Anti-Capitalism as an Organisational Form: A Psychoanalytic Entry Point

I. Introduction

一、引言

Although “anti-capitalism” appears to be a simple or even self-evident term, it raises a series of conceptual and political difficulties. For example, “if we oppose capitalism, can we clearly state what we support?” [1]1 The author’s original footnote is retained here as a quotation within the text. This term also implies conflicting anarchist, radical feminist, decolonial, communitarian, and many other left-wing political positions. History also shows that, despite their different modes of expression, liberal reformism and fascist nationalism have both used the rhetoric of anti-capitalism. It can be said that the political referent of this term is too broad, lacking the firm conviction, clear reference, and commitment needed to drive political progress.

虽然“反资本主义”看起来像一个简单甚至不言自明的术语，但它却引发了一系列的概念和政治难题。例如，“如果我们反对资本主义，那么能否说清自己支持什么”①。这一术语还隐含着相互冲突的无政府主义、激进女权主义、去殖民化、社群主义等众多左翼的政治立场。历史也表明，尽管言说方式迥异，但自由改良主义和法西斯民族主义均使用过反资本主义的言辞。可以说，该词在政治上的所指过于宽泛，并不具备推动政治进步所需要的坚定信念、明确指涉和承诺。

Views that oppose the concept of “anti-capitalism” treat it as a broad signifier, arguing that it contains various rhetorical positions, analytical tendencies, and political stances. However, these arguments seem to overlook the organisational form that anti-capitalism represents, that is, its significance in gathering, concentrating, reconstituting, maintaining, and deploying collective action against capital. (1) As an organisational form, anti-capitalism upholds the principle that political groups are not assembled and organised through fixed or predetermined forms. In other words, the collective political will and the demands for liberation of a given period construct the anti-capitalist organisation. The fundamental negativity of anti-capitalism allows the collective to adopt the most appropriate organisational form under existing conditions to organise the most transformative action. Because of this, anti-capitalist organisations can strike at capital across all links of production, markets, and the sphere of social reproduction. (2) The diversity of anti-capitalist means ensures that its form retains a highly adaptable mechanism of political commitment.

对“反资本主义”的概念持反对态度的观点将其视为一个宽泛能指(broad signifier),认为其蕴含着各种修辞立场、分析倾向和政治立场。然而，这些论点似乎忽视了反资本主义所代表的组织形式，即反资本主义在汇聚、集中、再造、维持和部署反抗资本的集体行动中的意义。(1)作为一种组织形式，反资本主义秉承的原则是：政治团体并非是通过一成不变或预先设定的形式进行集结与组织的。换言之，集体的政治意愿和某一时段的解放要求建构了反资本主义组织。反资本主义在根本上的否定性允许集体在现有的条件下采取最恰当的组织形式来组织最具变革性的行动。正因为如此，反资本主义组织可以在各个生产环节、市场以及社会再生产领域对资本发起冲击。(2)多样化的反资本主义手段确保了其在形式上得以保留具有较强适应性的政治承诺机制。

It can be said that anti-capitalism is a loose signifier, referring to a series of organisational forms with a certain political commitment, each of which develops independently according to the specific needs of its respective struggle. Our attempts to engage in, analyse, theorise, critique, and argue for this political organisational form are largely indebted to the extreme negativity implicit in the signifier “anti-capitalism.” Psychoanalytic theory is particularly helpful for understanding various phenomena of distortion, psychic structures, prohibitive restrictions, contradictions and oppositions, symbolic displacement, as well as the arbitrariness in interpersonal relations and the dissatisfaction in interpersonal interaction. It is precisely these factors that constitute anti-capitalism as this negative organisational form. (3)

可以说，反资本主义是一个松散能指(loose signifier),指代一系列具有一定政治承诺的组织形式，每一种组织形式均根据各自的具体斗争需求而独立发展。我们参与、分析、理论化、批判和论证这一政治组织形式的尝试，在很大程度上都得益于“反资本主义”这一能指所隐含的极端否定性。精神分析理论尤其有助于人们理解各类畸变现象、精神结构、禁忌限制、矛盾对立、符号移置，以及人际关系中的任意性与人际交往中的不满。正是以上因素构成了反资本主义这一充满否定性的组织形式。(3)

Some scholars oppose using psychoanalysis to understand anti-capitalism. They might ask: faced with climate catastrophe, land dispossession, neo-fascism, mass incarceration, and imperialist war, what use is psychoanalysis? In response, we need to point out that psychoanalysis helps us understand the limitations of a resistance politics that indulges in a single organisational form of anti-capitalism. This will prompt us to consider how different organisational forms act according to the actual needs of liberation, and what psychological effects such actions have on the subjects who advance anti-capitalist political struggle. (4) This article argues that anti-capitalist struggle is the political-level coordinated struggle of subjects who have suffered trauma to varying degrees, which can also be understood as a psychological struggle. In this regard, psychoanalysis provides an effective method for understanding the psychodynamic mechanisms within anti-capitalist struggle and the human nature contained therein.

有的学者反对利用精神分析来理解反资本主义。他们或许会质问：面对气候灾难、土地剥夺、新法西斯主义、大规模监禁以及帝国主义战争，精神分析何以致用?对此，我们需要指出，精神分析有助于我们理解反资本主义这一沉溺于单一组织形式的抵抗政治的局限性。这将促使我们思考不同的组织形式何以根据解放的实际需求而采取行动，以及这类行动对推进反资本主义政治斗争的主体又产生了何种心理影响。(4)本文认为，反资本主义斗争是遭受不同程度创伤的主体在政治层面的协同斗争，这亦可以归结为一种心理斗争。有鉴于此，精神分析提供了一种行之有效的方法，有助于我们理解反资本主义斗争中的精神动力机制，以及其中所蕴含的人性。

II. Anti-Capitalism and Its Absorptive Capacity

二、反资本主义及其吸纳力

People usually understand anti-capitalism as a political stance at the level of consciousness, i.e., individuals and/or collectives oppose the various ownership relations, economic relations, psychological effects, and modes of distribution and production under the capitalist political-economic system. (5) Although anti-capitalist action can arise spontaneously, if it needs to consolidate strength—that is, to acquire the capacity to achieve its goals—it must be incorporated into a political organisation. (6) As a distinct concept, the term “anti-capitalism” first gained widespread attention in 1999, when the protests at the World Trade Organization meeting in Seattle were seen as anti-capitalist. Such protests were typically characterised by direct action, rejection of ideological dogma, and advocacy of non-hierarchical relations; therefore, anti-capitalism was initially often associated with anarchism. (7) Today, the term “anti-capitalism” has also been adopted by other political factions of the progressive left.

人们通常将反资本主义理解为一种意识层面的政治立场，即个人和/或集体反对资本主义政治经济体制下的各种所有权、经济关系、心理影响，以及分配和生产模式。(5)虽然反资本主义行动可以自发开展，但若需要凝聚力量，即获得实现目标的能力，它就必须被纳入一个政治组织中。(6)作为一个独特的概念，“反资本主义”一词在1999年首次得到了广泛关注，人们将当年世界贸易组织西雅图会议上的抗议活动视为反资本主义。这类抗议活动通常以直接行动、抗拒意识形态教条和崇尚非等级关系为特征，因此，人们最初经常将反资本主义与无政府主义联系在一起。(7)如今，“反资本主义”一词也已被进步左翼的其他政治派别所采用。

The anti-capitalist subject is committed to constructing specific organisational forms, but the symbolic order of anti-capitalism contains a range of available forms. Paul Chatterton, in his research, found that anti-capitalist action is influenced by different locations, identities, social relations, organisational practices, and political strategies, none of which are static or predetermined. To systematise the plurality of anti-capitalist positions, Erik Olin Wright proposed a typology of anti-capitalism, including: smashing capitalism (revolutionarily overthrowing capitalist political economy), dismantling capitalism (electoral politics), taming capitalism (reformist measures), resisting capitalism (struggles that do not seek to seize state power), and escaping capitalism (micro-alternatives to capitalism). Orthodox Marxism regards the proletarian subject as the practitioner of revolution. However, anti-capitalism situates the practice of resisting capitalism across a range of subjects, actions, and scenarios. The 1999 Seattle protests already displayed this characteristic. As Slavoj Žižek states:

反资本主义主体致力于构建特定的组织形式，但反资本主义的象征界中存在一系列可供选择的形式。保罗·查特顿(Paul Chatterton)在研究中发现，反资本主义行动受到不同地点、身份、社会关系、组织性实践以及政治策略的影响，而这些因素都不是静态的或预先确定好的。为了将反资本主义立场的多元性进行系统化，埃里克·欧林·赖特(Erik Olin Wright)提出了一种反资本主义的类型学，其中包括摧毁资本主义(革命性地推翻资本主义政治经济)、瓦解资本主义(选举政治)、驯服资本主义(改良主义措施)、抵制资本主义(不试图夺取国家政权的斗争)和逃离资本主义(资本主义的微观替代方案)。正统的马克思主义将无产阶级主体视为革命的实践者。然而，反资本主义将抵抗资本主义的实践置于一系列主体、行动和场景中。1999年的西雅图抗议活动便显现出这一特征。正如斯拉沃热·齐泽克(Slavoj Žižek)所言：

Today, everyone is “anti-capitalist,” even Hollywood has started making films about “social critique”… This shows that the signifier “anti-capitalism” has already lost its subversive edge. Instead, we should discuss the self-evident opposite of this “anti-capitalism”—the belief that the “democracy” possessed by honest Americans can substantially dismantle the (capitalist) conspiracy. This is the core of today’s global capitalism, and also a true Master-Signifier—democracy. (8)

今天，所有人都在“反资本主义”,连好莱坞都开始拍摄有关“社会批判”的电影…… 这表明“反资本主义”这一能指已然丧失了它的颠覆性。相反，我们应该讨论的是这种“反资本主义”不言自明的对立面——相信诚实的美国人坐拥的“民主”能够从实质上瓦解(资本主义)阴谋。这是当今全球资本主义的核心，也是一个真正的主人能指(Master-Signifier)——民主。(8)

In Žižek’s view, the public committed to liberation must abandon the anti-capitalist stance, because our political opponents are also using this term to gain popular support for liberal-democratic reforms of capitalism. Today, billionaires, blockbuster films, and politicians striving for stability may all express anti-capitalist sentiments to avoid public censure. (9) Žižek argues that if people insisted on a specific form of anti-capitalism, the above situation would not arise.

在齐泽克看来，致力于解放的公众必须摒弃反资本主义的立场，因为我们的政治对手也在利用该词来获取民众对资本主义自由民主改革的支持。如今，亿万富翁、电影大片和全力求稳的政客都有可能表达反资本主义的情绪，以免受到公众责难。(9)齐泽克认为，如果人们坚持一种特定的反资本主义形式，上述情况便不会出现。

The combination of liberalism and anti-capitalism produces numerous political-psychological phenomena. We might borrow the Lacanian psychoanalytic concept of “enjoyment” (jouissance) to understand these phenomena. Enjoyment is an unconscious satisfaction. When people break or transgress a seemingly coherent symbolic order, they generate dissatisfaction, and these dissatisfactions, fixated on “transgression,” stimulate the subject’s unconscious satisfaction. (10) If both sides of a struggle use the term “anti-capitalism,” its referent becomes a slightly reformed neoliberal status quo—capitalism by other means. In this way, anti-capitalism loses its psychic appeal, because it cannot provide any form of enjoyment. As a result, enjoyment is forced to cede to right-wing politics, whose pathways to enjoyment lie in excessive racism, authoritarianism, nationalism, xenophobia, and sexism. (11)

自由主义与反资本主义结合后产生了诸多政治心理现象。我们不妨借用拉康精神分析中的“享乐”(enjoyment)一词来理解这些现象。享乐是一种无意识的满足。人们在打破或僭越看似连贯的象征秩序时会产生不满，而这些固着于“僭越”之上的“不满”激发了主体无意识的满足。(10)若斗争双方均使用“反资本主义”一词，该词的所指便是稍加改革的新自由主义现状——依靠其他手段实现的资本主义。这样，反资本主义在精神层面丧失了吸引力，因为它无法提供任何形式的享乐。结果，享乐被迫让渡给了右翼政治，后者的享乐途径则在于过度的种族主义、独裁主义、民族主义、仇外心理和性别歧视。(11)

We need not accept the liberal co-optation of anti-capitalism. A major aspect of left-wing struggle is the refusal to be symbolised. Similarly, anti-capitalism need not use its symbolic power to speak for capital reformism. If anti-capitalism is to return to “progressive politics,” it must abandon liberal certainty and permissiveness. In other words, the symbolic coordinates of anti-capitalism must find their foundation in a political commitment that identifies with extreme negativity. This extreme negativity must also not be drowned out by the symbols of liberal capitalist ideology. To achieve this, anti-capitalism must be regarded as a form of organisation that encompasses the contradictory and negative elements—lack—behind political activity, knowledge, and subjectivity.[12]12 The author uses “lack” (匮乏) in a Lacanian sense, referring to a fundamental and constitutive absence in the subject that drives desire and symbolic identification.

我们不必接受自由主义对反资本主义的吸纳。左翼斗争的一大面向便是拒绝被符号化。同样，反资本主义也不必利用其符号权力为资本改良主义说话。若要让反资本主义回归“进步政治”(progressive politics),就必须摒除自由主义的确定性和放任性。换言之，反资本主义的符号坐标必须在认同极端否定性的政治承诺中寻得基础。这种极端否定性亦不能被自由资本主义意识形态的符号所淹没。要做到这一点，就必须将反资本主义视为一种组织形式，这种组织形式包含了政治活动、知识和主体性背后的矛盾性和否定性因素——匮乏。(12)

Emancipatory anti-capitalism must centre its work on class struggle and resistance to economic exploitation, yet its mode of struggle must also coordinate with the expansion of neoliberal capitalism. Therefore, broad anti-capitalist class struggle must be rooted in the series of struggles of feminism, decolonisation, ecologism, and anti-racism, and from these gain its mass base, moral foundation, and legitimacy. Anti-capitalism is always a contingent modality among various forms, and cannot be predetermined. Nevertheless, we can investigate what anti-capitalism means for those who organise themselves within its symbolic order. In view of this, psychoanalytic theory is particularly effective for studying the psychological identification with extreme negativity in anti-capitalism and its political potential. Before demonstrating the psychopolitical value inherent in anti-capitalism, it is necessary to sort through the many historical paths by which psychoanalysis, as a system of thought and a clinical practice, has advanced anti-capitalist positions.

解放性的反资本主义必须以阶级斗争和反经济剥削为工作中心，但其斗争方式又必须与新自由主义的资本主义的扩张相协调。因此，广泛的反资本主义阶级斗争须植根于女权主义、去殖民化、生态主义以及反种族主义的系列斗争中，并从中获得群众基础、道德基础以及合法性。反资本主义始终是各种形式中的一种偶然样态，无法预先确定。尽管如此，我们可以探究反资本主义对那些在其象征界中组织起来的人们有何意义。鉴于此，精神分析的理论对研究反资本主义对极端否定的认同心理及其政治潜力尤为有效。在论证反资本主义蕴含的心理政治价值前，有必要梳理作为一种思想体系和诊疗实践的精神分析推进反资本主义立场的众多历史路径。

III. Psychoanalysis and Anti-Capitalism

三、精神分析与反资本主义

The development of psychoanalysis reflects a history of fluctuating political commitments. Freud’s theoretical system represented a bourgeois drive; once this drive was excavated, psychoanalysis became a theoretical tool for various currents of thought. It spoke for liberalism, enabling people to adapt to capitalist exploitation,[13]13 Reference to the work of figures such as Heinz Hartmann and ego psychology, which adapted psychoanalysis to help individuals adjust to social norms under capitalism. assisted colonialism in Palestine and Algeria,[14]14 Reference to the use of psychoanalysis by colonial psychiatrists and administrators in French Algeria and British Mandate Palestine to pathologise and manage colonised populations. stood for neo-conservatism in much of contemporary Europe,[15]15 Reference to the influence of psychoanalytic concepts in the work of neo-conservative thinkers such as Peter Berger and the appropriation of Freud by some Cold War intellectuals. and even supported fascism in Latin America.[16]16 Reference to the use of psychoanalysis by right-wing regimes in Argentina and Brazil in the mid-20th century, often to suppress dissent and promote authoritarian family values. Nor can we deny the racism and patriarchy within mainstream psychoanalytic practice.[17]17 Reference to the historical marginalisation of non-white and female analysts within psychoanalytic institutions and the pathologisation of homosexuality and non-Western cultures in classical psychoanalytic theory.

精神分析的发展反映了政治承诺跌宕起伏的历史。弗洛伊德的理论体系代表了一种资产阶级驱动力，这一驱动力得以发掘后，精神分析成为了各种思潮的理论工具。它为自由主义发声，让人们适应资本主义剥削(13),在巴勒斯坦和阿尔及利亚辅佐殖民主义(14),于当代欧洲大部分地区为新保守主义站台(15),甚至在拉丁美洲支持法西斯主义(16)。我们亦不可否认主流精神分析实践中的种族主义和父权制度。(17)

Since its birth, psychoanalysis has also been used to speak for specific anti-capitalist tasks. Although Freud himself held differing views on the politicisation of psychoanalysis, he still insisted that psychoanalytic theory should be used to understand the repression and alienation brought about by capitalist political-economic development. In the early twentieth century, several prominent psychoanalysts interpreted Freud’s thought through a Marxist lens and combined psychoanalysis with artistic expressionism and radical politics.

精神分析自诞生起也被用来为特定的反资本主义任务发声。尽管弗洛伊德本人对精神分析的政治化持有不同意见，但他还是坚称，精神分析理论应该用来理解资本主义政治经济发展带来的压抑和异化。20世纪初，几位著名的精神分析学家通过马克思主义的视角诠释了弗洛伊德的思想，并将精神分析与艺术表现主义和激进政治相结合。

After Freud’s death in 1939, psychoanalysis continued to combine with various forms of anti-capitalism. On the eve of the Second World War, the Frankfurt Institute for Social Research in Germany, or the Frankfurt School, drew on Freudian Marxism to understand unconscious desire, economic change, and capitalist culture.[18]18 The Frankfurt School was a group of German critical theorists (e.g., Max Horkheimer, Theodor Adorno, Herbert Marcuse) associated with the Institute for Social Research, founded in 1923, who developed a critical theory of society combining Marx and Freud. Although most members of the Frankfurt School remained silent on colonial issues and had almost no connection with working-class social movements, the school’s academic influence in using psychoanalysis for anti-capitalist analysis should not be underestimated.[19]19 The Frankfurt School is often criticised for its elitism, lack of engagement with anti-colonial struggles, and distance from actual working-class movements, despite its theoretical contributions. In the mid-twentieth century, some anti-capitalists in the French-speaking world embraced psychoanalytic theory, including Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, Jean-Paul Sartre, Jean-François Lyotard, Frantz Fanon, and Louis Althusser. In the 1970s, Juliet Mitchell used Freudian concepts to understand the psychic life of patriarchal capitalist society; Christopher Lasch used psychoanalytic theory to explore the phenomenon of cultural narcissism in the United States; and the Ljubljana Lacanian School[20]20 The Ljubljana Lacanian School is a group of Slovenian philosophers and psychoanalytic theorists centred around Slavoj Žižek, Mladen Dolar, and Alenka Zupančič, known for combining Lacanian psychoanalysis with German idealism and Marxist theory. combined German idealism with Lacanian psychoanalytic theory to advocate (often Marxist) socialist theory. Scholars such as Slavoj Žižek and Alain Badiou played a key role in developing and expanding what Yanis Stavrakakis calls the “Lacanian Left.” In the 1980s, the post-Marxism of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe influenced the Essex School, which combined post-structuralism with psychoanalysis. Since the 1990s, Judith Butler’s bestselling works on gender performativity have had a huge impact on anti-capitalist feminists. In these works, Butler draws on numerous psychoanalysts, including Freud, Joan Riviere, Lacan, and Julia Kristeva.

1939年弗洛伊德去世后，精神分析继续与各类反资本主义相结合。第二次世界大战前夕，德国法兰克福社会研究所(Institute for Social Research),或称法兰克福学派，借鉴了弗洛伊德主义的马克思主义来理解无意识欲望、经济变化以及资本主义文化。(18)虽然法兰克福学派的大多数成员对殖民主义问题保持沉默，也与工人阶级社会运动几乎没有联系，但该学派将精神分析用于反资本主义分析的学术影响不容小觑。(19)20世纪中叶，法语世界的一些反资本主义者接受了精神分析的理论，其中包括吉尔·德勒兹(Gilles Deleuze)和菲利克斯·加塔利(Félix Guattari)、让-保罗·萨特(Jean-Paul Sartre)、让-弗朗索瓦·利奥塔(Jean-François Lyotard)、弗朗茨·法农(Frantz Fanon)、路易·阿尔都塞(Louis Althusser)。1970年代，尤莉·米切尔(Juliet Mitchell)运用弗洛伊德的概念来理解父权资本主义社会的精神生活，克里斯多夫·拉斯奇(Christopher Lasch)运用精神分析理论探讨了美国的文化自恋现象，卢布尔雅那拉康学派(Ljubljana Lacanian School)(20)则将德国唯心主义与拉康的精神分析理论结合起来，倡导(通常是马克思主义的)社会主义理论。齐泽克和阿兰·巴迪欧(Alain Badiou)等学者在发展和壮大亚尼斯·斯塔夫拉卡基斯(Yanis Stavrakakis)所称的“拉康左派”方面发挥了关键作用。1980年代，恩内斯托·拉克劳(Ernesto Laclau)和尚塔尔·墨菲(Chantal Mouffe)的后马克思主义影响了埃塞克斯学派(Essex School),该学派将后结构主义与精神分析相结合。自1990年代起，朱迪斯·巴特勒(Judith Butler)所著的关于性别表演的畅销书在反资本主义女权主义者中产生了巨大影响。巴特勒在该书中引用了众多精神分析学家的观点，包括弗洛伊德、琼·里维埃(Joan Riviere)、拉康和朱莉娅·克里斯蒂娃(Julia Kristeva)等。

Today, many influential anti-capitalists also use psychoanalytic theory to interpret social phenomena. Butler uses the theory of Melanie Klein[21]21 Melanie Klein (1882–1960) was an Austrian-British psychoanalyst who developed object relations theory, focusing on early infantile phantasies and the paranoid-schizoid and depressive positions. to conduct a feminist analysis of the precarity of individual life in capitalist society and advocates non-violent anti-capitalist practice. Derek Hook uses psychoanalytic concepts to explore desire and temporality under the racial capitalist order in South Africa. Todd McGowan uses the theories of Freud and Lacan to study the individual’s unconscious attachment to capitalism. Some scholars have also attempted to use the influential works of Fredric Jameson in Marxist cultural criticism to advance an unconscious reading of anti-capitalism.[22]22 Fredric Jameson (1934–2024) was an American Marxist literary critic and theorist, known for his work on postmodernism, the cultural logic of late capitalism, and the political unconscious.

现如今，许多具有影响力的反资本主义者也在利用精神分析理论解读社会现象。巴特勒利用梅兰妮·克莱因(Melanie Klein)(21)的理论对资本主义社会个体生活的不稳定性进行了女性主义分析，并主张以非暴力的方式开展反资本主义实践。德里克·胡克(Derek Hook)借助精神分析概念探讨了南非种族资本主义秩序下的欲望和时间性。托德·麦克高恩(Todd McGowan)利用弗洛伊德和拉康的理论研究了个体对资本主义的无意识依附。也有学者试图借助弗雷德里克·詹姆逊(Fredric Jameson)在马克思主义文化批评领域颇具影响力的著作来推动对反资本主义的无意识解读。(22)

Although most of the above psychoanalytic writings may seem far removed from anti-capitalist practice, this is not actually the case. In colonised Algeria, Fanon’s sociological works integrated anti-imperialist action with psychoanalytic theory and practice. In 1970s France, Guattari introduced psychoanalysis into political groups with differing views. A series of groups under the banner “Psychoanalysis and Politics” also combined Marxism with psychoanalysis to advance a radical feminist agenda. In recent years, some scholars have been working to integrate psychoanalysis, anti-capitalist action, and queer theory. Today, we also see some scholars attempting to use psychoanalysis to guide the anti-capitalist action of Marxist social movements and anarchist collectives.

尽管上述大部分精神分析著述看似与反资本主义实践相去甚远，但实际并非如此。在被殖民的阿尔及利亚，法农的社会学著作将反帝国主义行动与精神分析理论和实践融为一体。在1970年代的法国，加塔利将精神分析引入政见不同的政治团体中。一系列冠名为“精神分析与政治”的团体也将马克思主义与精神分析结合起来，推进了激进的女权主义议程。近年来，一些学者正努力将精神分析、反资本主义行动与酷儿理论(queer theory)相融合。如今，我们还看到一些学者试图利用精神分析来指导马克思主义社会运动和无政府主义集体的反资本主义行动。

The current state of integration between psychoanalysis and anti-capitalism presented in this article, though limited, is not without intense debate. It should be noted that scholars use psychoanalysis to support different anti-capitalist attitudes, discourses, positions, academic analyses, and practical actions. When psychoanalytic theory is used to analyse anti-capitalist organisations, it is typically associated with specific organisational forms, such as the socialism of the Frankfurt School, the communism of Žižek and Badiou, the radical democracy of the Essex School, and the post-anarchism of Saul Newman. Therefore, apart from the research of Rodrigo Nunes,[23]23 Rodrigo Nunes, a Brazilian political theorist, is known for his work on political organisation and social movements, particularly his book *Neither Vertical nor Horizontal: A Theory of Political Organisation* (2021). few psychoanalytic works treat anti-capitalism itself as an organisational form of extreme negation.

本文所展示的精神分析与反资本主义相融合的现状虽然有限，但不乏激烈争论。需要指出的是，学者们利用精神分析来支持不同的反资本主义态度、言论、立场、学术分析以及实际行动。当精神分析理论被用来分析反资本主义组织时，它通常与特定的组织形式相关，如法兰克福学派的社会主义、齐泽克和巴迪欧的共产主义、埃塞克斯学派的激进民主主义，以及索尔·纽曼(Saul Newman)的后无政府主义。因此，除罗德里戈·努内斯(Rodrigo Nunes)的研究外(23),很少有精神分析著作将反资本主义本身视为极端否定的组织形式。

IV. Anti-Capitalism: An Organisational Form of Extreme Negation

四、反资本主义：一种极端否定的组织形式

As an organisational form, anti-capitalism is essentially determined by negativity. In other words, the symbolic order of anti-capitalist organisation focuses on elements excluded by capitalism. Thus, we can contrast the anti-capitalist organisational form with those organisational forms premised on affirmative inclusion. The category of affirmative organisation as a signifier is rather unclear; its signified always falls under the general designation of the "present." In this case, attempting to repetitively confirm the referential scope of the organisational form leads to a lack within that organisational form. It is precisely due to this referential lack that affirmative organisations are always difficult to sustain. The fundamental negativity of anti-capitalism represents an impotence in expression; it can never refer to the whole. This is a failure at the level of self-consciousness, an inability to incorporate all struggles based on affirmation. Every struggle against capitalism is an indivisible part of the anti-capitalist symbolic order, meaning the form of anti-capitalism is determined by the democratic will of all groups excluded by capitalism. As a general term for many forms, anti-capitalism does not conform to some standard for stability; on the contrary, it is reshaped by the ongoing exclusions of capitalism.

作为组织形式，反资本主义本质上由否定性决定。换言之，反资本主义组织的象征界关注被资本主义排除在外的要素。因此，我们可以将反资本主义组织形式与那些以肯定性包容为前提的组织形式作对比。作为能指的肯定性组织的范畴不甚明确，它们的所指始终在“当下”这一泛称上。在此情况下，试图重复性地确认组织形式的指代范畴会导致该组织形式的匮乏。正是由于指代的匮乏，肯定性组织总是难以为继。反资本主义在根本上的否定性代表了表达上的无力，它始终无法指代整体。这是自我意识层面上的失败，无法将所有基于肯定性的斗争纳入其中。每一场反对资本主义的斗争均是反资本主义象征界中不可分割的一部分，这意味着反资本主义的形式是由所有被资本主义排斥在外的团体的民主意志所决定的。反资本主义作为诸多形式的总称，并不会去附会某个标准以求稳定，相反，它因资本主义的持续排斥而得以重塑。

Tensions within anti-capitalist organisations promote rather than weaken the development of anti-capitalism. Members articulate their political strategies, goals, and objectives according to different struggles, and the organisational form is determined by the most pressing political commitments of the moment, without requiring members to always identify with a self-contained, unchanging political programme. Only such a flexible organisational form allows the collective to be accountable for their respective political commitments and to meet the most urgent needs of liberation at the time. Adhering to deeply entrenched practices within the organisation also means the organisation has no time to attend to the symbolic limits demarcated by different practices. It is on this point that anti-capitalism deconstructs organisational fixedness; it typically focuses on situations that fixed organisational forms cannot effectively resolve or that are unpredictable. The anti-capitalist organisation is constituted by the tensions between its subjects. In other words, the existence of the anti-capitalist form presupposes the ebb and flow of capitalist oppression.

反资本主义组织内部的紧张关系会推动而非削弱反资本主义的发展。组织成员根据不同的斗争需求阐明其政治策略、目标和战略，其组织形式则根据当前最为紧迫的政治承诺来确定，并不强求其成员始终认同自成一体、一成不变的政治纲领。只有这样灵活的组织形式才能让集体对各自的政治承诺负责，并满足当前最紧迫的解放需求。恪守组织内部根深蒂固的实践形式也意味着组织无暇顾及不同实践所划归的象征限制。正是在这一点上，反资本主义解构了组织定势，它通常关注固定组织形式无法有效解决或不可预测的情景。反资本主义组织由其内部主体间的张力构成。换言之，反资本主义形式的存在是以资本主义压迫的起伏为前提。

Anti-capitalism is also an organisational form that values the mobilisation of passion,[24]24 "Passion" here refers to affect or emotional investment in political life, a concept often explored in psychoanalytic political theory. valuing mutual exchange among members and the emotional bonds of collective resistance against capitalism. In fact, the psychological projection onto political action is usually unrelated to reason, and even less does it require intellect to sustain such a psychological state. It is more like an emotional identification thoroughly repressed by Enlightenment rationality.[25]25 Enlightenment rationality refers to the philosophical tradition emphasising reason, science, and individual autonomy, which psychoanalytic thinkers often critique for repressing non-rational dimensions of human experience. To understand anti-capitalism's capacity to control the psychological projection of the masses, we must turn again to Lacan's concept of "enjoyment" (jouissance).[26]26 Jacques Lacan (1901–1981), French psychoanalyst, whose concept of *jouissance* (enjoyment) denotes a painful, excessive satisfaction beyond the pleasure principle, linked to the subject's encounter with the Real. Enjoyment, or what Lacan calls "jouissance," is an unconscious satisfaction derived from symbolic rupture or blockage. In the capitalist context, the subject typically obtains enjoyment from accumulating surplus value,[27]27 Surplus value is a Marxist concept referring to the value extracted from workers beyond the cost of their labour power, which is the source of capitalist profit. from obtaining an imagined self-identity,[28]28 Self-identity here refers to the imaginary coherence of the ego, which Lacan critiques as a misrecognition (*méconnaissance*) in the mirror stage. or from political fantasies that stimulate individualistic desires. Anti-capitalism offers another kind of enjoyment, one premised on negativity, which Lacanian scholars call lack. We can enjoy lack because it returns us to an imaginary moment where we sacrifice an apparent psychic integrity in exchange for a symbolic order torn by contradictions (the basis of our mutual communication). Anti-capitalism rejects fixed organisational forms, meaning the subject can enjoy in the absence of provided identities, strategies, and guidelines. These elements are constantly established, modified, abandoned, and transformed in the process of democratic struggle. Even if anti-capitalism forms a specific organisational form, this organisational form is always in a state of flux and therefore always in a state of lack. The inherent lack of anti-capitalism also introduces desire into political activity. In this way, its organisational activity is driven by the "lack-in-being" of the organisational form rather than by "achieving a specific form." The anti-capitalist organisation is thus endowed with a psychological gravity, usually triggered by the radical actions of the political right.

反资本主义也是一种重视激情动员的组织形式(24),它看重组织成员之间的相互交流，以及共同反抗资本主义的情感联系。事实上，对政治行动的心理投射通常无关理智，更不需要智识来维系这样的心理状态。它更像是被启蒙理性彻底压抑的情感认同。(25)要理解反资本主义把控民众心理投射的能力，就必须再次转向拉康的“享乐”概念。(26)享乐，或拉康口中的“原乐”(jouissance),是从象征断裂或阻滞中获得的无意识满足。在资本主义语境中，主体通常从积累剩余价值(27)、获得想象的自我同一性(28),或激发个人主义欲望的政治幻想中得到享乐。反资本主义则提供了另一类享乐，一种以否定性为前提的享乐，即拉康派学者口中的匮乏。我们可以享受匮乏，因为它让我们复返至一个想象中的时刻。在那里，我们牺牲了表面上的精神完整性，换取了一个被矛盾撕裂的象征秩序(即我们彼此交流的基础)。反资本主义拒斥固定的组织形式，这意味着主体可以在未被提供的身份认同、战略和方针中享乐。这些要素在民主斗争过程中被不断地确立、修改、抛弃和转变。即使反资本主义形成了某种特定的组织形式，这种组织形式也在始终流变状态，因而始终处于匮乏状态中。反资本主义的内在匮乏亦将欲望引入政治活动。这样一来，其组织活动便由组织形式的“存在匮乏”(lack-in-being)而非“达成特定形式”所驱动。反资本主义组织从而被赋予了一种心理层面的引力，这通常是由政治右翼的激进行为所引发的。

V. Cognition, Action, and Being in the Anti-Capitalist Organisational Form

五、反资本主义组织形式中的认知、行动与存在

Anti-capitalism's tolerance of diverse organisational forms reflects the contradictory psychic structure of the political subject. Through psychoanalysis, we can understand how, within the symbolic order constructed by anti-capitalism's constant change and democratic organisational forms, members fulfil political commitments, consolidate organisational strength, and promote strategy implementation. This section will use psychoanalytic theory to explore how the anti-capitalist organisational form promotes members' contradictory cognition, drives organisational action, establishes their respective modes of being, and clarifies the significance of these contradictions for advancing political progress.

反资本主义对多样化组织形式的包容反映了政治主体的矛盾性精神结构。通过精神分析，我们可以理解在反资本主义不断变化并以民主组织形式构建的象征界中，成员如何履行政治承诺，凝聚组织力量并推动策略实施。本部分将运用精神分析理论来探究反资本主义组织形式如何促进成员的矛盾认知，推动组织行动，确立各自的存在样态，并阐明这些矛盾对推动政治进步的意义。

(I) Cognition

(一)认知

Knowledge is always lacking, and political knowledge is no exception. If we eliminate the contradictions in members' political cognition, their political behaviour will become rigid. In other words, political action presupposes members' political cognition. This can drive the subject to treat violence as a specific signified within particular political knowledge.[29]29 This refers to the potential for political violence when knowledge is treated as absolute or when lack is denied, a theme in psychoanalytic political theory. Attempting to reinforce the certainty of political knowledge in this way conceals an epistemological lack. Some organisations make political knowledge excessive through violence; such excess can also allow members to obtain enjoyment. However, the enjoyment of political knowledge does not necessarily have to concede to political power. We can also formulate policies, delimit the boundaries of political knowledge, resist knowledge domination, and establish our epistemological position by accepting the lack and contradiction of knowledge in order to obtain the opportunity for enjoyment. As we have seen, the constantly evolving anti-capitalist form and the expression of liberation demands through democratic means constitute political knowledge. Only, we cannot know the specific organisational form of anti-capitalism, and the knowledge it provides is also very lacking. But correspondingly, this also gives its members the opportunity to obtain enjoyment.

知识总是匮乏的，政治知识亦是如此。我们若消除组织成员在政治认知中的矛盾，那么他们的政治行为也会变得固化。换句话说，政治行动预设了成员的政治认知。这有可能驱使主体将暴力视为特定政治知识中的具体所指。(29)试图以这种方式强化政治知识的确定性掩盖了认识论层面的匮乏。一些组织藉由暴力让政治知识过剩，这样的过剩同样能让成员获得享乐。然而，政治知识的享乐并不一定要向政治权利让步。我们也可以制定政策，划定政治知识的限度，抵制知识主导，并在接受知识的匮乏和矛盾中确立我们的认识论定位以获得享乐的机会。正如我们所见，反资本主义形式经过不断演变并通过民主途径表达解放诉求构成了政治知识。只不过，我们无法了解反资本主义的特定组织形式，其提供的知识也十分匮乏。但相应地，这也让其组织成员获得了享乐的机会。

The truth obtained from unconscious knowledge has nothing to do with relation, reason, or cognition, but is a markedly self-contradictory and politically charged truth that can consolidate social relations and open up new, unforeseeable possibilities for organizing anti-capitalist politics. [30]30 The author references a numbered point (30) from the original source, likely a citation or footnote in the original text. Studying the political truth of the unconscious may require collaboration with psychoanalysts to create objective and reflectively charged spaces where organization members can openly discuss the emotional dimensions of anti-capitalist organization. The various unconscious ideological mechanisms existing among members—such as patriarchal, racist, and even classist currents—can inform anti-capitalist organizations, enabling members to understand how to work together to make the unconscious processes within the group clearly visible and to hold each member correspondingly accountable. [31]31 Reference to numbered point (31) in the original source. For many, this political truth at the unconscious level is unacceptable. Lacan termed this resistance “paranoid knowledge,” which always functions by announcing to oneself and others a plan beneficial to both parties, a structure identical to that of narcissism. [32]32 Reference to numbered point (32) in the original source. Anti-capitalist organizations need not feel shame about paranoid knowledge; on the contrary, they should reserve space for it within the anti-capitalist organizational form and use it to clarify how collective political commitments are respected by individual members. In this way, the internal bonds of the collective can be consolidated through the tensions between interpersonal relationships.

从无意识的知识中获得的真理与关系、理性或认知无关，而是一种可以巩固社会关系的、明显自相矛盾且具有政治色彩的真理，它可以为组织反资本主义政治开辟新的、无法预料的可能性。(30)研究无意识的政治真理(political truth)或许需要与精神分析师合作，创造出客观的且充满反思色彩的空间，让组织成员公开讨论反资本主义组织的情感维度。存在于成员之间的各种无意识的意识形态机制，如父权制、种族主义，甚至阶级主义潮流，可以为反资本主义组织提供信息，让成员彼此知晓如何共同努力以使群体中的无意识运作过程变得清晰可见，并让各成员承担相应的责任。(31)对于许多人来说，这种无意识层面的政治真理令人难以接受。拉康将这种抵抗称为“偏执的认识”,它始终向自己与他人宣布对双方都有利的方案来发挥作用，这与自恋的结构如出一辙。(32)反资本主义组织不必为偏执的认识而感到羞耻，相反，还应在反资本主义组织形式中为其预留空间，并利用它来阐明集体的政治承诺何以得到个体成员的尊重。这样，集体的内部纽带就可以通过人际关系之间的张力得以巩固。

Accepting the inherent lack and contradiction in political cognition does not mean that anti-capitalist organizational forms must eliminate political fantasy. [33]33 Reference to numbered point (33) in the original source. At the same time, we cannot abandon the critique of fantasy. It is through fantasy that the lack of knowledge is presented in the more palatable form of “lost knowledge.” The latter implies possession, a state that attributes the subject’s sense of lack to others or encourages the advocacy of recovering the certain knowledge one has lost. The political knowledge we collectively fantasize about condenses our mutual enjoyment. Therefore, we should not overlook the shared fantasy within anti-capitalist organizations, lest we cede our cognitive enjoyment to right-wing politics. Fantasy allows the subject to transcend the limits of a specific symbolic structure, revealing the ruptures and mismatches within that structure, thereby unbinding the capitalist symbolic system’s mental control over our political imagination. As Freud pointed out, fantasy is the screen on which unconscious desires are staged or negated. [34]34 Reference to numbered point (34) in the original source. This means that, politically, fantasy can stimulate desire, promote solidarity, and bring about the collective identification on which anti-capitalist organizations depend. [35]35 Reference to numbered point (35) in the original source. It is through the emotional connections established by fantasy that members of anti-capitalist organizations mobilize the collective political fantasy of the organization, thereby escaping the pain of the limitations of knowledge. For this very reason, fantasy cannot become the ultimate determinant of anti-capitalist organizational activity. Nevertheless, we can strategically liberate fantasy to dismantle the fantasies of capital surplus, individual competition, and industrial accumulation imposed by capitalism, satisfying the needs of constantly changing, actual struggles, and thereby creating the emotional conditions to consolidate the knowledge that members lack in the process of anti-capitalism.

接受政治认知中固有的匮乏与矛盾，并不意味着反资本主义组织形式必须摒除政治幻想。(33)同时，我们也不能放弃对幻想的批判。正是通过幻想，知识匮乏才能以人们更易接受的“知识遗失”来呈现。后者意味着占有，该状态会将主体的匮乏感归咎于他人，或让人鼓吹能够找回自己所遗失的确定性知识。我们共同幻想着的政治知识凝聚了彼此的享乐。因此，我们不应忽视反资本主义组织中的共同幻想，以免我们在认知层面的享乐向右翼政治让步。幻想可以让主体超越特定符号结构的限制，揭示出这一结构中的断裂与错配，从而解绑资本主义符号系统对我们政治想象力的精神控制。正如弗洛伊德所指出的那样，幻想是无意识欲望得以上演或被否定的幕布。(34)这意味着，在政治上，幻想可以激发欲望、促进团结，并带来反资本主义组织所依赖的集体认同。(35)反资本主义组织成员正是通过幻想确立的情感连接调动组织的集体政治幻想，从而摆脱知识局限性带来的阵痛。也正因为如此，幻想不可能成为反资本主义组织活动的最终决定因素。然而，我们可以战略性地解放幻想以瓦解资本主义所强加的关于资本过剩、个人竞争和产业积累的幻想，满足根植于不断变化的、实际的斗争需求，从而创造情感条件，凝聚成员在反资本主义过程中匮乏的知识。

Our political action can transcend our ability to symbolize the present situation. Anti-capitalism does not necessarily have to follow the goals of psychiatry, but it requires a set of master knowledge derived from the master signifier, along with corresponding master actions, to dispel the tensions between individual members of the organization and obtain a common answer for the organization. [36]36 Reference to numbered point (36) in the original source. In other words, it is feasible to shape the organization on the premise of the inherent lack of knowledge itself and through the contradictory cognitive modes of its members. The anti-capitalist organizational form can accept the inherent lack of political knowledge, but this does not steer its political commitments toward a clear epistemological position. This organizational form repeatedly articulates the symbolic order of anti-capitalism, and in the process of interpretation, aligns the organization with an epistemological lack, thereby meeting the current demands for liberation.

我们的政治行动可以超越我们对当下情景符号化的能力。反资本主义不一定要遵循精神病学的目标，但它需要一套由主人能指衍生出的主人知识以及相应的主人行动来祛除组织成员个体间的张力，获得组织共同的答案。(36)换言之，以知识本身的匮乏为前提，并以组织成员相互矛盾的认知方式来塑造组织具备可行性。反资本主义的组织形式能够接受政治知识固有的匮乏，但这并未将其政治承诺引向明确的认识论立场。这一组织形式反复阐明反资本主义的象征界，并在阐释过程中，让组织符合一种认识论匮乏，从而符合当下的解放需求。

(II) Action

(二)行动

The subject’s mode of cognition—whether conscious or unconscious—determines its mode of action. Clear political cognition implies clear political action. While there are instances in right-wing groups of acting using such certain knowledge, there are also those in the leftist camp who advocate acting through this kind of knowledge. This is vividly exemplified in those psychoanalytic leftists who operate under the banner of the act, typically the Lacanian left. In contrast to sustained struggle, the act is a political stance that inspires—sometimes momentarily—new modes of action or cognition outside the dominant capitalist symbolic order. [37]37 Reference to numbered point (37) in the original source. An act means refusing to take a certain action in a specific situation, or withdrawing from that situation. Rosa Parks’ refusal to give up her seat to a white man on a bus in 1955 is a famous case. This should not be confused with the “false act” of the obsessive-compulsive, which is merely intended to prevent change. [38]38 Reference to numbered point (38) in the original source.

主体的认知方式(无论是有意识的，还是无意识的)决定了其行为方式。明确的政治认知意味着明确的政治行动。虽然右翼团体中存在着利用这种确定性的知识来行动的情形，但左翼阵营中也有人倡导藉由这类知识来开展行动。这在那些打着变革旗号的精神分析左派，通常是拉康左派那里，体现得淋漓尽致。与持续抗争相反，变革是一种政治立场，它激发了——有时是短暂地——资本主义主流象征秩序外的新兴行动或认知方式。(37)变革行动意味着拒绝在特定情境中采取某一行动，或者退离该情境。1955年，罗莎·帕克斯(Rosa Parks)在公共汽车上拒绝给白人男子让座就是一个著名的案例。我们不应该将其与强迫症患者的“虚假行为”混为一谈，后者只是为了阻止变革。(38)

Members of anti-capitalist organizations should not ignore the possibility of the act, but neither should they be misled by the idealist tendencies of the act. Idealizing a single act as a matter of faith may breed organizational characteristics of bureaucracy, burnout, and the pursuit of mediocrity. Compared to the act with a clear purpose, anti-capitalist organizations are more concerned with small-scale acts that continuously adapt to the structure of capital. For organizers, they must interpret the capacity to bring about numerous acts as a whole, without viewing any single act in isolation. It is these inconspicuous acts that reduce the scope of global capitalism to an imaginable scale, including refusing work, building trade unions, or establishing worker cooperatives. Focusing on these smaller acts reflects the concrete political tasks of the present.

反资本主义组织成员不应该忽视变革的可能性，但也不应被变革的理想主义倾向误导。理想地将单个的变革行为视为信仰或许会催生官僚作派、倦怠办公、追求平庸的政治组织特征。与目的清晰的变革相比，反资本主义组织更关注不断适应资本结构的小规模变革行为。对于组织者来说，他们必须从总体上解读促成众多变革行动的能力，不能孤立地看待某一行为。也正是这些不起眼的行为让全球资本主义的范畴缩小到可以想象的程度，这就包括拒绝工作、工会建设或建立工人合作社。关注这些较小的行为反映了当前具体的政治任务。

Focusing on a series of smaller-scale acts does not mean abandoning the singular act. We can also seize the political opportunities presented by a single act through smaller acts. The 2015 student protests in South Africa were triggered by an individual act: a student throwing feces at the statue of Cecil John Rhodes at the University of Cape Town. This act sparked a series of protest actions lasting several months. Students experimented with various anti-capitalist organizational forms, such as refusing to pay tuition fees, opposing colonial curricula, and opposing exploitative labor outsourcing. [39]39 Reference to numbered point (39) in the original source. Although the act of throwing feces at the statue turned a taken-for-granted event into reality, [40]40 Reference to numbered point (40) in the original source. the subsequent actions triggered a series of changes. Similarly, we should not separate Parks’ act from the subsequent Montgomery Bus Boycott, nor should we examine Parks and her companions’ years of resistance before and after the refusal to give up their seat in isolation from the series of actions at South African universities.

关注规模较小的系列变革行动并不意味着放弃单一的变革行为。我们也可以通过小的变革行动来抓住单个行为所带来的政治机遇。2015年南非学生抗议活动的起因便是一名学生将粪便泼向开普敦大学塞西尔·约翰·罗兹(Cecil John Rhodes)雕像上的个人行为。该行为引发了长达数月的系列抗议行动。学生尝试了多种反资本主义的组织形式，如拒绝缴纳学费、反对殖民主义课程、反对剥削性的劳动力外包等。(39)尽管将粪便泼向雕像的行为将想当然的事件变成了现实，(40)但此后的各种行动引发了一系列变革。同样，我们不应该将帕克斯的行为与随后发生的蒙哥马利公共汽车抵制运动割裂开来，也不应该将帕克斯及其同伴在拒绝让座之前以及之后持续多年的反抗行动与南非高校的系列行动分别考察。

Inadvertent acts often produce a “symbolic-practical” rupture associated with the singular act. In any case, organizing small-scale acts does not require relying on the symbolic power of a single act; the inadvertent acts of people in daily life are often rebellions against tradition. Therefore, daily acts are crucial for the survival of marginalized groups, [41]41 Reference to numbered point (41) in the original source. and whether they are constructive (establishing worker cooperatives) or destructive (theft), they have the potential to alter dominant power relations. [42]42 Reference to numbered point (42) in the original source.

不经意的行为往往会产生与独异性变革相关的“象征—实际”断层。在任何情况下，组织小规模的变革行动都不需要依靠单个行为的象征力量，人们日常生活中不经意的行为往往是对传统的反叛。因此，日常行为对边缘群体的生存至关重要，(41)不管它们是建设性的(建立工人合作社)还是破坏性的(偷窃),都有可能改变占主导地位的权力关系。(42)

Everyday actions always follow fixed patterns and are rarely formally organised; therefore, they do not provide a fully “knowable” vision of liberation. On the contrary, they represent non-definitive, prefigurative experiments in mass liberation. Everyday actions point towards an unpredictable fragment of the future that evades the known future presupposed and presented by capitalism in the present. Precisely because of this, everyday actions are not premised on predetermined outcomes; they always lack results. Anti-capitalist organisation helps to connect, support and create interpersonal networks, thereby consolidating these everyday actions and coalescing them into action. It can be said that everyday actions, when organised, are the most transformative. The logic of future-oriented everyday actions is always the logic of desire, based on a non-definitive lack, and it demonstrates a series of domains that anti-capitalist organisational forms can permeate, such as daily life, industrial manufacturing, social reproduction, and market circulation.

日常行为始终遵循固定的模式，很少是正式组织的，因此并不能提供全然“可知”的解放愿景。相反，它们代表了非定义性、预示性的大众解放实验。日常行为指向一个不可预测的未来片段，该未来片段回避了资本主义所预设的，且在当下呈现的已知未来。正因为如此，日常行为并非以预先确定的结果为前提，它们总是缺乏结果。反资本主义组织有助于连接、支持和创设人际网络，从而巩固这些日常行为，将其凝聚为行动。可以说，被组织起来的日常行为才最具变革性。面向未来的日常行为逻辑始终是欲望逻辑，它基于非定义性的匮乏，展示了反资本主义组织形式可以渗透的一系列领域，如日常生活、工业制造、社会再生产、市场流通等。

Anti-capitalist action is committed to reshaping a world beyond capitalism, yet one that still operates under the constraints of capitalism. In short, the actions of anti-capitalist organisation rely on minute behaviours, whose political significance cannot be predetermined and need not be attributed to a single revolutionary subject.

反资本主义行动致力于重塑一个超越资本主义，但仍在资本主义的约束下运行的世界。简言之，反资本主义组织的行动依赖于细微行为，其政治意义无法预先确定，也无需归功于单一的革命主体。

(III) Being

(三)存在

Capitalism imposes on the subject a promise that can never be fulfilled, such as future returns, class advancement, or the attainment of pleasure, which constitutes the stable foundation of capitalist ideology and capitalist subject identification. The closer the subject comes to realising this capitalist promise—such as through consumption, eliminating competition, or working hard—the more intense their inner sense of alienation becomes, and this alienation in turn drives them to believe in the capitalist promise once again. In attempting to approach the ego-ideal promised by capitalism, the subject also seeks to be deemed “good” by an imagined social authority, namely Lacan’s “Big Other.” This “good” has no clearly demarcated symbolic coordinates; its approximate scope can only be determined by projecting a concept akin to “evil” onto those individuals who do not embody the shared vision one has in mind—that is, who do not embody the capitalist promise—rather than fully realising the specific referent of this “good.”

资本主义给主体强加了一个永远无法兑现的承诺，如未来回报、阶级跃升、获得快乐感等，这构成了资本主义意识形态和资本主义主体认同的稳固基础。主体越是接近实现这一资本主义承诺，如消费、消除竞争，努力工作，他们内心的疏离感便会愈发强烈，而这种疏离感又会驱使他们再次相信资本主义的承诺。在试图靠近资本主义所承诺的自我理想时，主体也在寻求被想象中的社会权威，即拉康笔下的“大他者”(the Big Other)冠以“善”之名。这种“善”没有明确划分的符号坐标，只能通过向那些没有按照自己设想的共同愿景，即没有体现资本主义承诺的个体，投射类似“恶”的概念来确定大致范围，而非完全实现这一“善”的具体所指。

Progressive political organisations may also reflect the subjective certainty and the deferred moral evaluation of the capitalist promise. Of course, left-wing groups may determine the subjective positions of their members or delegate all decision-making power to a single charismatic leader. Anti-capitalist organisational forms accept the subject’s symbolic lack and its inability to integrate with the present symbolic order. Consequently, such organisations appeal to elements excluded from the capitalist symbolic order, such as collective values, politics and desire, as well as workers, refugees, and the proletariat. The fundamental negativity of anti-capitalism means that the birth of subjectivity does not require a specific ego-ideal or an injunction from the “Big Other.” On the contrary, anti-capitalist organisation accepts the feelings of otherness rejected by the capitalist promise. It should be emphasised that anti-capitalism does not entirely deny the existence of subjectivity; it does not adhere to a single organisational form, and the subjects of its organisation are constituted by ever-changing sets of identities in different contexts of struggle. We need not understand the negativity of anti-capitalism as a deconstruction of the self, but rather as the generation of a positive, collective, and creative subjectivity.

进步的政治组织也可能会反映资本主义承诺的主观确定性和道德评价的延迟性。当然，左翼团体有可能会确定其组织成员的主体性位置，或将所有决策权交予一位颇具个人魅力的领袖。反资本主义组织形式接受了主体的象征性匮乏及其无法与当下的象征界相结合的情况。由此，该组织诉诸被排除在资本主义象征秩序之外的要素，例如集体价值观、政治和欲望，以及工人、难民和无产阶级。反资本主义在根本上的否定性意味着主体性的诞生无需借助特定的自我理想以及来自“大他者”的律令。相反，反资本主义组织接受被资本主义承诺所拒斥的他者感(the feelings of otherness)。应该强调的是，反资本主义并不完全否认主体性的存在，它并不遵从单一的组织形式，其组织的主体在不同的斗争背景下由不断变化的身份集合而成。我们无需将反资本主义的否定性理解为对自我的解构，而应将其理解为肯定的、集体的和创造性的主体性生成。

As an organisational form, anti-capitalism builds mutual solidarity on a shared sense of otherness, so that the individual subject’s lack and sense of contradiction are not obscured by ideological fantasy. Instead, the subject uses the lack of the “comrade-other,” who shares the same political commitment, to fill their own sense of lack.[43]43 The author draws on Lacanian psychoanalysis, where “lack” refers to a fundamental and constitutive absence in the subject’s being, arising from the entry into language and the symbolic order. This is not to say that all subjects experience lack in exactly the same form. Lack itself can create pathways for solidarity among subjects of different identities, who use their shared sense of lack to consolidate the anti-capitalist struggle. We might say that the reason anti-capitalist organisations are united in solidarity is not that individuals are identical, but that their methods of opposing capitalism are alike.[44]44 The author distinguishes between identity (what one is) and method (how one opposes capitalism) as bases for solidarity. The commonality of these struggles lies in their negative opposition to capitalism, which is also reflected in the negative foundation of this organisational form.

作为组织形式，反资本主义将彼此的团结建立在共同的他者感之上，从而使个人的主体性匮乏和矛盾感不会被意识形态的幻想所遮蔽。相反，主体利用与其承担同样政治承诺的“他者同志”的匮乏来填补其本人的匮乏感。(43)这并不是说所有主体承担匮乏的形式全然相同。匮乏本身可以为不同身份主体间的团结创造途径，他们利用共同的匮乏感来巩固反资本主义的斗争。我们可能会说，反资本主义组织彼此团结的原因并非是个体相同，而是他们对抗资本主义的方式如出一辙。(44)这些斗争的共通之处在于对资本主义的否定性反对，这也反映在该组织形式的否定性基础上。

Even so, anti-capitalist organisational forms cannot rely in every situation on organisational ties among members to consolidate strength. In some circumstances, subjectivity is persecuted and ravaged by capitalism. Actions organised around a vision of pursuing subjective consistency are crucial for creating the conditions for subjective healing in struggle. This was the case with the Black Panther Party in the United States and the Black Consciousness Movement under apartheid in South Africa, which advanced anti-capitalist political commitments through a consistent and rebellious construction of Black subjectivity. Therefore, anti-capitalist organisation does not mean relying in every situation on individual subjects to promote and construct relations of solidarity among different struggles. Political subjects sometimes need to organise around subjective consistency in order to resist the deprivation of humanity and dependence on victim identity, marginalisation, or political invalidation. Although the fundamental negativity of anti-capitalism helps to harness collective lack, it can also represent a space of freedom in which the struggling subject refuses capitalist identification and recreates the meaning of being a human subject. Political commitment shapes being;[45]45 The term “being” (存在) here refers to the existential condition of the subject, shaped by political commitment. it can be said that subjectivity is both individual and intersubjective. The negative structure of anti-capitalist organisational forms opens the door to a multitude of politically strategic modes of being within the collective.

即便如此，反资本主义组织形式不可能在任何情况下都依赖成员间的组织联系来凝聚力量。在某些情况下，主体性会受到资本主义的迫害与摧残。围绕追求主体一致性的愿景组织起来的行动，对在斗争中创造主体疗愈的条件至关重要。美国的黑豹党和南非种族隔离制度下的黑人觉醒运动(the Black Consciousness Movement)便是如此，它们通过对黑人主体性进行一以贯之的反叛性建构来推进反资本主义的政治承诺。因此，反资本主义组织并不意味着在任何情况下都要依靠单个主体来推动和构建不同斗争间的团结关系。政治主体有时需要围绕主体一致性组织起来，以抵制对人性的剥夺以及对受害者身份、边缘化或政治失效的依赖。尽管反资本主义在根本上的否定性有助于利用集体的匮乏感，但它也可以代表一种自由空间，其中，斗争的主体拒绝资本主义认同，并重新创造作为人类主体的意义。政治承诺塑造了存在，(45)可以说，主体性既属于个人，又有主体间的意味。反资本主义组织形式的否定性结构为集体中大量具有政治战略意义的存在样态敞开了大门。

VI. Conclusion

六、结语

Marx once pointed out: “Men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past.”[46]46 This is a quotation from Karl Marx, *The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte* (1852). The new is always influenced by the old; its emergence bears the shadow of the old and is the present form of the old. Therefore, the people’s organisation against capitalism must conform to the dialectical laws of history. Perhaps we cannot overcome history, but we can reshape society so as to walk alongside history, rather than suffering within it.[47]47 The author contrasts overcoming history (a voluntarist or utopian stance) with reshaping society alongside history (a dialectical materialist approach). Anti-capitalism as an organisational form provides the subject with an extremely negative space. Within it, the subject can make political commitments, unite, and consolidate collective strength. It is precisely in negativity that the subject can organise to respond to the ever-changing demands of liberation. Using psychoanalytic theory, we can see how anti-capitalist organisation uses the contradiction between struggle practice and the struggling subject to advance “progressive politics,” endowing it with a psychological appeal, thereby adapting to the mode of capital reproduction and defending its own architecture. The foundation of anti-capitalist organisation is a commitment to the corresponding actual situation by democratic means and according to the demands of the actual struggle. Whether anti-capitalism is centralised, dispersed, communal, legislative, or grassroots, local, or international, it always depends on how the people organised under a negative symbolic system understand the specific demands of their respective struggles. In this regard, anti-capitalism is concerned with collective action driven by belief and desire. Although anti-capitalist organisational forms are not necessarily named “anti-capitalism,” naming them as such allows us to excavate their inherent political-psychological value. If we are to challenge the totality of capitalism with the necessary commitment, categories, psychological appeal, and political ambition, we can and must cultivate the capacity for organisation in diverse forms.

马克思曾指出：“人们自己创造自己的历史，但是他们并不是随心所欲地创造，并不是在他们自己选定的条件下创造，而是在直接碰到的、既定的、从过去承继下来的条件下创造。”(46)新事物始终受旧事物的影响，其发生带有旧事物的影子，亦是旧事物的当下形态。因此，人民组织起来反对资本主义必须顺应历史的辩证规律。也许我们无法战胜历史，但我们可以重塑社会，从而与历史并肩，而不是在历史中受尽苦难。(47)作为组织形式的反资本主义为主体提供了一个极端否定的空间。主体可以在其中作出政治承诺，团结起来并凝聚集体之力。正是在否定性中，主体可以组织起来，以应对不断变化的解放需求。利用精神分析理论，我们可以看到反资本主义组织如何利用斗争实践与斗争主体之间的矛盾来推动“进步政治”,赋予其心理层面的吸引力，从而适应资本再生产的方式并捍卫自身架构。反资本主义组织的根基是以民主手段，并按实际斗争要求对相应现实处境作出的承诺。无论反资本主义是集中的、分散的、社群的、立法的，还是基层的、地方的、国际的，它始终取决于那些在否定性象征体系下组织起来的民众如何理解各自斗争的具体诉求。就此而言，反资本主义关注的是由信念和欲望驱动的集体行动。尽管反资本主义的组织形式不一定被命名为“反资本主义”,但如此命名可以让我们挖掘其内在的政治心理价值。若要以必要的承诺、范畴、心理吸引力和政治抱负来挑战资本主义的总体性，我们能够且必须培养采取多样形式的组织能力。

This article was originally published in the online edition of the journal *Theory, Culture and Society* on 29 June 2023. See https://www.theoryculturesociety.org/. The translation has been abridged.

本文原载《理论、文化与社会》（Theory,Culture and Society）杂志2023年6月29日网刊，详见https：//www.theoryculturesociety.org/，译文有删减。

[Nick Malherbe: Institute for Social and Health Sciences, University of South Africa; Zhang Keren: School of Translation Studies, Sichuan International Studies University]

［尼克·马勒布（Ｎｉｃｋ Ｍａｌｈｅｒｂｅ）：南非大学社会与健康科学研究所；张可人：四川外国语大学翻译学院］

Online editor: Zhang Jian

网络编辑：张剑