The Formation and Important Content of Lenin’s Thought on the Long-Term Leadership of the Communist Party over All Undertakings of the Workers’ and Peasants’ State

According to the thought of Marx and Engels, when the “transition period” of the transition from capitalist society to the first phase of communist society ends, the political instruments of the proletariat, including the proletarian state and the proletarian political party, will wither away. Or, in the first phase of communist society, i.e., socialist society, there will no longer be a proletarian state or a proletarian political party. In his practice after the October Revolution, Lenin proposed that after the victory of the proletarian revolution and the establishment of the workers’ and peasants’ state, the proletarian state and the proletarian political party need to exist for a long period. The leadership of the Communist Party exists not only in the “transition period” but also in the first phase of communist society, i.e., socialist society, and the Communist Party’s leadership over all undertakings of the workers’ and peasants’ state must be upheld. These ideas of Lenin have important enlightening significance at present.

根据马克思恩格斯的思想，当资本主义社会向共产主义社会的第一阶段过渡的“过渡时期”结束时，无产阶级的政治工具包括无产阶级国家和无产阶级政党即走向消亡。或者说在共产主义社会的第一阶段即社会主义社会，已然没有无产阶级国家和无产阶级政党。列宁在十月革命后的实践中提出，无产阶级革命胜利和工农政权建立后，无产阶级国家和无产阶级政党需要长时期存在。共产党的领导不仅存在于“过渡时期”，还存在于共产主义社会的第一阶段即社会主义社会，而且必须坚持共产党对工农国家各项事业的领导。列宁的这些思想在当前具有重要启示意义。

I. Lenin’s Formation of the Idea That the Communist Party Must Be Adhered to for a Long Period after the Proletariat Establishes a Workers’ and Peasants’ Soviet State

一、列宁形成无产阶级建立工农苏维埃政权后必须长时期坚持共产党领导的思想

Lenin led the Russian proletariat in the practical struggle to seize state power, establish a workers’ and peasants’ state, and consolidate the workers’ and peasants’ state. In practice, he summed up experience and formed the idea that the Communist Party must be adhered to for a long period after the proletariat establishes a workers’ and peasants’ state.

列宁领导俄国无产阶级进行了夺取政权、建立工农政权和巩固工农政权的斗争实践，在实践中总结经验，形成了无产阶级建立工农政权后必须长时期坚持共产党领导的思想。

In August–September 1917, on the eve of the October Revolution, Lenin wrote in *The State and Revolution* that the proletarian state and the proletarian political party will not wither away until the arrival of the higher phase of communist society. At that time, Russia faced the revolutionary task of the proletariat seizing state power. While considering the tasks of the Russian revolution, Lenin took into account that Russia was a country with backward economy and culture, and realized that the “transition period” from the victory of the Russian revolution and the establishment of the workers’ and peasants’ state to the transition to socialist society would be a very long process, and that the dictatorship of the proletariat and the proletarian political party would correspondingly exist for a very long historical period. Moreover, after the transition period ends and entry into the first or lower phase of communist society, the dictatorship of the proletariat and the proletarian political party would still exist, continuing to exist until the arrival of the higher phase of communist society. In that work, he wrote: Although Marx and Engels said that after the proletariat seizes state power and completes the task of the whole society taking possession of the means of production, the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat will spontaneously wither away, the situation in Russia will not be like this. We can only see the inevitability of the withering away of the state, and we must also see the protracted nature of this process. We must treat the “date of the ‘withering away’ or the specific form of the withering away as an open question, because there are as yet no materials available for solving these questions.” He also pointed out: “It is clear that it is impossible to determine the future date of the ‘withering away,’ especially since it is obviously a very long process.” The implications of the above assertions are very rich: First, after the Russian proletariat seizes state power, it can only speak of the inevitability of the state’s withering away, not the reality of its withering away. Speaking of inevitability means recognizing the unavoidability of its withering away; not speaking of reality means that it cannot wither away at present or in the near future. Second, the existence of the dictatorship of the proletariat is a very long process; it exists not only in the transition period but also in the first or lower phase of communist society. Third, the date and form of the state’s withering away should be treated “as an open question,” left for future generations to explore and solve in practice. In Lenin’s view, the state will completely wither away only when the principle “from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs” has been realized in society, when the basic rules of public life can be consciously observed by members of society, when members of society can voluntarily participate in labor to the best of their ability, and when their labor productivity has been greatly increased and the produced means of subsistence can fully meet the needs of all members of society. That is, the state will completely wither away only in the higher phase of communist society. Since the proletarian political party shares the same nature and mission as the dictatorship of the proletariat, both being instruments of the proletariat for revolution and construction, it can be confirmed that, in Lenin’s view, the proletarian political party will not wither away until the arrival of the higher phase of communist society. Or, until the arrival of the higher phase of communist society, the leadership of the Communist Party must be unswervingly upheld.

1917年8—9月间即十月革命前夕，列宁在《国家与革命》中提出，无产阶级国家和无产阶级政党在共产主义社会的高级阶段到来以前是不会消亡的。此时俄国面临着无产阶级夺取政权的革命任务。列宁在思考俄国革命的任务时，考虑到俄国是一个经济文化落后的国家，意识到俄国革命胜利和工农政权建立后向社会主义社会过渡的“过渡时期”是一个很长的过程，无产阶级专政和无产阶级政党相应地会存在一个很长的历史时期。而且在过渡时期结束和进入共产主义社会的第一阶段或低级阶段后，无产阶级专政和无产阶级政党仍会存在，一直会存在到共产主义高级阶段到来为止。他在该著作中写道：虽然马克思恩格斯说无产阶级掌握政权后在完成了全社会占有生产资料的任务时无产阶级专政的国家会自行消亡，但俄国的情况将不是这样。我们只能看到国家消亡的必然性，而且这个过程的长期性也是我们必须看到的，我们要把国家“消亡的日期或消亡的具体形式问题作为悬案，因为现在还没有可供解决这些问题的材料”。他还指出：“很清楚，确定未来的‘消亡’的日期，这是无从谈起的，何况它显然还是一个很长的过程。”上述论断的内涵十分丰富：其一，俄国无产阶级掌握政权后只能谈国家消亡的必然性，不能谈国家消亡的现实性。谈必然性意味着要看到它消亡的不可避免性，不能谈现实性意味着在当前或者在近期它不可能消亡。其二，无产阶级专政的存在是一个很长的过程，它不仅存在于过渡时期，还存在于共产主义社会的第一阶段或低级阶段。其三，要把国家消亡的日期和消亡的形式“作为悬案”，留待后辈人在实践中去探索和解决。在列宁看来，当“各尽所能，按需分配”的原则在社会上已经实现时，当公共生活的基本规则能够为社会成员自觉遵守时，当社会成员能够自愿地尽其所能参与劳动时，而且他们的劳动生产率已经极大地提高，生产的生活资料能够充分地满足全社会成员生活的需要时，国家才会完全消亡。也就是说，到共产主义社会的高级阶段，国家才会消亡。由于无产阶级政党同无产阶级专政的性质和使命相同，同属于无产阶级进行革命和建设的工具，所以可以确认，在列宁看来，在共产主义社会的高级阶段到来以前，无产阶级政党是不会消亡的。或者说，在共产主义社会的高级阶段到来以前必须毫不动摇地坚持共产党的领导。

After the history of Soviet Russia entered the period of the civil war, Lenin, in view of the cruelty, complexity, sharpness, and the trend of protractedness manifested in class struggle in real life, raised from an unprecedented height the importance and urgency of the leadership of the proletarian political party for consolidating the dictatorship of the proletariat and consolidating the people’s position as masters of the country. The political and military situation at that time was as follows: The landlords and the bourgeoisie were unwilling to accept the fate of extinction; they plotted and launched military rebellions, attempting to overthrow the Soviet state. For example, on the very night the Soviet state was established, the former “leader” of the bourgeois Provisional Government, Kerensky, fled to the headquarters of the Russian army’s Northern Front, gathered a counter-revolutionary army consisting of 12 cavalry companies and a light artillery unit, and under the command of the former Tsarist general Krasnov, the counter-revolutionary army marched directly on Petrograd. At the same time, the reactionary organization “Committee for the Salvation of the Motherland and the Revolution” inside Petrograd stirred up riots, coordinating with the enemy outside the city. The Russian workers’ and peasants’ state, relying on the Red Guards and revolutionary soldiers, quickly defeated the military attacks of the enemy both inside and outside the city. Thereafter, enemy agents continuously carried out assassinations of Communist Party leaders, bombings of bridges, and burning of factories, striving to completely destroy the workers’ and peasants’ state. One of the leaders of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), Uritsky (Chairman of the Petrograd Cheka), was killed by the enemy in August 1918. On the same day, the Party’s leader, Lenin, while giving a speech to the masses at a factory in Moscow, was shot by the enemy and seriously wounded. The former Tsarist admiral Kolchak controlled vast territories in the Urals, Siberia, and the Far East, with a White Guard army of 250,000 soldiers. In early March 1919, Kolchak’s White Guards advanced from east to west along a 2,000-kilometer front. In May, Yudenich’s White Guards launched an attack on Petrograd and Moscow from the northwest. His attack was supported from the sea by a British fleet of 12 cruisers, 20 destroyers, and 12 submarines. In July, Denikin’s White Guards, with 150,000 troops, launched an offensive from south to north, placing the Soviet state in a very critical situation. However, under the leadership of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), a powerful Red Army was established. The Red Army and the masses of the people waged a heroic revolutionary war, achieved victory, and effectively consolidated the workers’ and peasants’ state. Through the above facts, Lenin deeply realized that the resistance and struggle of the landlord class and the bourgeoisie, because their state power had been overthrown, would be “ten times more ferocious.” The dictatorship of the proletariat is the “most vigorous and most ruthless war” waged by the workers’ and peasants’ state and the people against the bourgeoisie. He said: “For all these reasons, the dictatorship of the proletariat is necessary, and without a long, stubborn, desperate, life-and-death war, without a war requiring perseverance, discipline, firmness, indomitability, and unity of will, it is impossible to defeat the bourgeoisie.” This assertion that the dictatorship of the proletariat is a “long, stubborn, desperate, life-and-death war” shows that Lenin had developed a new understanding of the cruelty of class struggle in the transition period and the importance and necessity of the dictatorship of the proletariat, an understanding that Marx and Engels had not previously possessed. This new understanding of his was consistent with the historical facts of Russia at that time.

苏俄历史进入国内战争时期后，列宁鉴于现实生活中阶级斗争的残酷性、复杂性、尖锐性和表现出来的长期性趋势，从前所未有的高度上提出了无产阶级政党的领导对巩固无产阶级专政和巩固人民当家作主地位的重要性和迫切性。当时的政治军事形势是这样的：地主与资产阶级不愿接受灭亡的命运，他们策划并发动了军事叛乱，企图推翻苏维埃政权。例如，苏维埃政权建立当晚，资产阶级临时政府前“领袖”克伦斯基逃至俄军北方战线大本营，纠集了一支由12个骑兵连和一支轻型炮兵部队构成的反革命军队，在前沙皇政府将军克拉斯诺夫的指挥下反革命军队直逼彼得格勒。与此同时，彼得格勒城内反动组织“拯救祖国和革命委员会”掀起暴乱，与城外敌人相互呼应。俄国工农政权依靠赤卫队和革命士兵，迅速打败了城内城外敌人的军事进攻。此后，敌特分子不断地进行刺杀共产党领导人、炸毁桥梁和焚烧工厂的活动，力图彻底搞垮工农政权。俄共（布）领导人之一乌里茨基（彼得格勒肃反委员会主席）1918年8月被敌人杀害。同一天，党的领袖列宁在莫斯科某工厂对群众作演说时，遭到敌人的枪击，身负重伤。前沙俄海军上将高尔察克控制着乌拉尔、西伯利亚和远东的大片土地，拥有一支25万士兵的白卫军部队。1919年3月初，高尔察克白卫军在2000公里的战线上从东向西推进。5月，尤登尼奇白卫军从西北地区对彼得格勒和莫斯科发动进攻。他的进攻得到英国舰队即12艘巡洋舰、20艘驱逐舰、12艘水艇从海上的支援。7月，拥有15万兵力的邓尼金白卫军由南向北发动攻势，苏维埃政权处于十分危急的形势下。然而在俄共（布）的领导下，强大的红军建立起来。红军和人民群众进行英勇的革命战争，取得了胜利，有力地巩固了工农政权。列宁通过上述事实深刻地认识到，地主阶级和资产阶级因为他们的政权被推翻，所进行的反抗和挣扎将“凶猛十倍”。无产阶级专政是工农政权和人民对资产阶级进行的“最奋勇和最无情的战争”。他说：“由于这一切原因，无产阶级专政是必要的，不进行长期的、顽强的、拼命的、殊死的战争，不进行需要坚持不懈、纪律严明、坚定不移、百折不挠和意志统一的战争，便不能战胜资产阶级。”这个论断说无产阶级专政是“长期的、顽强的、拼命的、殊死的战争”，表明列宁对过渡时期阶级斗争的残酷性和无产阶级专政的重要性、必要性产生了以前马克思恩格斯不曾有过的新认识。他的这个新认识是符合当时俄国的历史事实的。

It must be pointed out that, proceeding from his new understanding of the dictatorship of the proletariat, Lenin innovated his ideological understanding of the leadership of the proletarian party over the workers’ and peasants’ political power. In 1920, in *“Left-Wing” Communism: An Infantile Disorder*, Lenin pointed out that because the dictatorship of the proletariat is a cruel and heroic struggle, “without a party that is iron-tempered and forged in struggle, without a party that enjoys the trust of all that is honest in the given class, without a party that is able to observe the mood of the masses and influence it, it is impossible to conduct such a struggle successfully.” He also pointed out that our party possesses a most strict, truly iron discipline, which enjoys the wholehearted support of the entire working class; if this were not the case, “then the Bolsheviks would not have been able to hold power for two and a half months, let alone two and a half years.” The thought he expresses here is that the proletarian party is a party with “iron discipline,” a party that enjoys the wholehearted support of the masses, a party that is iron-tempered and forged in struggle. The reason the workers’ and peasants’ state in Russia and the position of the people as masters of the country could be consolidated is the important and crucial condition of the leadership of the Communist Party. At the time of the founding of the Communist International in 1919, some “Left”-inclined figures emerged within the proletarian ranks in Germany and other Western countries. In view of the fact that the leaders of the Second International and the social democratic parties in some countries had been bought off by the bourgeoisie, betrayed the interests of the proletariat and the masses, and formulated and implemented policies safeguarding the bourgeoisie and its political power, they put forward slogans and propositions negating parties and negating discipline. In the above-mentioned work, Lenin criticized this erroneous ideological tendency, saying: “From the communist standpoint, to negate the party means to leap from the eve of the collapse of capitalism (in Germany) to the highest phase of communism, not to its lower or middle phases. In Russia (the third year after the overthrow of the bourgeoisie) we are still at the very initial stage of the transition from capitalism to socialism, i.e., to the lower phase of communism.” Lenin’s logical train of thought is this: only when history enters the higher phase of communist society will the proletarian party wither away. The ideologically “Left”-inclined German revolutionaries negated the necessity of the party’s existence, indicating that they believed Germany could directly enter the higher phase of communist society. This view was completely inconsistent with reality and was utterly erroneous. Here, Lenin once again emphasized that the condition for the withering away of the proletarian party is that society has already entered the higher phase of communist society. At the same time, Lenin emphasized here that Russia “is still at the very initial stage of the transition from capitalism to socialism, i.e., to the lower phase of communism.” This was a view consistent with Russian reality and was a new formulation that previous socialists had never had. Marx and Engels had previously indicated that after the victory of the proletarian revolution in a given country or region and the seizure of power by the proletariat, its society enters a “transition period.” When the “transition period” ends, society then enters the first or lower phase of communist society. Lenin here indicates that Russia is now in the “initial stage” of the “transition period,” meaning that, in his view, the transition period also has different stages; proceeding from the “initial stage,” it may successively enter the middle stage, the higher stage, and then enter the first phase of communist society. This also shows that, in Lenin’s view, the “transition period” is a very long historical stage. Throughout the entire transition period and the first phase of communist society, the leadership of the Communist Party over the cause of the proletariat and the entire people must be upheld.

需要指出的是，列宁由对无产阶级专政的新认识出发，创新了他关于无产阶级政党对工农政权领导的思想认识。1920年，列宁在《共产主义运动中的“左派”幼稚病》中指出，由于无产阶级专政是一场残酷的、英勇的斗争，“没有铁一般的在斗争中锻炼出来的党，没有为本阶级一切正直的人们所信赖的党，没有善于考察群众情绪和影响群众情绪的党，要顺利地进行这种斗争是不可能的”。他还指出，我们党有着极严格的真正铁的纪律，得到了整个工人阶级全心全意的拥护，如果不是这样的话，“那么布尔什维克别说把政权保持两年半，就是两个半月也保持不住”。这里他所表达的思想是，无产阶级政党是具有“铁的纪律”的党，是得到人民群众全心全意拥护的党，是铁一般的在斗争中锻炼出来的党。俄国的工农政权和人民当家作主的地位之所以能得以巩固，重要的、关键的条件是有共产党的领导。1919年共产国际成立之初，德国以及西方其他一些国家的无产阶级队伍中出现了一些思想“左”倾的人物。他们鉴于第二国际以及一些国家社会民主党的领袖人物被资产阶级收买，背叛无产阶级和人民大众的利益，制定和实施维护资产阶级及其政权的政策，提出否定政党和否定纪律的主张和口号。列宁在上述著作中批判这种错误思想倾向时说：“从共产主义的观点看来，否定政党就意味着从资本主义崩溃的前夜（在德国）跳到共产主义的最高阶段而不是进到它的低级阶段和中级阶段。我们在俄国（推翻资产阶级后的第三年）还刚处在从资本主义向社会主义即向共产主义低级阶段过渡的最初阶段。”列宁的思想逻辑是这样的：只有历史进入共产主义社会高级阶段，无产阶级政党才会消亡。思想“左”倾的德国革命者否定政党存在的必要性，表明他们以为德国可以直接进入共产主义社会的高级阶段。这个看法是完全不符合实际的，是十分错误的。在这里，列宁再一次强调无产阶级政党消亡的条件是社会已经进入共产主义社会的高级阶段。同时列宁在这里强调，俄国“刚处在从资本主义向社会主义即向共产主义低级阶段过渡的最初阶段”，这是一个符合俄国实际的看法，而且是一个以前的社会主义者不曾有过的新提法。马克思恩格斯过去指明，某国或某地域无产阶级革命胜利和无产阶级掌握政权后，其社会进入“过渡时期”。当“过渡时期”结束时，社会才进入共产主义社会的第一阶段或低级阶段。列宁这里则指明俄国现在处于“过渡时期”的“最初阶段”，意味着在他看来，过渡时期也有不同的阶段之分，由“最初阶段”继续向前，可能依次进入中级阶段、高级阶段，继而进入共产主义社会的第一阶段。这也说明，在列宁看来，“过渡时期”是一个很长的历史阶段。在整个过渡时期和共产主义社会的第一阶段，都必须坚持共产党对无产阶级以及全体人民事业的领导。

Lenin’s above-mentioned thought enriched and developed the ideas of Marx and Engels on the withering away of the state and the withering away of the party. Marx and Engels envisioned that after the proletariat seizes political power through revolution and establishes a new political power, it would enter a “transition period,” during which the dictatorship of the proletariat must be upheld, and the duration of this period would be a relatively short process. For example, Engels pointed out: changing the nature of ownership of the means of production and appropriating the means of production in the name of society is the “first act” taken by the proletarian state, and at the same time it is also the “last independent act” taken by the proletarian state; “thereupon the interference of the state power in social relations becomes superfluous in one sphere after another and then ceases of itself.” Here he says that eliminating capitalist private ownership and establishing public ownership of the means of production by the whole society is the first task of the proletarian state, and also its last task. Thus it appears that the dictatorship of the proletariat has only one task: to change the nature of ownership of the means of production and establish public ownership of the means of production by the whole society. Engels also said: “Once society has taken possession of the means of production, commodity production will be eliminated, and with it the domination of the product over the producer… The struggle for individual existence ceases. In this sense, man finally separates himself from the animal kingdom, and emerges from animal conditions of existence into truly human conditions of existence.” Thus it appears that changing the nature of ownership of the means of production and establishing public ownership of the means of production by the whole society is the key, primary, and sole task of the “transition period” or the dictatorship of the proletariat. After completing this task, the dictatorship of the proletariat, i.e., the proletarian state, will begin to wither away. When the dictatorship of the proletariat, as an instrument of the proletarian struggle, withers away, the proletarian party, as another instrument of the proletarian struggle, will also wither away accordingly. Clearly, Lenin’s thought on the necessity for the workers’ and peasants’ state to uphold the leadership of the Communist Party over a long period enriched and developed the above-mentioned ideas of Marx and Engels.

列宁的上述思想丰富和发展了马克思恩格斯关于国家消亡和政党消亡的思想。马克思恩格斯设想无产阶级通过革命夺取政权和建立新政权后进入“过渡时期”，这个时期必须坚持无产阶级专政，而且这个时期的存续是一个不太长的过程。如恩格斯指出：变革生产资料所有制的性质，以社会的名义占有生产资料，是无产阶级国家所采取的“第一个行动”，同时这也是无产阶级国家所采取的“最后一个独立行动”，“那时，国家政权对社会关系的干预在各个领域中将先后成为多余的事情而自行停止下来”。这里他说，消灭资本主义私有制和建立全社会占有生产资料的公有制，是无产阶级国家的第一个任务，同时也是它的最后一个任务。这样看来，无产阶级专政的任务只有一个，即改变生产资料所有制的性质，建立全社会占有生产资料的公有制。恩格斯还说：“一旦社会占有了生产资料，商品生产就将被消除，而产品对生产者的统治也将随之消除……个体生存斗争停止了。于是，人在一定意义上才最终地脱离了动物界，从动物的生存条件进入真正人的生存条件。”这样看来，改变生产资料所有制的性质，建立全社会占有生产资料的公有制是“过渡时期”的或者无产阶级专政的关键、第一位、唯一的任务。完成此任务后，无产阶级专政即无产阶级国家将走向消亡。在作为无产阶级斗争工具的无产阶级专政走向消亡时，作为无产阶级斗争的另一个工具的无产阶级政党也将随之走向消亡。显然，列宁关于工农国家必须长时期坚持共产党领导的思想，丰富和发展了马克思恩格斯的上述思想。

II. Lenin’s Thought on the Communist Party’s Leadership over All Undertakings of the Workers’ and Peasants’ State

二、列宁关于共产党领导工农国家各项事业的思想

After the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) became the ruling party, how to lead the construction of the new system, or in what aspects to lead the construction of the new system, was a question requiring diligent exploration. Lenin led the party in bold exploration and put forward important new ideas.

俄共（布）成为执政党后，如何领导新制度建设或者说从哪些方面领导新制度建设，是一个需要努力探索的问题。列宁领导党进行了大胆的探索，并提出了新的重要思想。

1. The Communist Party must lead the workers’ and peasants’ state and its state organs

1.共产党必须领导工农国家以及国家机关

The workers’ and peasants’ state is a political entity and political force where the workers and peasants are the masters. The workers’ and peasants’ state organs are a series of working organs that execute and implement the laws and decrees formulated by the state power, such as the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of Soviets of Workers’, Peasants’, and Red Army Deputies and its various specialized working committees, the local soviets’ executive committees at all levels and their various specialized working committees, the Council of People’s Commissars (i.e., the central government organ) and its related various working committees (at that time, there were no Councils of People’s Commissars at local levels). In Lenin’s view, the Communist Party must lead the workers’ and peasants’ state and all state organs. In November 1919, Russia faced the danger of subversion of the new political power by hostile forces at home and abroad, the threat of famine, and severe difficulties with fuel. Aiming to overcome these dangers and threats, Lenin, on behalf of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), issued a “circular letter” to party organizations at all levels. He pointed out: “Comrades! Our party is the organized vanguard of the proletariat; its task is to unite and lead the struggle of the working class for the victory of the workers’ and peasants’ Soviet power.” This judgment indicates that the struggle of the working class for the victory of consolidating the workers’ and peasants’ Soviet power must be carried out under the leadership of the Communist Party, because the Communist Party is the vanguard of the proletariat. This judgment clearly expresses the thought of the Communist Party leading the workers’ and peasants’ state. In the same period, in his political report at the Eighth Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), Lenin, when discussing the party’s tasks, pointed out that due to the brutal civil war and natural disasters, the strength of the Russian working class had been weakened, “but only the advanced section of the working class, only its vanguard, can lead its own country.” Here, what he refers to as the advanced section and vanguard of the working class is the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks). His meaning is that although the strength of the Russian working class had been weakened, the Communist Party still existed, still led the state, and it would certainly be able to lead the workers’ and peasants’ state out of its difficulties.

工农国家是工农当家作主的政治实体和政治力量。工农国家机关是执行和实施国家政权制定的法律、法令的一系列工作机关，如全俄工兵农代表苏维埃中央执行委员会以及分门类的各个工作委员会，地方各级苏维埃执行委员会以及分门类的各个工作委员会，人民委员会（即中央政府机关）以及相关的各个工作委员会（当时地方各层级没有人民委员会）。在列宁看来，共产党必须领导工农国家以及各个国家机关。1919年11月，俄国面临着国内外敌对势力颠覆新政权的危险，面临着饥荒的威胁，还面临着燃料的严重困难。着眼于战胜这些危险和威胁，列宁代表俄共（布）中央向各级党组织发出了“通告信”。他指出：“同志们！我们的党是有组织的无产阶级先锋队，它的任务是统一和领导工人阶级争取工农苏维埃政权胜利的斗争。”这个论断指明，工人阶级争取巩固工农苏维埃政权斗争的胜利，必须在共产党的领导下进行，因为共产党是无产阶级的先锋队。此论断明确表达了共产党领导工农国家的思想。同一时期，列宁在俄共（布）八大上的政治报告中论及党的任务时指出，由于残酷的国内战争和自然灾害，俄国工人阶级的力量受到削弱，“但是只有工人阶级的先进部分，只有工人阶级的先锋队，才能领导自己的国家”。在这里，他所说的工人阶级的先进部分和先锋队，就是指俄共（布）。他的意思是，虽然俄国工人阶级的力量受到了削弱，但是共产党依然存在，依然领导着国家，而且它一定能够领导工农国家走出困境。

In 1920, when discussing the organizational method of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) in his relevant writings, Lenin pointed out: “Our Party holds a congress once a year (at the most recent congress, one delegate was elected for every 1,000 Party members), and the congress elects a Central Committee of 19 members to lead the entire Party. The day-to-day work in Moscow is handled by smaller bodies, namely the so-called ‘Organizational Bureau’ and ‘Political Bureau’ elected by the plenary session of the Central Committee, each composed of 5 Central Committee members… No state organ in our republic can decide any major political or organizational question without the directives of the Party Central Committee.” This assertion, first, emphasized the important role and great authority of the Party congress, the Central Committee elected by it, and the Political Bureau and Organizational Bureau elected by the Central Committee in leading the entire Party; second, it emphasized the important role and great authority of the Communist Party in leading the workers’ and peasants’ state and its various state organs. He said that deciding and resolving any major political or organizational question must obtain the directives of the Party Central Committee. So-called major political questions refer to questions of the direction, strategy, and supporting forces of national development. So-called major organizational questions refer to the establishment of high-level leading bodies and leading positions, the selection and appointment of high-level leaders, and so forth. The above questions can only be resolved under the leadership of the Communist Party Central Committee. This assertion and thought of Lenin constitute a serious, solemn, profound, and very specific elaboration of the thought that the Communist Party leads the workers’ and peasants’ state and its state organs. It conformed to the actual situation of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) at the time, and also conforms to the general laws of the leadership mechanism of a state where the Communist Party holds power, especially the operation of the high-level leadership mechanism.

1920年列宁在有关著作中论及俄共（布）的组织方式时指出：“我们党每年召开一次代表大会（最近一次代表大会，每1000个党员选代表1人参加），由大会选出19人组成中央委员会领导全党，而且在莫斯科主持日常工作的则是更小的集体，即由中央全会选出的所谓‘组织局’和‘政治局’，各由5名中央委员组成……我们共和国的任何一个国家机关没有党中央的指示，都不得决定任何一个重大的政治问题或组织问题。”这个论断，一是强调了党的代表大会以及由它选举产生的党的中央委员会和党的中央委员会选举产生的政治局、组织局对于领导全党的重要作用和重大权威，二是强调了共产党对于领导工农国家及其各个国家机关的重要作用和重大权威。他说，决定和解决任何一个重大的政治问题和组织问题，必须得到党中央的指示。所谓重大的政治问题，指国家发展的方向性问题、战略性问题和依靠力量的问题。所谓重大的组织问题，指高层领导机构和领导职务的设置、高层领导人的选拔和任命，等等。上述这些问题只能在共产党中央委员会的领导下予以解决。列宁的这一论断及思想，是对共产党领导工农国家以及国家机关思想的严肃的、郑重的、深刻的、十分具体的阐述。它符合俄共（布）当时的实际，也符合共产党执掌政权的国家领导机制尤其是高层领导机制运行的一般规律。

In the spring of 1921, the Tenth Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) made the decision to end the policy of War Communism and implement the New Economic Policy. The main measures included replacing grain requisitioning with a grain tax, permitting free trade within local areas (which developed into state regulation of commercial activities after October of that year), supporting the development of small private urban industrial enterprises, and implementing forms of state capitalism such as the concession system and the leasing system. In his report to the Tenth Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), when discussing the necessity of implementing the above policies and measures, Lenin proposed: “Our Party is a ruling party, and the decisions adopted by the Party congress are binding on the entire republic.” Lenin’s emphasis on this issue was due to his consideration that with the implementation of the New Economic Policy, various negative opinions that did not understand or even opposed the new policy would continuously arise (for example, with the implementation of the New Economic Policy, some within the Party and among the ranks of the workers said that capitalist economic factors had revived and the fruits of the October Revolution would be lost; implementing the concession system allowed foreign capitalists to operate enterprises in Russia, but Russian workers could not bear exploitation by foreign capitalists again). He made it clear that the entire republic must implement the resolutions adopted by the Tenth Party Congress and must earnestly implement the New Economic Policy. This was determined by the nature, role, and authority of the Communist Party. Since the entire republic must abide by the Party’s resolutions, then every Party member and Party cadre, every state power worker, and every worker and peasant, without exception, must abide by the Party’s resolutions. This thought is the thought that the Communist Party must lead the workers’ and peasants’ state, state organs, and the entire masses of the people.

1921年春，俄共（布）十大作出决定，结束军事共产主义政策，实施新经济政策。主要措施包括用粮食税制取代粮食征集制，允许地方范围内自由贸易（当年10月后发展成国家调节商业活动），支持城市私人小工业企业的发展，实行租让制和租赁制等形式的国家资本主义。列宁在俄共（布）十大报告中论及必须实施上述政策和措施时提出，“我们的党是一个执政党，党的代表大会所通过的决定，对于整个共和国都是必须遵守的”。列宁对这个问题的强调，是他考虑到随着新经济政策的实施，各种对新政策不理解甚至反对的消极言论将不断产生（如随着新经济政策的实施，党内以及工人群众队伍中有人说，资本主义经济因素已经复活，十月革命的成果将丧失；实行租让制使外国资本家来俄国经营企业，可是俄国工人不堪再遭受外国资本家的剥削）。他指明整个共和国都要执行党的十大通过的决议，都要认真实施新经济政策，这是由共产党的性质、作用和权威所决定的。既然整个共和国都要遵守党的决议，那么每个党员和党的干部，每个国家政权工作人员，每个工人和农民毫无例外地都要遵守党的决议。这个思想是共产党必须领导工农国家、国家机关和全体人民群众的思想。

2. The Communist Party Must Lead the Work of Developing the Economy of the Workers’ and Peasants’ State

2.共产党必须领导工农国家发展经济的工作

After the end of the civil war, Russia’s primary task was to restore and develop the national economy. However, serious differences of opinion arose within the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) on how to restore and develop the national economy, especially on which body should lead economic work. The Trotskyist faction advocated the “nationalization” of trade unions, that is, merging the state economic organs of different industrial sectors with the trade union organizations, with the merged body exercising the functions of economic management, meaning this body would lead the state’s economic work. They also suggested “purging” the trade union organizations, placing people skilled at “tightening nuts,” that is, those accustomed to advancing work through coercive commands, into trade union leadership positions, militarizing trade union work. The “Workers’ Opposition” advocated the “unionization of the state,” that is, making the state’s economic work organs subordinate to trade union organizations and handing over the power to manage the national economy to an All-Russian Congress of Producers. They denied the leading role of the Communist Party and state power organs in economic work. Their proposal was essentially anarcho-syndicalism. The “Democratic Centralists” also opposed the Communist Party leading the state’s economic work, advocating that the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the National Economy (the organ leading the economic work of the workers’ and peasants’ state) be elected by the trade unions, and that their chosen candidates must be accepted unconditionally.

国内战争结束后，俄国首要的任务是恢复和发展国民经济。然而俄共（布）内部就如何恢复和发展国民经济尤其是由什么机构来领导经济工作产生了严重的意见分歧。托洛茨基派主张工会“国家化”，即主张按照类别不同的各个工业部门将国家的经济机关同工会组织合并，由合并后的机构实施经济管理的职能，也就是说由这个机构来领导国家的经济工作。他们还建议对工会组织进行“整刷”，把善于“拧紧螺母”的人即习惯于以强制命令的方式推进工作的人放到工会领导岗位上，使工会工作军事化。“工人反对派”主张“国家工会化”，即主张国家的经济工作机关服从于工会组织，把管理国民经济的权力交给全俄生产者代表大会。他们否定共产党和国家政权机关在经济工作中的领导作用。他们的主张实质上是无政府工团主义。“民主集中派”也反对共产党领导国家经济工作，主张由工会推选最高国民经济委员会主席团（工农国家领导经济工作的机关），而且他们推选的候选人必须被无条件接受。

In the process of criticizing the erroneous views of the above factions, Lenin elaborated the thought that the Communist Party should lead and manage economic work. For instance, in his report at a relevant meeting at the time, he proposed: “To manage, one needs a large army of tempered communist revolutionaries; such an army exists, and that is the Party.” In Lenin’s view, the ranks of the Communist Party had been tempered and tested over a long period; the Communist Party must lead the economic work of the workers’ and peasants’ state. When criticizing Trotsky’s proposal for the “nationalization of trade unions,” he said that the state is a sphere of coercion, and although coercion is necessary during the transition period, trade union organizations must never be allowed to participate in the sphere of coercion. He also pointed out that trade unions are a school, a school for young people to learn the basic knowledge of communism, a school for workers to learn economic management, social management, and state management, and also a link for the Party to connect with the worker masses. Then he said: “The Party, on the other hand, is the directly ruling vanguard of the proletariat; it is the leader.” The thought Lenin expressed here is that neither the state power nor the trade union organizations are the leaders of the state’s economic work. The Communist Party is the vanguard of the proletariat; it holds state power and is the leader of the state’s economic work. During this period, in his speeches at relevant meetings, when discussing the significance of ending the policy of War Communism and implementing the new policy, Lenin said: The Party and the people should bid farewell to the past, throw themselves into genuine economic construction, and transform the Party’s work according to the changed tasks, “so that the Party can lead the Soviet economic construction, achieve practical results, and conduct propaganda more by deeds and less by words.” This already indicates that the Communist Party can and must lead the economic work of the workers’ and peasants’ state and achieve results. In November 1921, in his speech at a relevant meeting, when discussing that the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) must lead commercial accounting and doing business, Lenin said: “Now we must engage in this. Why? Because we are leading and must lead economic construction. Economic construction compels us not only to resort to such unpleasant means as leasing but also to engage in the nasty business of doing business.” During the same period, Lenin wrote in a relevant article that historical events manifest as a chain with many links, “and among the various transitional forms of our socialist construction in 1921–1922, commerce is precisely the link that our proletarian state power, our leading Communist Party ‘must grasp with all its might’.”

列宁在批评上述各个派别错误观点的过程中，阐述了由共产党领导和管理经济工作的思想。如他当时在有关会议上的报告中提出：“要管理，就需要有一支经过锻炼的共产主义革命者的大军，这样的大军是有的，这就是党。”在列宁看来，共产党的队伍是经过长时期锻炼和考验的，必须由共产党领导工农国家的经济工作。他在批评托洛茨基关于“工会国家化”的主张时说，国家是实行强制的领域，虽然在过渡时期实行强制是必要的，但是决不能让工会组织参与实施强制的领域。他还指出，工会是一所学校，是青年人学习共产主义基本知识的学校，是工人学习经济管理、社会管理、国家管理的学校，也是党同工人群众实现联系的纽带。接着他说：“党呢，党是直接执政的无产阶级先锋队，是领导者。”这里列宁表达的思想是，国家政权和工会组织都不是国家经济工作的领导者。共产党是无产阶级的先锋队，它执掌着国家政权，是国家经济工作的领导者。在这个时期，列宁在有关会议上的讲话中论及结束军事共产主义政策和实行新政策的意义时说：党和人民应当同过去诀别，投入真正的经济建设，要根据任务的变化改造党的工作，“使党能够领导苏维埃的经济建设，取得实际的成就，并且多用行动少用言语来进行宣传”。这里已经指明共产党能够而且必须领导工农国家的经济工作并取得成就。1921年11月，列宁在有关会议上的讲话中讲到俄共（布）必须领导进行商业核算和做买卖时说：“现在我们必须搞这一套。为什么呢？因为我们正在领导而且必须领导经济建设。经济建设促使我们不仅需要采取出租这种不愉快的手段，而且需要搞做买卖这套讨厌的玩意儿。”同一时期，列宁在有关文章中写道，历史事变表现为一根链条，它有许多环节，“在1921—1922年我国社会主义建设的各种过渡形式中，商业正是我们无产阶级国家政权、我们居于领导地位的共产党‘必须全力抓住的环节’”。

Lenin’s above assertions, indicating that the Communist Party is the “leading” Party, that it must lead economic construction, and that it must grasp with all its might the link of developing commerce, profoundly express his thought that the Communist Party must lead the work of developing the economy of the workers’ and peasants’ state.

列宁的上述论断，指明共产党是“居于领导地位”的党，它必须领导经济建设，必须全力抓住发展商业的环节，深刻地表达了他关于共产党必须领导工农国家发展经济工作的思想。

3. The Communist Party Must Lead the Cultural and Educational Work of the Workers’ and Peasants’ State

3.共产党必须领导工农国家的文化教育工作

At the time of the victory of the October Revolution, Russia was a country where the vast majority of the population was illiterate. To carry out socialist construction, this situation had to be changed first, and it could be changed relatively quickly only under the leadership of the Communist Party. In response to this, Lenin put forward the idea that the Communist Party must lead the cultural and educational work of the workers’ and peasants’ state. In 1919, when drafting the Programme of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), Lenin wrote: “In the sphere of public education, the Russian Communist Party sets itself the task of completing the work begun by the October Revolution of 1917, namely, of transforming the school from an instrument of class rule by the bourgeoisie into an instrument for the destruction of that rule and for the complete abolition of the class division of society.” [5]5 V. I. Lenin, “Draft Programme of the R.C.P.(B.),” *Collected Works*, Vol. 29, p. 110. (Translator’s note: The English text of the quotation is from the Progress Publishers edition, Moscow, 1965.) Here, he had already indicated that developing public education was a task of the Party. Because this undertaking was a continuation of the October Revolution, it was a matter of whether the school could be transformed into an instrument of the dictatorship of the proletariat and into an instrument for abolishing the class division of society, and whether the school could train successive cohorts of builders of the new society. It is evident that he had already put forward the idea of the Communist Party leading cultural and educational work. During the same period, in his speech at the First All-Russian Congress on Adult Education, Lenin said: “Since we call ourselves the Communist Party, we must understand that only now, when we have cleared away the external obstacles and destroyed the old system … we should finally take the correct path to overcome the phenomena of lack of culture, ignorance and boorishness that have always caused us so much suffering.” [6]6 V. I. Lenin, “Speech at the First All-Russian Congress on Adult Education,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 29, p. 338. (Translator’s note: English text from the Progress Publishers edition, Moscow, 1965.) His meaning was that the Soviet government had already driven out the foreign armed interventionists and had already destroyed the old political system, so cultural and educational work — that is, the important work that could free the people from the conditions of lack of culture, ignorance and boorishness — should be placed on the agenda. He pointed out that the Communist Party should understand how to do this work, that is, he believed the Communist Party should lead and must lead this work. In his speech at this congress, he also said that leading organs at all levels should set about doing the simple and urgent task of eliminating illiteracy, should make use of existing books, and should use every available book to promote cultural and educational work, “this small matter reflects the fundamental task of our revolution.”

十月革命胜利时的俄国，是一个文盲占人口绝大多数的国家。进行社会主义建设，必须首先改变这种状况，而只有在共产党的领导下，才能较快地改变这种状况。针对此，列宁提出共产党必须领导工农国家文化教育事业的思想。1919年列宁在起草《俄共（布）纲领草案》时写道：“在国民教育方面，俄共给自己提出的任务是：把1917年十月革命时开始的事业进行到底，即把学校由资产阶级的阶级统治工具变为摧毁这种统治和完全消灭社会阶级划分的工具。”在这里，他已经指明，发展国民教育是党的任务。因为这项事业是十月革命的继续，是能不能把学校改变成无产阶级专政的工具和改变成消灭社会阶级划分工具的事业，是能不能使学校培养一批批新社会建设者的事业。可见，他已经提出了共产党领导文化教育事业的思想。同一时期，列宁在全俄社会教育第一次代表大会上的讲话中说：“既然我们叫做共产党，我们就应当懂得，只有现在，当我们清除了外部障碍、摧毁了旧制度的时候……我们总该走上一条正确的道路，来战胜那些一直使我们身受其苦的不文明、愚昧和粗野的现象。”他的意思是，苏维埃政权已经赶走了外国武装干涉者，已经摧毁了旧的政治制度，所以应该把文化教育工作即可以使人民摆脱不文明、愚昧和粗野状况的重要工作提上日程。他指出，共产党应该懂得做这方面的工作，即认为共产党应该领导和必须领导这方面的工作。他在这次会议上的讲话中还说，各级领导机关应当把扫除文盲这一简单而迫切的事情着手做起来，应当利用现有的书籍，利用现有的每一本书，来促进文化教育工作，“这件小事情反映出我国革命的基本任务”。

After entering the period of the New Economic Policy, Lenin advocated combining political education with cultural education. In his report at the Second All-Russian Congress of Political Education Committees, he pointed out: “As a result of the New Economic Policy, the idea must be constantly propagated that political education must necessarily raise the level of culture. The level of culture must be raised through the ability to read and write, and the peasants must be enabled to use their literacy to improve their farming and the condition of their country.” [7]7 V. I. Lenin, “The New Economic Policy and the Tasks of the Political Education Departments,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 33, p. 60. (Translator’s note: English text from the Progress Publishers edition, Moscow, 1966.) In his thinking, both political education and cultural education were undertakings led by the Communist Party, so there were the conditions and the justification to do this work well in order to promote the progress of economic work. At this congress, Lenin also pointed out: at that time, bureaucratic phenomena had emerged within the Party; some leading cadres within the Party had become infected with red tape; some people in positions of power were also taking bribes; and it was necessary to struggle against such phenomena. “The entire work of the political education committees should be adapted to this aim. Illiteracy must be eliminated, of course, but literacy alone is not enough; what is needed is a cultural level that can teach people to struggle against red tape and bribe-taking. Red tape and bribe-taking are ailments that no military victory or political reform can cure. In fact, these ailments cannot be cured by military victory or political reform; they can only be cured by raising the level of culture. This task falls on the shoulders of the political education committees.” [8]8 Ibid., p. 61. Here, Lenin believed that it was necessary to struggle against red tape and bribe-taking through the Party-led work of political education and cultural education. Military struggle and political change could not eliminate red tape and bribe-taking, but carrying out political education and cultural education could raise the level of civilization of the whole society and the ideological and political quality of Party members and cadres, and could reduce and eliminate red tape and bribe-taking. Clearly, this aspect of his thinking was also the idea that the Party must lead and must do a good job of political education and cultural education.

进入新经济政策时期以后，列宁主张把政治教育和文化教育结合起来。他在全俄政治教育委员会第二次代表大会上的报告中指出：“由于实行新经济政策，应当不断宣传这样一种思想：政治教育务必要能提高文化水平。应当用读和写的本领来提高文化水平，应当使农民有可能用读写本领来改进自己的经营和改善自己国家的状况。”在他的思想中，政治教育和文化教育都是共产党领导的事业，所以有条件、有理由把这两方面的工作做好，以促进经济工作的进展。列宁在这次会议上还指出：当下党内出现了官僚主义现象，党内有的领导者沾染了拖拉作风，有些掌握权力的人还贪污受贿，必须同这类现象作斗争。“应当使政治教育委员会的全部工作都适应这个目的。文盲固然应当扫除，但仅仅识字还不够，还要有能教人们同拖拉作风和贪污受贿行为作斗争的文化素养。拖拉作风和贪污受贿行为是任何军事胜利和政治改革都无法治好的毛病。说实在的，这种毛病靠军事胜利和政治改革是治不好的，只有用提高文化的办法才能治好。这项任务就落在政治教育委员会的肩上了。”在这里，列宁认为，必须通过党领导的政治教育工作和文化教育工作同拖拉作风和贪污受贿行为作斗争。以军事斗争和政治变革的方式不可以消除拖拉作风和贪污受贿行为，但进行政治教育和文化教育可以提高全社会的文明水平和党员干部的思想政治素质，可以减少和消除拖拉作风和贪污受贿行为。显然，他这方面的思想也是党必须领导和必须做好政治教育工作和文化教育工作的思想。

During the 11th Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), Lenin proposed that leading cadres at all levels of the Party must greatly improve their cultural quality and their ability to manage economic work. At that time, the New Economic Policy had been implemented for one year, and in the sphere of industrial production, Communist Party leaders were engaged in fierce competition with the capitalists. For enterprises implementing state capitalism, Party organizations sent Party cadres to participate in their management. In these enterprises, Party leaders were competing with the enterprise owners in economic work. Because the Party cadres had a low cultural level and poor management skills, they were very passive in their work. For example, some enterprise owners pushed the Party leaders to the front as a shield, while they themselves hid behind and engaged in illegal activities. In his report to the 11th Party Congress, Lenin pointed out that we knew very well what was lacking, “the Communists who are doing the managing lack culture.” [9]9 V. I. Lenin, “Political Report of the Central Committee of the R.C.P.(B.) to the Eleventh Congress of the R.C.P.(B.),” *Collected Works*, Vol. 33, p. 288. (Translator’s note: English text from the Progress Publishers edition, Moscow, 1966.) He pointed out that the ability of the Communist Party members playing a leading role in economic work was inferior to that of the old shop assistants. “We must start learning from the beginning. If we realize this, we will pass the examination, and this is a severe examination being held by the looming financial crisis, a severe examination being held by the Russian and international markets, to which we are subject and with which we have indissoluble ties. This is a severe examination, because in this examination we may be defeated economically and politically.” [10]10 Ibid., p. 289. This was Lenin’s call at the Party congress to all Communist Party members and Party cadres to study, raise their cultural level and management skills, and pass the severe examination.

在俄共（布）十一大期间，列宁提出，党的各级领导者必须大大提高文化素质和管理经济工作的本领。此时，新经济政策已经实施一年，在工业生产领域里共产党的领导者正在同资本家进行着激烈的竞赛。对于实施国家资本主义的企业，党组织派来党的干部参与其管理。在这些企业，党的领导者同企业主在经济工作中进行着竞赛。由于党的干部文化素质低和管理本领差，在工作中十分被动。如有的企业主将党的领导者推到前面做挡箭牌，自己躲在后面干违法的勾当。列宁在党的十一大报告中指出，我们十分清楚缺少什么东西，“做管理工作的那些共产党员缺少文化”。他指出：在经济工作中起领导作用的共产党员的本领比旧店员的本领差。“应当从头学起。如果我们意识到这一点，那我们考试就能及格，这是日益逼近的财政危机举行的一场严峻的考试，是俄国和国际的市场举行的一场考试，我们受制于这个市场，同它有割不断的联系。这是一场严峻的考试，因为在这场考试中人家可能在经济上和政治上击败我们。”这是列宁在党的代表大会上向全体共产党员和党的干部提出的进行学习和提高文化水平、管理本领并通过严峻考试的号召。

Lenin proposed that a cultural revolution must be carried out in Russia, especially in the Russian countryside. He suggested that urban Party branches establish stable ties with rural Party branches, so that urban Party branches could assist rural Party branches in advancing cultural construction. Given the advantages of urban areas over rural areas in terms of conditions, urban Party branches had a superior foundation and conditions for work; therefore, the support of urban Party branches for the cultural construction of rural Party branches was one of the methods he proposed for this work. On this point, Lenin asked: “Is it possible to ‘assign’ all the urban branches to the various rural branches, so that each workers’ branch ‘assigned’ to a corresponding rural branch constantly pays attention to using every opportunity, every occasion, to satisfy the various cultural needs of its brother branch?” [11]11 V. I. Lenin, “Pages from a Diary,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 33, p. 467. (Translator’s note: English text from the Progress Publishers edition, Moscow, 1966.) He affirmed this and demanded that it be carried out seriously. From this, it can also be seen that, in Lenin’s view, promoting cultural work and ideological education through the active work of grassroots Party branches reflected his idea that cultural work and ideological education must be led by the Communist Party.

列宁提出，必须在俄国进行一场文化革命，特别是要在俄国农村深入地开展这场文化革命。他建议城市中的党支部与农村的党支部建立稳定的联系，以便城市党支部能够协助农村党支部推进文化建设。鉴于城市相较于农村在条件上的优势，城市党支部在工作基础和条件上更为优越，因此，城市党支部对农村党支部的文化建设提供支持，是他针对这项工作提出的办法之一。列宁就此提出：“能不能做到把所有的城市支部都‘分配’给各农村支部，使每一个‘分配’给相应的农村支部的工人支部经常注意利用一切机会、一切场合，来满足自己的兄弟支部的各种文化需求呢？”对此他予以肯定，要求认真做下去。由此也可以看出，在列宁看来，通过基层党支部的积极工作推进文化工作和思想教育工作，体现了他关于文化工作和思想教育工作必须由共产党领导的思想。

Lenin also proposed that the Party’s leadership over work in philosophy and the social sciences must be upheld. At that time in Russia, there was a magazine promoting Marxism, that is, promoting the Party’s ideology, called Under the Banner of Marxism, which carried out its work under the leadership of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks). Among the authors of this magazine were many Communist Party members and also many non-Party members. These two groups worked together, forming an alliance between Communist and non-Party authors. In his article “On the Significance of Militant Materialism” in March 1922, Lenin pointed out: “I think that this alliance of Communists and non-Communists is absolutely necessary … The vanguard can fulfill its task as vanguard only when it does not become detached from the masses it leads and truly leads the whole mass forward.” [12]12 V. I. Lenin, “On the Significance of Militant Materialism,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 33, p. 230. (Translator’s note: English text from the Progress Publishers edition, Moscow, 1966.) In his view, the above-mentioned “alliance” meant that Communist authors influenced non-Party authors and united with them to do the work well. On this matter, he also indicated that in the work of philosophy and the social sciences and in ideological work, the Communist Party was also the vanguard, precisely because it did not detach itself from the masses around it and closely united with the masses around it, always walking ahead of the masses in work practice, playing a leading and guiding role. This reflected Lenin’s idea that the Communist Party must lead ideological work and must lead work in philosophy and the social sciences.

列宁还提出，必须坚持党对哲学社会科学工作的领导。当时的俄国，有一份宣传马克思主义即宣传党的意识形态的杂志，名为《在马克思主义旗帜下》，是在俄共（布）领导下开展工作的杂志。这份杂志的作者队伍中有许多共产党员，也有许多非党员。这两部分人在一起工作，形成了共产党员作者同非党员作者之间的联盟。列宁1922年3月在《论战斗唯物主义的意义》一文中指出：“我认为，共产党员和非共产党员的这种联盟是绝对必要的……先锋队只有当它不脱离自己领导的群众并真正引导全体群众前进时，才能完成其先锋队的任务。”在他看来，上述“联盟”意味着共产党员作者影响非党员作者，并且团结非党员作者一起做好工作。他就此事还指明，在哲学社会科学工作和意识形态工作中共产党也是先锋队，这是因为它不脱离自己周围的群众并且紧密团结周围的群众，在工作实践中始终走在群众的前面，起领导和引导的作用。这体现了列宁关于共产党领导意识形态工作和领导哲学社会科学工作的思想。

4. The Communist Party Must Lead the Diplomatic Work and Foreign Trade Work of the Workers’ and Peasants’ State

4.共产党必须领导工农国家的外交工作和对外贸易工作

When the October Revolution was victorious and the workers’ and peasants’ state was established, the First World War, in which the Western powers were carving up the world, was still ongoing, and Germany and Russia remained in a state of war. Lenin had previously held a view, and now emphasized it even more, that this was a war for the imperialist redivision of the world, and that the Communist Party and the proletariat should not support, let alone participate in, the war. At the same time, because Russia had exhausted its national strength during the period of the tsarist government and the bourgeois Provisional Government, it was incapable of continuing the war. Moreover, the troops at the front were the armies of the former tsarist government or the bourgeois Provisional Government; they would not obey the command of the workers’ and peasants’ regime, the Red Army had not yet been established, and the workers’ and peasants’ regime was absolutely in no condition to continue the war against Germany. Even more importantly, to consolidate the workers’ and peasants’ regime, it was necessary to withdraw from the war and gain a breathing space. Consequently, the Russian workers’ and peasants’ state sent a delegation to negotiate with the German delegation in order to conclude a peace treaty and withdraw from the war. However, because the German delegation put forward predatory conditions, some petty-bourgeois political factions within Russia opposed accepting the conditions and signing the peace treaty, and a group within the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) formed the “Left Communist” faction, which also opposed signing the peace treaty. Lenin insisted on the Party’s leadership over this work, upheld the Party’s political and organizational principles, and pushed the work forward. On January 8, 1918, at a meeting of the Party Central Committee, Lenin read out his own “Theses on the Question of the Immediate Conclusion of a Separate and Annexationist Peace,” drafted on behalf of the Party, demanding the immediate signing of a peace treaty with Germany. On January 11, at a meeting of the Party Central Committee, Lenin delivered three speeches criticizing the proposal for an immediate war against Germany and emphasizing the importance of signing the peace treaty. On February 18 of the same year, at a meeting of the Party Central Committee, Lenin delivered a speech emphasizing that the workers’ and peasants’ regime was not prepared for war and that the peace treaty should be signed. On February 19, at a meeting of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) faction within the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, Lenin delivered a speech pointing out that Russia had no other way out but to immediately sign the peace treaty. On February 23, at a meeting of the Party Central Committee, Lenin spoke eight times, emphasizing the urgency and importance of signing the peace treaty. This meeting passed, by a majority vote, the resolution proposed by Lenin on behalf of the Party Central Committee for the immediate signing of the peace treaty. In March of the same year, the Seventh (Emergency) Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) was held. In his report to the congress, Lenin discussed the great significance of signing the peace treaty and withdrawing from the war. He also drafted documents on behalf of the congress, such as the “Resolution on War and Peace,” the “Supplementary Remarks to the Resolution on War and Peace,” and the “Proposals for the Resolution on War and Peace.” The practice of the Russian workers’ and peasants’ state signing a peace treaty with Germany was the first attempt at diplomatic work by a workers’ and peasants’ state in the history of socialism. Viewed from the process of practice, Lenin and the Party Central Committee led the entire process of the work. It vividly embodied Lenin’s thought that the Communist Party must lead the diplomatic work of the workers’ and peasants’ state.

十月革命胜利和工农国家建立时，西方列强瓜分世界的第一次世界大战仍在进行中，德国同俄国间仍处于战争状态。列宁之前就持有一种观点，且现在更强调这种观点，即这是一场帝国主义重新瓜分世界的战争，共产党以及无产阶级不应支持更不应参与战争。同时，由于俄国在沙皇政府时期和资产阶级临时政府时期已经耗尽国力，无力继续进行战争，且前线的军队是前沙皇政府的军队或资产阶级临时政府的军队，它们不会服从工农政权的指挥，红军尚未建立，工农政权绝无条件继续对德国进行战争。更由于巩固工农政权必须退出战争，获取喘息之机。于是俄国工农国家派出代表团，同德国代表团谈判，以图签订和约，退出战争。可是由于德国代表团提出掠夺性的条件，俄国国内的一些小资产阶级政治派别反对接受条件和签订和约，俄共（布）内一部分人组成“左派共产主义者”集团，也反对签订和约。列宁坚持党对这项工作的领导，坚持党的政治原则和组织原则，推进此项工作。1918年1月8日，列宁在党中央委员会会议上宣读了他自己代表党拟定的《关于立刻缔结单独的兼并性和约问题的提纲》，要求立即签订对德国的和约。1月11日，列宁在党中央委员会会议上先后三次发表讲话，批评马上对德国进行战争的主张，强调签订和约的重要性。同年2月18日，列宁在党中央委员会会议上发表讲话，强调工农政权没有作好战争的准备，应该签订和约。2月19日，列宁在全俄中央执行委员会俄共（布）党团会议上发表讲话，指明俄国没有别的出路，只有立刻签订和约。2月23日，列宁在党的中央委员会会议上先后八次发言，强调签订和约的紧迫性和重要性。这次会议以多数票通过了列宁代表党中央提出的关于立刻签订和约的决议。同年3月，俄共（布）第七次（紧急）代表大会举行，列宁在大会报告中论述了签订和约与退出战争的重大意义。他还代表大会起草了《关于战争与和平的决议》《对关于战争与和平的决议的补充》《关于战争与和平的决议的建议》等文件。俄国工农国家对德国签订和约的实践，是社会主义史上工农国家进行外交工作的第一次尝试。从实践的过程看，列宁以及党中央领导了工作的全过程。它鲜明地体现了列宁关于共产党必须领导工农国家的外交工作的思想。

Given that some Western countries planned to hold an international economic conference in Genoa (a city in Italy) between April and May 1922, the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and the workers’ and peasants’ government decided to send a delegation to attend the conference. Lenin attached great importance to this conference and demanded that the Party Central Committee strengthen its leadership over the work of the Russian government delegation. In his report to the Party’s Eleventh Congress in March of that year, he pointed out: “Our Central Committee has very carefully arranged to form a delegation including our best diplomats (we now have a considerable number of Soviet diplomats, unlike in the early days of the Soviet Republic). Our Central Committee has drawn up very detailed instructions for our diplomats going to Genoa. We spent a long time drafting these instructions and discussed them repeatedly.” This statement shows that the preparatory work of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) for participating in this conference included forming a delegation composed of excellent diplomats, drafting specific instructions on how the delegation should carry out its work, and the Party’s congress seriously discussing these instructions. It is thus evident that Lenin advocated that the Party Central Committee strengthen its leadership over this work and over the work of the Russian delegation. Moreover, from a practical perspective, the Party Central Committee had already completed the above-mentioned aspects of the work, demonstrating that it had indeed led this work. In his report to the Eleventh Party Congress, Lenin also said that some comrades attending the congress did not know much about the situation of the Genoa Conference and the work of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) in this regard, but they wished to know more; they could form a committee and obtain materials on this matter from the Party organs. This is what he meant when he said: “Needless to say, those comrades who wish to study this question in greater detail and are not satisfied with the list of the delegation published in the newspapers can elect a committee or a group to acquaint themselves with all the Central Committee’s materials, letters and instructions.” By allowing more comrades attending the Party congress to understand the situation of the Genoa Conference and the Party’s work in this regard, Lenin’s intention was to facilitate the Party Central Committee in passing relevant resolutions more smoothly and strengthening its leadership over this work more effectively. In his report to the Eleventh Party Congress, Lenin, on behalf of the Party, provided strategic guidance to the Russian delegation attending the Genoa Conference. He said that in the bourgeois world, there was one camp keen on war and striving to solve problems by force, and another camp inclined towards pacifism, i.e., advocating solving problems by non-war means. The Russian delegation went to Genoa as businessmen. Whether they dealt with representatives of the bourgeois camp enamored with solving problems by force or with representatives of the bourgeois camp inclined towards pacifism naturally made a difference. “If a businessman cannot grasp this distinction and adapt his tactics to the situation in order to achieve his practical aims, he is a poor businessman.” His meaning was that one must carefully and correctly identify different factions within the international hostile forces and exploit the contradictions between them to achieve the goal of safeguarding the interests of the workers’ and peasants’ state. The Russian delegation worked hard in accordance with the strategic guidelines of Lenin and the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks). On April 16, 1922, the Russian delegation and the German delegation signed an agreement embodying understanding and cooperation between the two countries. The agreement contained the following provisions: both sides mutually renounced claims for compensation for war costs and war losses; Germany no longer demanded that the Soviet government compensate for losses from the nationalization of German private and public property; the two countries immediately reestablished diplomatic and consular relations; and the two countries would promote economic and trade cooperation based on the most-favored-nation treatment principle. This treaty was a major achievement of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) in leading diplomatic work and a great victory for the diplomatic work of the Russian workers’ and peasants’ government.

鉴于西方一些国家拟于1922年4月至5月间在热那亚（意大利的城市）举行国际经济会议，俄共（布）和工农政府决定派代表团出席会议。列宁重视此次会议，要求党中央加强对俄国政府代表团工作的领导。他在当年3月党的十一大报告中指出：“我们中央已经十分精心地设法组成一个有我国优秀外交家参加的代表团（现在我们已有相当数量的苏维埃外交家，和苏维埃共和国初期不同了）。我们中央委员会给我国去热那亚的外交家拟定了十分详细的指示。我们花了很长时间草拟这些指示，而且反复讨论过。”这一论述说明，俄共（布）为参与此次会议所作的准备工作，包括成立了一个由优秀的外交家组成的代表团，拟定了对代表团如何开展工作的具体的指示，并且党的会议认真地讨论了这些指示。由此可见，列宁主张党中央加强对这项工作的领导和加强对俄国代表团工作的领导。而且从实践上看，党中央已然做好了上述几方面的工作，表明已经切切实实地领导了此项工作。列宁在党的十一大报告中还说，出席党的十一大的有些同志，对热那亚会议的情况和俄共（布）关于这方面工作的情况了解不多，但他们希望有更多的了解，那么他们可以组成一个委员会，向党的机关索取这方面的材料。这就是他所说的：“不用说，那些希望更详细了解这个问题、看了报上公布的代表团名单还不满足的同志，可以选出一个委员会或一个小组来了解中央的所有材料、信件和指示。”他让出席党的代表大会的同志更多地了解热那亚会议的情况和党关于这方面工作的情况，意图是通过让更多的同志了解这方面的情况，以利于党中央能更顺利地通过相关的决议、更有力地加强对此项工作的领导。在党的十一大报告中，列宁代表党向出席热那亚会议的俄国代表团进行了策略方针的指导。他说，在资产阶级世界里，有一个热衷于进行战争、力图以武力解决问题的阵营，还有一个倾心于和平主义的阵营，即主张以非战争的方式解决问题的阵营。俄国代表团以商人的身份到热那亚去，是同醉心于以武力解决问题的资产阶级阵营的代表打交道，还是同倾心于和平主义的资产阶级阵营的代表打交道，这当然是有区别的。“如果一个商人不善于掌握这种区别，不能使自己的策略适应这种情况来达到实际目的，那他就是个蹩脚的商人。”他的意思是，要细心地、正确地认识国际敌对势力中不同的派别，利用他们之间的矛盾，达到维护工农国家利益的目的。俄国代表团按照列宁和俄共（布）的策略方针努力开展工作。1922年4月16日，俄国代表团和德国代表团签订了体现两国间谅解和合作的协定。协定包含以下条款：双方互相放弃寻求战争费用及战争损失赔偿的权利；德国不再要求苏维埃政府赔偿德国的公私财产被国有化的损失；两国立即重建外交和领事联系；两国将根据最惠国待遇原则促进经济和贸易合作。此条约是俄共（布）领导外交工作所取得的重大成果，是俄国工农政府外交工作的重大胜利。

5. It is necessary to strengthen the Communist Party’s leadership over the Red Army

5.必须加强共产党对红军的领导

After the October Revolution, and especially after the outbreak of the civil war, Lenin and the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) [RCP(b)] led the creation of a powerful Red Army, which served as the core force in the war against foreign armed interventionists and domestic reactionary forces. In military practice, Lenin expounded the idea that the Communist Party must strengthen its leadership over the Red Army. The *Program of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks)*, drafted by Lenin and adopted at the Eighth Congress of the RCP(b) (1919), stipulated: “In every military unit, a Communist Party cell shall be established, in order to create an internal ideological bond and conscious discipline.” To build Party organizations within Red Army units, Lenin demanded that attention be paid to the work of enrolling Communists into the Red Army. In the summer of 1918, Lenin led the Party Central Committee in adopting a resolution to dispatch large numbers of Communist Party members to the Eastern Front. Subsequently, in Moscow, Petrograd, and other regions of the central part of the country, one-fifth of all Party members were sent to Red Army units on the Eastern Front. At the same time, almost all Party members in the Volga region and the Urals were also transferred to the Eastern Front. It can be said that the construction of Party organizations in Red Army units on the Eastern Front and its various sectors was markedly strengthened, injecting firm political conviction and fighting spirit into the Red Army, ensuring the Party’s absolute leadership over the military, and laying a solid foundation for the Red Army’s major victory in the Don region in March 1919. Lenin said with great satisfaction, “By establishing Communist Party cells in every military unit,” “we were able to win in the Don region entirely because Party work and cultural-educational activities were intensified in the Red Army units. This brought about a change in the spiritual outlook, with the result that our Red Army won the Don region for us.” This judgment attributed the Red Army’s victory in the war to the leadership of Party organizations within the Red Army units and to the Party’s cultural and ideological propaganda work. In July 1919, Lenin pointed out in a drafted document that differences in the understanding of military questions could occur both within the Party and within the army. Because of these differences in understanding, there would be some friction and conflict. “These frictions and conflicts, whether now or in the future, we will resolve through Party channels, and we demand that Party organizations at all levels do the same… [We must] be unswerving in implementing the principles of the military policy we have laid down.” The idea expressed here is that differences in people’s understanding of military questions should be resolved through the channel of Party leadership, thereby advancing military work, and that when people resolve important military policies and handle specific military affairs, they should adhere to Party leadership “unswervingly.” During this period, Lenin led the Red Army in creating a system unique to the proletarian army — the system of political commissars. Its content was that local Party organizations would send outstanding Communists to serve as political commissars at various levels in the Red Army, and these political commissars would lead the work of Party organizations at all levels in the Red Army and ideological and political work. The relevant resolution adopted by the Eighth Congress of the RCP(b) pointed out: “The political commissar not only directly represents Soviet power, but above all embodies the spirit of our Party, its discipline, and the Party’s resoluteness and courage in the struggle to achieve its set goals.” This statement is an embodiment of Lenin’s thought on strengthening the Party’s leadership over the Red Army. During the same period, when Soviet power faced the frenzied offensive of Denikin’s White Guard forces, Lenin proposed that leading organs at all local levels should drastically reduce their staff and transfer Communist Party members out, “in the shortest possible time sending hundreds and thousands of people to work in the political departments of the army, to serve as political commissars, and so on. In this way we will have a real guarantee of defeating Denikin just as we defeated the stronger Kolchak.” It can be seen that, in Lenin’s view, strengthening the Party’s leadership over the Red Army, strengthening the construction of the political commissar system, and strengthening ideological and political work among Red Army soldiers were the source of the Red Army’s combat effectiveness and an important means and measure for the Red Army to overcome the enemy and win victory.

十月革命后特别是在国内战争爆发后，列宁和俄共（布）领导创建了强大的红军，以红军为中坚力量对外国武装干涉者和国内反动势力进行战争。在军事实践中，列宁阐述了共产党必须加强对红军领导的思想。由列宁起草并经俄共（布）八大（1919年）通过的《俄国共产党（布尔什维克）纲领》中规定：“在每一个部队中成立共产党支部，以建立内部思想的联系和自觉的纪律。”为了在红军部队建设党组织，列宁要求重视共产党员加入红军的工作。1918年夏，列宁领导党中央通过派遣大批共产党员前往东方战线的决议。随后，在莫斯科、彼得格勒以及中部的其他地区，有1/5的党员被派遣至东方战线的红军部队中。同时，伏尔加河流域和乌拉尔地区的几乎所有党员也被调往东方战线。可以说，东方及其各条战线上红军部队的党组织建设都得到了显著加强，为红军注入了坚定的政治信念和战斗意志，确保了党对军队的绝对领导，为1919年3月红军在顿河区取得重大胜利奠定了坚实基础。列宁十分高兴地说，“在每个部队中成立共产党支部”，“我们在顿河区能够胜利，完全是由于在红军部队中加强了党的工作和文化教育活动。这引起了精神面貌的改变，结果是我们的红军为我们夺得了顿河区”。这一论断把红军在战争中的胜利归功于红军部队中党组织的领导和党的文化思想宣传工作。1919年7月，列宁在起草的文件中指出，对军事问题的认识不一致，在党内和军内都可能发生。由于认识不一致，会有一些摩擦和冲突。“这些摩擦和冲突无论现在或将来我们都要通过党的途径来解决，并要求党的各级组织也都这样做……在实行我们所规定的军事政策的原则时毫不动摇。”这里所表达的思想是，通过党的领导的途径来解决人们对军事问题认识上的分歧，进而促进军事工作，而且人们在解决重要的军事政策以及处理具体军务时应坚持党的领导“毫不动摇”。这一时期，列宁领导红军创建了无产阶级军队独有的制度——政治委员制度。内容是地方党组织派优秀的共产党员到红军里担任各级政治委员，由政治委员领导红军各级党组织的工作和思想政治工作。俄共（布）八大通过的有关决议指出：“政治委员不仅直接代表苏维埃政权，而且首先体现我们党的精神、党的纪律，体现党为实现既定目标而斗争的坚决性与勇敢精神。”这一论述是列宁关于加强党对红军领导思想的体现。同一时期，当苏维埃政权面临邓尼金白卫军猖狂进攻的时候，列宁提出，地方各级领导机关要大大精减人员，把共产党员调出，“在最短时间内派出成百上千的人到军队政治部去工作，去担任政治委员等等职务。这样一来我们也就有了切实的把握像战胜更强大的高尔察克那样战胜邓尼金”。可见，在列宁看来，加强党对红军的领导和加强政治委员制度建设，以及加强对红军战士的思想政治工作，是红军的战斗力源泉，是红军克敌制胜的重要手段和措施。

III. Contemporary Implications of Lenin’s Thought on the Communist Party’s Long-Term Leadership over All Undertakings of the Workers’ and Peasants’ State

三、列宁关于共产党长时期领导工农国家各项事业思想的当代启示

1. The Chinese Communist Party’s consolidation of its long-term ruling position is both an inherent requirement of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics and a fundamental principle of scientific socialism

1.中国共产党巩固长期执政地位既是中国特色社会主义事业的内在要求，也是科学社会主义的基本原则

As discussed above, Lenin believed that the withering away of the state and the political party, as instruments of the proletariat, is a long-term process; before the arrival of the higher stage of communist society, the proletarian party will not wither away. In other words, Party leadership must be upheld until the arrival of the higher stage of communist society. The contemporary Chinese Communist Party’s thought on consolidating the Party’s long-term ruling position is highly consistent with and a continuation of this thought. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out in his report to the 19th National Congress of the CPC: “The basic national condition of China being in the primary stage of socialism and will remain so for a long time has not changed,” and “the entire Party must firmly grasp this basic national condition of being in the primary stage of socialism, firmly base itself on this greatest reality of the primary stage, and firmly uphold the Party’s basic line, which is the lifeline of the Party and the state and the road to the people’s happiness… striving to build China into a great modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, harmonious, and beautiful.” Here he proposed that China will be in the primary stage of socialism for a “long” time, and that the entire Party must firmly uphold the “Party’s basic line.” The thought of consolidating the Party’s long-term ruling position is the thought of upholding the Party’s long-term leadership over the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics. He also pointed out in his report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC: “As the largest Marxist ruling party in the world, our Party must always remain sober-minded and determined to solve the unique problems of a large party in order to always win the people’s support and consolidate its long-term ruling position.” This indicates that for the Party to always win the people’s support and consolidate its long-term ruling position, the profound meaning lies in the necessity of long-term adherence to the Party’s leadership over reform and opening up and Chinese-path modernization. The Chinese Communist Party’s consolidation of its long-term ruling position, or the long-term adherence to the Party’s leadership over the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics, is an inherent requirement of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics. On the path of advance for the Party and the people, there are many new things to be understood, many difficulties to be overcome, and many obstacles to be surmounted. Only by upholding the leadership of the Communist Party can the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics overcome difficulties and advance from victory to victory. Although the path forward is very long, as long as there is the leadership of the Communist Party, the people’s cause will be invincible. Furthermore, viewing China and the world from the fundamental principles of scientific socialism, before the arrival of the higher stage of communist society, the proletarian party and the proletarian state cannot wither away. The Chinese Communist Party’s consolidation of its long-term ruling position and long-term adherence to Party leadership conform to the fundamental principles of scientific socialism. Clearly, studying and mastering the above-mentioned thought of Lenin is conducive to a profound understanding of these issues.

如前所述，列宁认为，作为无产阶级政治工具的国家和政党的消亡是一个长期的过程，在共产主义社会的高级阶段到来以前，无产阶级政党是不会消亡的。或者说，在共产主义社会的高级阶段到来以前必须始终坚持党的领导。当代中国共产党关于巩固党长期执政地位的思想是同这个思想高度一致的和一脉相承的。习近平总书记在党的十九大报告中指出：“我国仍处于并将长期处于社会主义初级阶段的基本国情没有变”，“全党要牢牢把握社会主义初级阶段这个基本国情，牢牢立足社会主义初级阶段这个最大实际，牢牢坚持党的基本路线这个党和国家的生命线、人民的幸福线……为把我国建设成为富强民主文明和谐美丽的社会主义现代化强国而奋斗”。这里他提出中国将“长期”处于社会主义初级阶段，全党要牢牢坚持“党的基本路线”。巩固党长期执政地位的思想，是坚持党长期领导中国特色社会主义事业的思想。他在党的二十大报告中还指出：“我们党作为世界上最大的马克思主义执政党，要始终赢得人民拥护、巩固长期执政地位，必须时刻保持解决大党独有难题的清醒和坚定。”这里指明党要始终赢得人民的拥护和巩固长期执政地位，深意在于必须长期坚持共产党对改革开放和中国式现代化建设的领导。中国共产党巩固长期执政的地位或者说长期坚持党对中国特色社会主义事业的领导，是中国特色社会主义事业的内在要求。在党和人民前进的道路上，有许多新的事物有待认识，有许多困难有待克服，有许多艰难险阻有待跨越。只有坚持共产党的领导，中国特色社会主义事业才能攻坚克难，乘胜前进。尽管前进的道路十分漫长，但只要有共产党的领导，人民的事业将无往不胜。再者，以科学社会主义基本原则看中国和世界，在共产主义社会的高级阶段到来以前，无产阶级政党和无产阶级国家不可能消亡。中国共产党巩固长期执政地位和长期坚持党的领导，符合科学社会主义基本原则。显然，学习和掌握上述列宁的思想，有利于人们深刻地认识这些问题。

2. Upholding the Party’s overall leadership is both a reflection of the experience of the Chinese revolution and construction and a profound summary and innovation of important experience in the history of scientific socialism

2.坚持党的全面领导既是中国革命和建设经验的反映，也是科学社会主义史上重要经验的深刻总结和创新

As discussed above, Lenin advocated that the Communist Party should lead all undertakings of the workers’ and peasants’ state, that is, the Communist Party must lead the workers’ and peasants’ state and its state organs, must lead the work of developing the economy of the workers’ and peasants’ state, must lead the cultural and educational work of the workers’ and peasants’ state, and must strengthen its leadership over the Red Army. His thought and practice have enlightening significance for the contemporary Chinese Communist Party in strengthening the Party’s overall leadership. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out in the report to the 19th National Congress of the CPC, “We must uphold the Party’s leadership over all work. The Party exercises leadership over everything, whether it is Party, government, military, civilian, or academic, whether it is east, west, south, north, or center. We must strengthen the Four Consciousnesses [21]21 The Four Consciousnesses (四个意识) refers to the consciousness of the need to maintain political integrity, think in terms of the big picture, follow the leadership core, and keep in alignment with the central Party leadership., consciously safeguard the authority and centralized, unified leadership of the Party Central Committee.” The leadership over “all work” referred to here means the “overall leadership” of the Communist Party over all undertakings of national development. He also pointed out in the report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC: “We must uphold and strengthen the Party’s overall leadership. We must resolutely safeguard the authority and centralized, unified leadership of the Party Central Committee, and ensure that the Party’s leadership is implemented in all areas, all aspects, and all links of the Party’s and the state’s undertakings, so that the Party always becomes the most reliable backbone of the entire people when storms strike, ensuring the correct direction of China’s socialist modernization, ensuring the possession of strong political cohesion and confidence in development for united struggle, and gathering the mighty force of millions united as one to overcome difficulties together.” Here he not only put forward the thesis of strengthening the Party’s “overall leadership,” but also elaborated on the meaning of this thesis, namely, that the authority and centralized, unified leadership of the Party Central Committee must be effectively safeguarded, and the Party’s leadership must be implemented in all areas, all aspects, and all links of the Party’s and the state’s undertakings. Only in this way can the mighty force of millions united as one to overcome difficulties together be gathered. The contemporary Chinese Communist Party’s thought on strengthening the Party’s overall leadership originates from the Party’s profound summation of revolutionary experience, especially the experience of socialist construction and the experience of reform and opening up, and also from the summation of the experience of exploring the path of socialist construction in the history of scientific socialism, especially during the Lenin period. At that time, facing Russia’s situation of being riddled with a thousand gaping wounds and all industries awaiting revival, Lenin strengthened the leadership of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) over work in all aspects, rapidly advanced the work, and accumulated the experience of the Communist Party exercising leadership over all undertakings after seizing state power. However, Lenin did not have time to summarize the experience of the Party strengthening leadership over work in all aspects, that is, over all undertakings of the state, and did not explicitly and directly put forward the thesis that the Communist Party should strengthen leadership over all undertakings of the state. The contemporary Chinese Communists have deeply summarized the history of scientific socialism, especially the experience of the Lenin period in strengthening the Party’s leadership over all undertakings of the state, summarized China’s experience in strengthening the Party’s overall leadership during the period of socialist construction and especially since reform and opening up, explicitly put forward the thought of strengthening the Party’s overall leadership, and developed and innovated Lenin’s thought and practice.

如前所述，列宁主张共产党领导工农国家的各项事业，即共产党必须领导工农国家以及国家机关，必须领导工农国家发展经济的工作，必须领导工农国家的文化教育工作，必须加强对红军的领导。他的思想和实践对于当代中国共产党加强党的全面领导具有启示意义。习近平总书记在党的十九大报告中指出，“坚持党对一切工作的领导。党政军民学，东西南北中，党是领导一切的。必须增强政治意识、大局意识、核心意识、看齐意识，自觉维护党中央权威和集中统一领导”。这里所说的党对“一切工作”的领导，就是指共产党对国家发展各项事业的“全面领导”。他在党的二十大报告中还指出：“坚持和加强党的全面领导。坚决维护党中央权威和集中统一领导，把党的领导落实到党和国家事业各领域各方面各环节，使党始终成为风雨来袭时全体人民最可靠的主心骨，确保我国社会主义现代化建设正确方向，确保拥有团结奋斗的强大政治凝聚力、发展自信心，集聚起万众一心、共克时艰的磅礴力量。”这里他不仅提出了加强党的“全面领导”的论断，而且阐述了这一论断的含义，即党中央权威和集中统一领导必须得到切实维护、党的领导必须落实到党和国家事业各领域、各方面和各环节。只有这样，才能集聚起万众一心、共克时艰的磅礴力量。当代中国共产党关于加强党的全面领导的思想，来源于党对革命经验特别是对社会主义建设经验和改革开放经验的深刻总结，还来源于对科学社会主义史上特别是对列宁时期探索社会主义建设途径经验的总结。列宁当时面对俄国千疮百孔、百业待兴的状况，加强俄共（布）对各个方面工作的领导，迅速推进了工作，积累了共产党掌握政权后对各项事业实行领导的经验。但列宁来不及总结党加强对各方面工作即对国家各项事业进行领导的经验，未明确而直接地提出共产党对国家各项事业加强领导的论断。当代中国共产党人深入总结了科学社会主义史特别是列宁时期加强党对国家各项事业的领导的经验，总结了中国在社会主义建设时期特别是改革开放以来加强党的全面领导的经验，明确提出加强党的全面领导的思想，发展和创新了列宁的思想和实践。

(Author’s brief biography: Yu Min, professor and doctoral supervisor at the School of Public Administration, Nanjing Normal University, researcher at the Marxist Discipline Cluster (Faculty) of Nanjing Normal University)

（作者简介：俞敏，南京师范大学公共管理学院教授、博士生导师，南京师范大学马克思主义学科集群 （学部） 研究员）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心