Revolution, achieving socialism, and ultimately moving towards communism. On February 13, 1996, the CPN (Maoist) declared that its People’s War officially began on that day. In February 2001, the Second Congress of the CPN (Maoist), based on summing up the historical experience of the 20th-century international communist movement and the achievements of five years of People’s War, put forward the “Prachanda Path.” [4]4 The “Prachanda Path” is a strategic line formulated by the CPN (Maoist) in 2001, combining elements of the October Revolution model (urban insurrection) and the Maoist People’s War model (rural armed struggle), adapted to Nepalese conditions. The CPN (Maoist) pointed out: “There are two models of socialist revolution, including the October Revolution model and the ‘People’s War’ model founded by Chairman Mao. As for the ‘Prachanda Path,’ we cannot mechanically copy these two models, but must absorb the strengths of both. Therefore, the ‘Prachanda Path’ is a fusion of the people’s uprising model and the people’s war model. In the specific context of the 21st century, we are trying to open a new path in Nepal.” In May 2003, the CPN (Maoist), at its Central Committee plenum, based on changes in the international situation and the balance of domestic class forces, put forward the idea of “developing 21st-century democracy.” This idea advocates implementing a multiparty competitive system not only in the current stage of the bourgeois revolution but also in the future socialist stage. Prachanda explained this: “As is well known, after summing up the experiences and lessons of revolution and counter-revolution in the 20th century, our party put forward the idea of developing 21st-century democracy. Correspondingly, we accepted the concept of multiparty competition within the framework of opposing imperialism and feudalism. But here, the constituent assembly and the democratic republic should be understood in terms of strategic firmness and tactical flexibility.” The CPN (UML) and the CPN (Maoist) advanced the Nepalese communist movement through peaceful and legal means and a combination of People’s War and peaceful negotiations, respectively, striking at reactionary forces and exerting a profound influence on creating a new situation in Nepalese politics.

苏东剧变后，尼共（联合马列）在对社会主义的前途和命运进行深刻地反思后指出：“苏联东欧的变化只能证明苏联模式的社会主义解体了，但不能证明社会主义的失败。我们所要维护的科学社会主义不是苏联模式的变了质的社会主义，而是一个具有民主的繁荣和进步的制度。它根据人类发展的进程吸取一切积极因素，建设比资本主义更加优越的社会制度。……我们党以及广大劳动人民也要求建设这种社会主义。”尼共（联合马列）五大在总结苏东剧变的教训和尼泊尔共产主义运动发展经验的基础上，通过了《人民多党民主制度》的政治纲领。“人民多党民主制度”主张接受多党政治，通过和平斗争的方式消灭封建主义、官僚买办资本主义和帝国主义的剥削和压迫，在尼泊尔建立一个“各尽所能、按劳分配的”的社会主义社会。1994年11月，尼共（联合马列）在中期选举中获胜，组建了尼泊尔第一个共产党政府。1995年9月，尼共（毛）在《发动具有历史意义的人民战争的计划》的报告中指出，我们的计划是建立在马列毛主义关于暴力革命的经验的基础之上的，其目标是消灭封建主义、帝国主义，完成新民主主义革命，实现社会主义，最终迈向共产主义。1996年2月13日，尼共(毛)宣布其人民战争从这一天正式开始。2001年2月，尼共（毛）二大在总结20世纪国际共产主义运动的历史经验和5年人民战争成就的基础上，提出了“普拉昌达路线”。尼共（毛）指出：“社会主义革命有两种模式，包括十月革命模式和毛主席创立的‘人民战争’模式。就‘普拉昌达路线’而言，我们不能机械地照搬这两种模式，而必须吸收这两种模式的长处。因此，‘普拉昌达路线’是人民起义模式和人民战争模式的融合。在21世纪的具体背景下，我们试图在尼泊尔开辟一条新的道路。”2003年5月，尼共（毛）在中央全会上根据国际形势和国内阶级力量对比关系的变化，提出了“发展21世纪民主”的思想。这个思想主张不仅在现在的资产阶级革命阶段，而且在未来的社会主义阶段，都实行多党竞争制。普拉昌达对此解释道：“众所周知，我们党在总结20世纪革命和反革命的经验教训之后，提出了发展21世纪民主的思想，与此相对应，我们接受了在反帝反封建的框架下进行多党竞争的理念。但是这里，制宪议会和民主共和国应该根据战略的坚定性和策略的灵活性来理解。”尼共（联合马列）和尼共（毛）分别通过和平合法方式和人民战争与和平谈判相结合的方式推进尼泊尔共产主义运动，打击反动势力，对开创尼泊尔政坛新局面产生了深远的影响。

In February 2005, King Gyanendra staged a coup and assumed direct rule, intensifying attacks on the CPN (Maoist) while also severely suppressing parliamentary parties such as the CPN (UML) and the Nepali Congress. On November 22, 2005, the CPN (Maoist) and the Seven-Party Alliance, including the CPN (UML), reached a “12-point agreement,” declaring the formation of a united front to oppose the monarchy. [5]5 The Seven-Party Alliance was a coalition of seven mainstream parliamentary parties in Nepal formed in 2005 to oppose King Gyanendra’s direct rule, including the CPN (UML) and the Nepali Congress. On November 21, 2006, the CPN (Maoist) and the Seven-Party Alliance signed the Comprehensive Peace Accord, ending ten years of armed struggle. On April 10, 2008, Nepal held elections for the first Constituent Assembly, and the CPN (Maoist) won with an overwhelming majority. On May 28, 2008, the Nepalese Constituent Assembly declared Nepal a “Federal Democratic Republic.” In August 2008, the CPN (Maoist) formed a new government, with Prachanda serving as Prime Minister. Subsequently, the CPN (Maoist) and the CPN (UML) came to power multiple times through parliamentary elections and began exploring a socialist path with Nepalese characteristics. After the formation of the new Communist Party of Nepal (NCP), based on summing up the experience of the CPN (UML) and the CPN (Maoist Centre) in exploring socialism, it pointed out: “The methods of building socialism and the forms of socialism will differ due to the uneven development of various countries. Left-wing parties in each country should clearly understand the development process, specific conditions, and characteristics of their own society, and on this basis, explore the uniqueness of their own movement and creatively apply Marxism.” To this end, it is necessary to clarify what kind of socialism we, as a strategic goal, are referring to: “First, the socialist movement, under the leadership of communists, has swept across the globe like a tidal wave. The bourgeoisie, under the guise of ‘democratic socialism,’ has carried out false reforms of capitalism. Now it is completely useless and ineffective. Our socialism is not this form of democratic socialism. Second, our socialism is also not the Soviet model of socialism blindly imitated by former socialist countries. … The socialism we want to build is an advanced socialism that integrates the characteristics of the times and absorbs past experiences and lessons.”

2005年2月，贾南德拉国王发动政变宣布亲政，他不仅加大了对尼共（毛）的打击力度，而且还极力打压尼共（联合马列）、尼泊尔大会党等各议会党派。2005年11月22日，尼共（毛）与包括尼共（联合马列）在内的七党联盟达成“12条协议”，宣布双方结成统一战线来对抗君主制。2006年11月21日，尼共（毛）和七党联盟签订《全面和平协定》，结束了长达10年的武装斗争。2008年4月10日，尼泊尔举行首届制宪会议选举，尼共（毛）以压倒性优势获得胜利。2008年5月28日，尼泊尔制宪会议宣布尼泊尔为“联邦民主共和国”。2008年8月，尼共（毛）组建新政府，普拉昌达担任总理。此后，尼共（毛）与尼共（联合马列）多次通过议会选举上台执政，并开始了对尼泊尔特色社会主义道路的探索。新尼共成立后，在总结尼共（联合马列）和尼共（毛主义中心）探索社会主义的经验的基础上指出：“建设社会主义的方式、社会主义的形式由于各国发展的不平衡会有所不同。各个国家的左翼应该清楚地了解他们社会的发展进程、具体条件和特点，并在此基础上探索自己运动的独特性，创造性地应用马克思主义。”为此，有必要明确，我们作为战略目标的社会主义是何种性质的社会主义，“首先，社会主义运动在共产党人的领导下如潮水般席卷全球。资产阶级在‘民主社会主义’旗号的掩护下，对资本主义进行了虚假的改革。现在它已经毫无用处，毫无作为。我们的社会主义不是这种形式的民主社会主义。其次，我们的社会主义也不是前社会主义国家盲目模仿的苏联模式的社会主义。……我们所要建设的社会主义是一种融合了时代特点、吸收了过往经验教训的先进的社会主义。”

III. How to Build Socialism in Nepal

三、在尼泊尔怎样建设社会主义

(1) The Guiding Ideology of Nepalese Socialism

（一）尼泊尔社会主义的指导思想

In the *Nepal Communist Party Manifesto* issued on September 15, 1949, the Nepal Communist Party pointed out that the Nepal Communist Party is a party guided by Marxism-Leninism. After the predecessor of the CPN (Maoist), the CPN (Unity Centre), was established, it adopted Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as its guiding ideology. The then General Secretary Prachanda pointed out: “As is well known, Marxist science was founded by Marx through continuous struggle and genius, and it consists of three components: philosophy, political economy, and scientific socialism. Lenin elevated Marxism as a whole to the second stage of development, namely Leninism. Today, this science has entered a third, new, and higher stage of development, namely the Maoist stage. Therefore, today, in the hands of the international proletariat, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is a complete whole of universal theory.” After its establishment, the CPN (Maoist) adhered to “taking Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as the guiding principle,” stating that “only by creatively combining the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism with the specific international and domestic situation can the new democratic revolution be completed and preparations made for the socialist revolution.” The CPN (UML) also pointed out: “Marxism-Leninism is the guiding principle for Nepal’s revolution and construction. The CPN (UML) accepts the scientific thought of Marxism-Leninism as its guiding principle. Contemporary developed Marxism-Leninism is not only the guiding principle for the industrial proletariat but also the guiding principle for the peasant class in its struggle for social liberation and national independence.”

尼泊尔共产党在1949年9月15日发布的《尼泊尔共产党宣言》中就指出，尼泊尔共产党是以马克思列宁主义为指导的党。尼共（毛）的前身尼共(团结中心)成立后确立了以马列毛主义作为指导思想，时任总书记的普拉昌达指出：“众所周知，马克思主义科学是由马克思通过持续斗争和天才般地创立的，它由哲学、政治经济学和科学社会主义三个组成部分组成。列宁将马克思主义整体提升到第二个发展阶段，即列宁主义。今天，这门科学已经进入了第三个新的更高的发展阶段，即毛主义阶段。因此，今天在国际无产阶级手中，马列毛主义是普遍理论的一个完整的整体。”尼共（毛）成立后坚持“以马克思列宁毛主义作为指导原则”，表示“只有创造性地把马列毛主义的基本原理同具体的国际、国内形势相结合，才能完成新民主主义革命，为社会主义革命做好准备。”尼共（联合马列）也指出：“马列主义是尼泊尔革命和建设的指导原则。尼共（联合马列）接受马列主义的科学思想为它的指导原则。当代发展的马克思列宁主义不仅是工业无产阶级的指导原则，也是农民阶级争取社会解放和民族独立的斗争的指导原则。”

After the establishment of the New CPN, it also emphasized: “For 170 years, Marxism has provided guidance for the liberation of the world’s proletariat and working people. Leninism developed in the course of the evolution of Marxism. Revolutionary movements in various countries, including the democratic revolution of the Chinese people, have made significant contributions to the creative application and development of Marxism. During this period, under the influence and guidance of Marxism, many countries completed their revolutions, which made enormous political changes possible on a world scale. The rights of the working class, women, and other different groups were established, and exploited groups achieved an unprecedented awakening. Marxism is equally important not only for the liberation of the proletariat and the working class but also for the liberation of exploited and oppressed nations, and ultimately for the liberation of all humanity.” After the New CPN split again into the CPN (UML) and the CPN (Maoist Centre), the CPN (UML) continued to adhere to Marxism-Leninism as its guiding ideology, emphasizing: “Marxism is fundamentally a theoretical system for understanding, analyzing, and transforming society. The fundamental principles of revolution in each country continuously develop as the basic principles of Marxism are concretely applied to the actual conditions of that country. In this process of integrating theory with practice, the revolutionary path chosen by each country is inevitably different, original, and specific. The full picture of Marxism is manifested in the concrete theories developed in each country.” The CPN (Maoist Centre) reaffirmed: “Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is the guiding ideology of the CPN (Maoist Centre). We must uphold, apply well, and develop the Party’s guiding principles by integrating them with the current historical development situation.”

新尼共成立后也强调：“170年来，马克思主义一直在为世界无产阶级劳动人民的解放提供指导。列宁主义是在马克思主义的演变过程中发展起来的，包括中国人民的民主革命在内的世界各国的革命运动对马克思主义的创造性应用和发展做出了重大贡献。在此期间，在马克思主义的影响和指导下，许多国家都完成了革命，这使世界范围的巨大政治变革成为可能。工人阶级、妇女，其他不同群体的权利得以确立，被剥削群体也前所未有地觉醒了。马克思主义不仅对无产阶级工人阶级的解放，而且对被剥削和被压迫的民族，乃至最终对整个人类的解放都是同等重要的。”新尼共再度分裂为尼共（联合马列）和尼共（毛主义中心）后，尼共（联合马列）继续坚持以马列主义作为指导思想，强调：“马克思主义基本上是一种理解、分析和改造社会的理论体系。各国革命的根本原则都随着把马克思主义的基本原理具体运用于本国实际而不断发展。在这种理论联系实际的过程中，每个国家所选择的革命道路必然是不同的、独创的、特定的。马克思主义的全貌表现在每个国家发展起来的具体理论中。”尼共（毛主义中心）则重申：“马列毛主义是尼共（毛主义中心）的指导思想。我们要坚持通过结合当前历史发展情况，维护好、运用好、发展好党的指导原则。”

(II) The Leading Force of Nepalese Socialism

（二）尼泊尔社会主义的领导力量

From the day of its founding, the Nepal Communist Party clearly stated: “The Nepal Communist Party commits to participating in the struggles initiated by the exploited people and to organizing and leading this struggle. … We call upon the working class, landless peasants and poor peasants, students, youth, and women with people’s democratic ideas to organize under the leadership of the Nepal Communist Party, because only a strong, people-centered Communist Party can lead the people’s democratic forces in revolution.” Since the founding of the CPN, Nepalese communists, through long-term struggle and sacrifice, have creatively applied Marxism, made significant contributions in ending the feudal monarchy, establishing a democratic republic, and building a socialist-oriented economic foundation, promoted the basic completion of Nepal’s anti-imperialist and anti-feudal democratic revolution, and established the dominant position of the Communist Party in Nepal’s democratic revolutionary movement.

尼泊尔共产党自成立之日起便明确指出：“尼泊尔共产党承诺将致力于参与被剥削的人民发起的斗争，并组织和领导这场斗争。……我们呼吁工人阶级、无地农民和贫苦农民、有人民民主观念的学生、青年和妇女，在尼泊尔共产党的领导下组织起来，因为只有强大的、以人为本的共产党才能领导人民民主力量进行革命。”自尼共成立以来，尼泊尔共产党人经过长期的斗争和牺牲，创造性地运用马克思主义，在结束封建君主制、确立民主共和制、建立以社会主义为导向的经济基础等方面做出了重大贡献，推动了反帝反封建的尼泊尔民主革命的基本完成，确立了共产党在尼泊尔民主革命运动中的主导地位。

However, “since 1950, due to the leadership of the Nepali Congress Party, which represents the interests of the comprador class and the bureaucratic capitalist class, the democratic transformation of Nepal has been difficult to achieve completely.” The New CPN pointed out that because Nepal’s democratic revolution “is neither an old-style bourgeois democratic revolution carried out by the bourgeoisie against feudalism to develop industrial capitalism, nor a new democratic revolution led solely by the Communist Party; it united all anti-imperialist and anti-feudal forces to form a united front. It was a revolution against feudalism carried out with the Communist Party as the main initiator and convener, by granting leadership to the bourgeoisie and engaging in necessary cooperation with the bourgeoisie,” this led to “Nepal’s capitalist democratic revolution developing in its own unique way. Besides the proletariat, the bourgeoisie also participated in the revolution. Formally, it is considered joint leadership by two classes. Therefore, there is inevitably fierce competition between the two classes in determining the attribution of the fruits of the revolution and the future direction. If the balance of power turns unfavorable to the proletariat, the bourgeoisie will dominate, progressive momentum will be weakened or even stagnate, and the country will be in danger of moving towards neoliberal capitalism rather than socialism.” Therefore, the New CPN believes that the leadership and unity of the Communist Party are crucial for safeguarding the fruits of the revolution and ensuring the future of socialism.

但“自1950年以来，由于代表买办阶级和官僚资产阶级利益的尼泊尔大会党的领导，尼泊尔民主变革难以彻底实现。”新尼共指出，由于尼泊尔民主革命“既不是资产阶级为发展工业资本主义而进行的反对封建主义的旧式资产阶级民主革命，也不是由共产党单独领导的新民主主义革命，它团结了一切反帝反封建的力量，形成了一个统一战线，是由共产党作为主要发起者、号召者的，通过给予资产阶级领导权，并与资产阶级进行必要的合作来进行的反对封建主义的革命”，这就导致了“尼泊尔的资本主义民主革命以其特有的方式向前发展。除了无产阶级之外，资产阶级也参与了革命，如果从形式上看，它被认为是两个阶级的联合领导。因此，两个阶级在决定革命后的成果归属和未来方向的问题上必然会存在着激烈的竞争。如果在力量平衡上出现对无产阶级不利的情况，资产阶级就将占主导地位，进步的势头就将被削弱，甚至停滞，国家就有走向新自由主义的资本主义，而不是社会主义的危险。”因此，新尼共认为，共产党的领导和团结对于维护革命成果和保证社会主义的未来至关重要。

(III) Nepal’s Path to Socialism

（三）尼泊尔通向社会主义的道路

Regarding Nepal’s path to socialism, Nepalese communists have conducted relatively in-depth reflections based on synthesizing the successful experiences of the CPN (Maoist Centre)’s new democratic revolution and the CPN (UML)’s people’s democratic revolution.

对于尼泊尔通向社会主义的道路，尼泊尔共产党人在综合尼共（毛主义中心）的新民主主义革命和尼共（联合马列）的人民民主革命成功经验的基础上进行了较为深入地思考。

First, building socialism through peaceful means. The CPN (UML) points out: “The essence of state power is class nature, while the government system is its form of expression. The dialectics of state power manifests in the interrelationship between the class nature of the state and the governance system. Democratic systems and values are not inherently capitalist but are the result of the people’s long-term struggle. Therefore, it is wrong to regard democratic systems as synonymous with the capitalist system or capitalist means.” Consequently, “implementing the program of people’s multi-party democracy through legal, peaceful, and democratic competition, developing the state-owned economy, and laying a solid foundation for building socialism are the essence of the political line we have adopted.” The CPN (Maoist Centre) believes: “Due to the basic nature of Nepal’s transformation, the inclusive, proportionally balanced federal democratic republic we have currently established differs from traditional federal systems in the world. It is a socialist-oriented political system established under the main leadership of the Communist Party. The basic nature of Nepal’s transformation makes it possible for us today to prepare for building socialism through peaceful competition and the rule of law.” The New CPN also stated: “Building socialism through the path of peaceful struggle and peaceful competition is achievable under the specific conditions of Nepal. Our constitution expresses a commitment to socialism and defines our country as socialist-oriented. According to our constitution, except for national sovereignty, territorial integrity, and people’s sovereignty, all issues can be changed through constitutional amendments.”

第一，通过和平方式建设社会主义。尼共（联合马列）指出：“国家权力的本质是阶级性，而政府制度则是它的表现形式。国家权力的辩证法表现为国家的阶级性与治理体系的相互关系。民主制度和价值本身并不是资本主义，而是人民长期斗争的结果。因此，将民主制度视为资本主义制度或手段的同义词是错误的”，因而，“通过合法、和平、民主的竞争，实施人民多党民主的纲领，发展国有经济，为建设社会主义夯实基础，是我们所采取的政治路线的精髓所在。”尼共（毛主义中心）认为：“由于尼泊尔变革的基本性质，我们当前所建立的包容性的、各比例均衡配置的联邦民主共和国与世界上的传统联邦体制不同，它是在共产党的主要领导下建立的面向社会主义的政治体制。尼泊尔变革的基本性质让我们今天通过和平竞争和法治途径为建设社会主义做好准备成为可能。”新尼共也表示：“通过和平斗争与和平竞争的道路建设社会主义，这在尼泊尔的特定情况下是可以实现的。我们的宪法表达了对社会主义的承诺，并把我们的国家定义为以社会主义为导向。根据我们的宪法，除了国家主权、领土完整和人民主权外，所有问题都可以通过宪法的修正来改变。”

Second, building socialism by strengthening Party building. The NCP (Nepal Communist Party) holds that building socialism through a peaceful path and multiparty competition is an important component of the Party’s policy and a key guide for Party building. Therefore, the Party should gain the people’s approval through regular elections, and its work style, leadership methods, and organizational structure should change accordingly. The situation where the Party and its mass organizations are large in scale but inefficient should be ended. Party secrets must be kept and the Party’s dignity maintained. The clean and honest work style of Party cadres and members should not be discarded, and they should accept open supervision by the people. All Party members must not only abide by the Party Constitution but also the national constitution and current laws. In response to widespread problems within the Party such as weakened ideological work, weak Party-member consciousness, and the inability of the Party membership to meet new situations and challenges, the NCP points out: “We must train the Party’s ranks through production, construction, and transformation movements, so that they adapt to the needs of development. We must strengthen the training of Party members so that they can take on new responsibilities. We must organize and train experts and scholars within the Party who can bear greater responsibilities, further enhancing their political consciousness.” In response to the serious problem of factionalism within the Party, the NCP emphasizes: “On the one hand, establish a complete organizational method and system within the Party; on the other hand, strictly deal with disunity, anarchy, indiscipline, and factional activities within the Party. Resolutely curb the trend of wantonly attacking Party leadership and decisions on social networks, falsely accusing and framing Party cadres and members, and organizing activities that harm the Party’s interests.”

第二，通过加强党的建设来建设社会主义。新尼共认为，通过和平道路和多党竞争的方式建设社会主义是党的政策的重要组成部分，也是指导党的建设的重要内容。因此，党应通过定期选举得到人民的认可，党的工作作风、领导方式和组织结构也应随之改变。应结束党及其群众组织结构庞大、效率低下的局面。要保守党的秘密和维护党的尊严。党员干部的清正廉洁的工作作风不应丢弃，应接受人民的公开监督。广大党员不仅应遵守党章，还要遵守国家宪法和现行法律。针对党内普遍存在思想工作弱化、党员意识淡薄、党员队伍应对新形势新挑战能力不足等问题，新尼共指出：“要从生产、建设和改造运动中训练党的队伍，使其适应发展的需要。要加强党员培训，使他们能承担新的责任。要把党内能承担更大责任的专家和学者组织起来培训，进一步提升他们的政治觉悟。”针对党内宗派主义严重的情况，新尼共强调：“一方面在党内建立完备的组织方式和制度；另一方面要严格处理党内不团结、无政府和无纪律状态与派系活动。坚决遏制在社交网络上肆意攻击党的领导和决策，诬告陷害党员干部，组织损害党的利益的活动的风气。”

Third, building socialism ideologically. The NCP holds that while adhering to the guiding ideology of Marxism-Leninism, “it is necessary to understand globalization, globalized capitalism, and the unprecedented development of production technology. At the same time, it is necessary to learn from the counter-revolutionary events that occurred in countries that once had socialist regimes, to study and analyze the policies, plans, programs, actions, and weaknesses behind the demise of most past socialist regimes, and to consider how to avoid repeating the same mistakes. To address the above objectives and practical problems, developing Marxism and Marxist ideology through in-depth study, research, discussion, analysis, and summary will be the Party’s main task in building socialism ideologically.” Nepalese Communists sincerely admire and praise the major achievements of the CPC’s century-long struggle, and regard learning from and drawing on the great achievements of socialism with Chinese characteristics as an important part of their ideological construction of socialism. Pushpa Kamal Dahal, then co-chairman of the NCP, pointed out that since the founding of New China, under the leadership of the CPC, China’s economy and society have undergone earth-shaking changes, and the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics has achieved remarkable accomplishments in the New Era. This is also a great inspiration for Nepalese Communists, and proletarian parties worldwide can draw development experience from China’s successful practice. KP Sharma Oli, then co-chairman of the NCP, also highly praised the tremendous development achievements made by the CPC leading the Chinese people, believing that China has embarked on a successful development path, providing a new choice for developing countries including Nepal, and that the CPC’s governance concepts offer important reference for political parties in other countries.

第三，从思想上建设社会主义。新尼共认为，在秉持马克思列宁主义的指导思想的同时，“必须了解全球化、全球化的资本主义和生产技术前所未有的发展状况。同时，必须从过去拥有社会主义政权的国家发生的反革命事件中吸取教训，研究和分析过去大多数社会主义政权消亡背后的政策、计划、方案、行为和弱点，思考如何避免重蹈覆彻。为解决上述目标和现实问题，通过深入学习、研究、讨论、分析和总结来发展马克思主义和马克思主义意识形态，将是党从思想上建设社会主义的主要任务。”尼泊尔共产党人由衷钦佩和赞叹中国共产党百年奋斗的重大成就，把学习借鉴中国特色社会主义取得的伟大成就作为其从思想上建设社会主义的重要内容。时任新尼共联合主席的普拉昌达指出，自新中国成立以来，在中国共产党的领导下，中国经济社会发生了翻天覆地的变化，中国特色社会主义事业在新时代取得了举世瞩目的成就。这对尼泊尔共产党人也是巨大的鼓舞，全世界无产阶级政党都可从中国的成功实践中汲取发展经验。时任新尼共联合主席的奥利也高度评价中国共产党带领中国人民取得的巨大发展成就，认为中国走出了一条成功的发展道路，为包括尼泊尔在内的广大发展中国家提供了全新选择，中国共产党治党治国理念也为世界其他国家政党提供了重要借鉴。

Fourth, building socialism based on the country’s actual conditions. The NCP holds: “Nepal’s productive forces are weak, an independent national economic system has not yet been established, the country is in a state of extreme dependence, and we have not yet laid the foundation for socialist production.” Therefore, “we have not yet reached the level of putting forward a socialist program and transitioning to socialism, or transforming and building socialism, or completing the socialist revolution.” Based on a realistic analysis of the current state of productive forces, the contemporary balance of forces, and internal conflicts, the NCP believes: “It is currently not suitable to take socialism as a goal or path.” This determines that the current basic direction is to break the exploitation and oppression of the bureaucratic bourgeoisie and the interference of imperialist forces, eliminate all remnants of feudalism, “establish the foundation for socialism, complete the remaining tasks of the capitalist democratic revolution, promote the development of productive forces, advance the economic revolution, and achieve economic prosperity. … Because only by vigorously developing productive forces, completing capitalist industrialization, and laying a solid material foundation for building socialism can conditions be created for the transition to socialism or the implementation of a socialist program.”

第四，立足本国实际建设社会主义。新尼共认为：“尼泊尔生产力发展薄弱，国家独立的经济体系还没有建立起来，国家正处于极度依赖的地位，我们还没有为社会主义生产打好基础”，因此，“我们还没有达到提出社会主义纲领并向社会主义过渡或改造社会主义、建设社会主义，或完成社会主义革命的水平”。基于对生产力的发展现状、当代力量平衡和内部冲突等方面的现实分析，新尼共认为：“目前还不适合把社会主义作为目标或路线”。这就决定了当前的基本方向是，打破官僚资产阶级的剥削压迫和帝国主义势力的干涉，清除一切封建残余势力，“建立社会主义的基础，完成资本主义民主革命的剩余任务、促进生产力的发展，推进经济革命，实现经济繁荣。……因为只有大力发展生产力、完成资本主义工业化、为建立社会主义打下坚实的物质基础，才能为向社会主义转型或实施社会主义纲领创造条件。”

IV. Prospects for Socialism in Nepal

四、对尼泊尔社会主义的展望

First, the realization of socialism in Nepal is a long-term process. After their formation, both the CPN (Maoist) and the CPN (UML) emphasized that achieving socialism is a long-term process that cannot be accomplished overnight. Guided by Mao Zedong Thought and the general characteristics of Nepalese society, the CPN (Maoist) determined that socialism in Nepal would proceed in two stages: the first stage, seizing state power through a new democratic revolution and establishing a new democratic society; the second stage, entering a socialist society through the socialist transformation of the means of production, ultimately achieving communism. The CPN (UML) holds: “Socialism is not only a goal but also a movement and a continuous process; attempting a transition to socialism without adequate and basic material preparation is hasty.” Guided by Marxism-Leninism and based on the characteristics of Nepalese society, the CPN (UML) determined that socialism in Nepal should proceed in two steps: first, through a people’s democratic revolution, establish a people’s democratic state power and lay the foundation for socialism; second, carry out a socialist revolution, establish a socialist system, and ultimately achieve communism. The NCP also emphasizes: “Some countries, after completing the socialist revolution, hastily entered the socialist stage, committing fundamental errors and leaving painful lessons.” Therefore, it is currently unsuitable to take the establishment of socialism as a short-term goal. The Party’s current task is: “While advancing along the path of political, economic, and social transformation, lay the foundation for socialist construction based on the characteristics of 21st-century Nepal.”

第一，尼泊尔社会主义的实现是一个长期的过程。尼共（毛）和尼共（联合马列）成立后，都强调实现社会主义是一个长期的过程，不可能一蹴而就。尼共（毛）根据毛泽东思想的理论指导和尼泊尔社会的普遍特点，确定了尼泊尔的社会主义将分为两个阶段进行：第一阶段，通过新民主主义革命夺取国家政权，建立新民主主义社会；第二阶段是通过生产资料的社会主义改造，进入社会主义社会，最终实现共产主义。尼共（联合马列）认为：“社会主义不仅仅只是一个目标，更是一个运动和持续的过程，不做好充足的、基本的物质准备就尝试向社会主义过渡是仓促的。”尼共（联合马列）以马列主义为指导，根据尼泊尔社会的特点，确定了尼泊尔的社会主义要分两步走，一是通过人民民主革命，建立人民民主国家政权，建立社会主义基础；二是进行社会主义革命，建立社会主义制度，最终实现共产主义。新尼共也强调：“一些国家在完成社会主义革命后仓促地进入社会主义阶段，犯了根本性的错误，留下了惨痛的教训。”因此，当前不适合将建立社会主义作为近期的目标。当前党的任务是：“在沿着政治、经济和社会转型的道路前进的同时，根据21世纪尼泊尔的特点，为社会主义建设奠定基础。”

Second, the realization of socialism in Nepal requires a grand unity of the Left. Since the 1990s, the Nepalese communist movement has advanced tortuously through a process of both confrontation and cooperation, both unity and struggle, primarily between the two factions of the CPN (Maoist Centre) and the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist). As the two major communist parties in Nepal, the CPN (Maoist Centre) and the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist) share similar ideologies, mass bases, and interest demands, which gives them both a basis for unity and cooperation in electoral politics and the potential to become competitors. Although the CPN (Maoist Centre) and the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist) have each led the government on multiple occasions, none has served a full term exceeding one year. Shortly after its formation, the new CPN clearly stated: “There is a great possibility of building socialism in Nepal through peaceful and legal means. But as long as the Nepalese communist movement remains divided, an imbalance in political forces will emerge, allowing reactionary forces to revive and putting the communist movement on the defensive. Therefore, a grand unity of the communist movement has become a necessity of the times.” However, due to the power struggle between Oli and Prachanda, the new CPN split in March 2021, and the CPN government dissolved after maintaining itself for three and a half years. After the split of the new CPN, the Nepalese communist movement fell into difficulty, and Nepal’s political situation descended into turmoil. This prompted both the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist) and the CPN (Maoist Centre) to begin a profound reflection on the lessons of their past cycles of division and unity. The CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist) stated: “Only through full cooperation can we defend the fruits of the revolution and ensure the realization of a bright socialist future.” The CPN (Maoist Centre) also emphasized: “The policy of the CPN (Maoist Centre) is to unite all left-wing democratic forces across the country, establish short-term and long-term cooperative fronts, and thereby achieve a prosperity oriented toward socialism.” On 4 March 2024, the CPN (Maoist Centre) and the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist) again formed an alliance and came to power (note: on 3 July 2024, the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist) withdrew from the coalition government led by Prachanda; on 14 July, the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist) formed a coalition government with the Nepali Congress). Shankar Pokharel, General Secretary of the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist), stated: “We want to prove that we were wrong, that we were previously too obsessed with the struggle for power. We hope to show magnanimity toward our coalition partners, while building long-term cooperation by avoiding conflicts within the alliance.” Prachanda, Chairman of the CPN (Maoist Centre), also pointed out that the fragmented communist movement had paved the way for the increased influence of reactionary forces in national politics, leading to a governance crisis. For this reason, consolidating the communist movement while defending the important status of the constitution is the key to establishing a new alliance.

第二，尼泊尔社会主义的实现需要左翼的大联合。20世纪90年代以来，尼泊尔共产主义运动主要在尼共（毛主义中心）和尼共（联合马列）两个派系之间既对抗又合作，既团结又斗争的过程中曲折前进。作为尼泊尔两个主要的共产主义政党，尼共（毛主义中心）和尼共（联合马列）有着相似的意识形态、群众基础和利益诉求，这也导致了两党在选举政治中既有团结合作的基础，同时也存在着成为竞争对手的可能。尽管尼共（毛主义中心）、尼共（联合马列）先后多次领导政府，但都没有超过一年的任期。新尼共在成立后就明确表示：“通过和平、合法的方式在尼泊尔建设社会主义具有很大的可能性。但只要尼泊尔共产主义运动仍处于分裂状态，就会出现政治力量失衡的情况，使反动势力复苏，共产主义运动处于守势。因此，共产主义运动的大联合已成为时代的需要。”但由于奥利和普拉昌达的权力之争，2021年3月新尼共分裂，尼共政府在维持了三年半后而解体。新尼共分裂后，尼泊尔共产主义运动陷入困境，尼泊尔政局陷入动荡之中，这也使尼共（联合马列）和尼共（毛主义中心）开始对以往分合的经验教训进行深刻地反思。尼共（联合马列）表示：“只有通力合作才能捍卫革命果实，才能保证实现社会主义的美好未来。”尼共（毛主义中心）也强调：“尼共（毛主义中心）的政策旨在联合全国左翼民主力量，建立短期和长期的合作阵线，进而实现面向社会主义的繁荣。”2024年3月4日，尼共（毛主义中心）与尼共（联合马列）再次结盟并上台执政（注：2024年7月3日，尼共（联合马列）退出普拉昌达领导的联合政府，7月14日，尼共（联合马列）与尼泊尔大会党组建联合政府）。尼共（联合马列）总书记尚卡尔·波卡雷尔（Shankar Pokharel）表示，我们想证明我们错了，我们以前太痴迷于对权力的争夺。我们希望对联盟伙伴表现出宽宏大量，同时通过避免联盟之间的冲突来建立长期合作。尼共（毛主义中心）主席普拉昌达也指出，支离破碎的共产主义运动为反动势力在国家政治中影响力的增强铺平了道路，导致了治理危机。为此，在捍卫宪法重要地位的同时，巩固共产主义运动，这是建立新联盟的关键。

Third, the realization of socialism in Nepal cannot be separated from scientific and technological progress. After summing up the positive and negative experiences of the 20th-century international communist movement, Nepalese communists believe that in the 21st century, the development of Marxism and socialism faces many difficulties and challenges. The CPN (Maoist Centre) points out: “Only by promoting scientific and technological development and progress can we scientifically advance social revolution and the development of Marxism. The progress of science and technology also provides corresponding assistance for the development of productive forces and the improvement of interpersonal relations. In the period from the information technology revolution to the beginning of the information age, if Marxists have not absorbed and drawn on inventions and creations in various fields, then building socialism in the 21st century would be impossible.” The CPN (Maoist Centre) emphasizes: “At present, the Party’s primary task is to apply science and technology to all aspects of society and human life, including agriculture, education, healthcare, infrastructure, and the environment, and to promote the efficient development and operation of the labor force. To achieve this goal, we should arrange for relevant personnel to study scientific and technological knowledge in a planned manner.” The CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist) states: “Socialist orientation means launching an ideological movement of social awakening and modern scientific consciousness. A socialist orientation cannot coexist with superstition; rather, it must confront superstition through a movement of awakening. This is both a movement against backwardness and against living with outdated things, and a movement to apply modern technology. A socialist orientation means embracing modern technology and science. Why have we proposed ‘Digital Nepal’ and achieved many results in this regard? Because these things also guide us toward socialism.”

第三，尼泊尔社会主义的实现离不开科技进步。尼泊尔共产党人在总结20世纪国际共产主义运动正反两方面的经验后认为，在21世纪的今天，马克思主义和社会主义的发展面临着诸多困难与挑战。尼共（毛主义中心）指出：“只有推动科技发展进步，才能科学地推动社会革命和马克思主义的发展。科学技术的进步对于生产力的发展和人际关系的改善也提供了相应帮助。在信息技术革命到信息化时代之初的时间里，如果马克思主义者没有吸收借鉴各个领域的发明创造，那么在21世纪建设社会主义就无从谈起。”尼共（毛主义中心）强调：“当前，党的首要任务是将科技应用到农业、教育、医疗、基础设施、环境等社会和人类生活的各个方面，推动劳动力的高效发展和运转。为实现这一目标，我们应有计划地安排有关人员学习科技知识。”尼共（联合马列）表示：“社会主义导向意味着开展一场社会觉醒与现代科学意识的思想运动。以社会主义为导向不能与迷信同行，而是要通过觉醒运动来对抗迷信。这既是一场反对落后、反对与过时事物共同生活的运动，也是一场应用现代技术的运动。社会主义导向意味着拥抱现代技术和科学。为什么我们提出‘数字尼泊尔’并在此方面取得了许多成就呢？因为这些东西也会引导我们走向社会主义。”

Conclusion

结 语

Since the founding of the CPN, Nepalese communists have combined Marxism with Nepal’s actual conditions, carried out unremitting exploration of a socialist path with Nepalese characteristics, and greatly promoted the development of the Nepalese communist movement and Nepal’s socialist process. Nepalese communists adhere to the guidance of Marxism; uphold the leading position of the communist party in the socialist cause; insist on a political, economic, and social transformation oriented toward socialism; and regard the realization of socialism and communism as their ultimate goal. Therefore, the socialist views of Nepalese communists fall within the category of scientific socialism. After the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, when the world socialist movement was on the defensive, Nepalese communists played a decisive role in overthrowing Nepal’s feudal absolute monarchy and establishing a democratic republican system, creating favorable conditions for building socialism in Nepal. The great achievements of Nepalese communists in exploring a socialist path with Nepalese characteristics have greatly inspired the struggles of oppressed nations and peoples worldwide for liberation, and have become a signal and symbol of regional recovery in world socialism. However, it must also be recognized that Nepal is currently still in the initial stage of capitalism, and the goal of building socialism remains obstructed by powerful bureaucratic capitalism, remnants of feudal forces, and interference from external forces. There is still a considerable contradiction between the Nepalese people’s strong desire for development and prosperity and the reality of underdevelopment, backwardness, and poverty. Although both the CPN (Maoist Centre) and the CPN (Unified Marxist–Leninist) recognize the necessity and importance of cooperation, the unity and unification of the Nepalese communist movement are still affected by real interests and disrupted by opposition forces. At present, the exploration by Nepalese communists of socialism with Nepalese characteristics is still in its early stages and is far from being complete and mature. This shows that, under the conditions of capitalist multiparty competition, building socialism in Nepal still faces many difficulties and challenges, and the socialist path of Nepalese communists has a long way to go. (Notes omitted)

自尼共成立以来，尼泊尔共产党人将马克思主义与尼泊尔实际相结合，对本国特色的社会主义道路进行了不懈的探索，极大地推动了尼泊尔共产主义运动的发展和尼泊尔的社会主义进程。尼泊尔共产党人坚持以马克思主义为指导；坚持共产党对社会主义事业的领导地位；坚持以社会主义为导向的政治、经济和社会转型；坚持以实现社会主义和共产主义作为其最终目标。因此，尼泊尔共产党人的社会主义观属于科学社会主义的范畴。苏东剧变后，在世界社会主义运动处于守势之际，尼泊尔共产党人在推翻尼泊尔封建君主专制，建立民主共和制度方面发挥了决定性作用，为在尼泊尔建设社会主义创造了有利条件。尼泊尔共产党人探索本国特色社会主义道路取得的伟大成就，极大地鼓舞了全世界被压迫民族和人民争取解放的斗争，成为世界社会主义出现区域性复苏的信号和标志。但也要看到，当前尼泊尔还处于资本主义的初始阶段，建设社会主义的目标仍然受到强大的官僚资本主义、封建残余势力的阻碍和外部势力的干涉。尼泊尔人民对发展和繁荣的强烈愿望与不发达、落后和贫困的现实状况之间还存在着较大的矛盾。尽管尼共（毛主义中心）和尼共（联合马列）都认识到合作的必要性和重要性，但是，尼泊尔共产主义运动的团结统一仍受到现实利益的影响和反对势力的干扰。目前尼泊尔共产党人对本国特色社会主义的探索还处于初期阶段，还远没有达到完备和成熟的程度。这表明，在资本主义多党竞争条件下，在尼泊尔建设社会主义仍面临着诸多困难和挑战，尼泊尔共产党人的社会主义道路任重而道远。（注释略）

(Authors: Yuan Qun, Professor at the School of Marxism, Yunnan University; Teng Yan, Doctoral Candidate at the School of Marxism, Yunnan University)

（作者袁群，云南大学马克思主义学院教授；滕妍，云南大学马克思主义学院博士研究生）

Online Editor: Zhang Jian

网络编辑：张剑