The Argentine Communist Party’s Exploration of the Socialist Path

The Argentine Communist Party (PCA) was founded on January 6, 1918, with its predecessor being the Argentine International Socialist Party, renamed the Argentine Communist Party in 1920 and joining the Communist International. The birth of the PCA not only represented the localization process of socialist thought in Argentina but also became a powerful symbol of the Argentine working class’s struggle for its own rights and interests. Throughout its more than one hundred years of development, the PCA has always been committed to safeguarding the rights and interests of the grassroots working masses and promoting social justice and progress. In Argentina’s political and social transformations, the PCA has not only had a profound impact on the working class and intellectuals but has also played an important role in the Latin American left-wing movement. As a vanguard force in the Latin American region, the PCA actively supports regional socialist cooperation and revolutionary causes, promotes the spread of socialist thought in Latin America, and provides valuable experience and support for the growth and development of the Latin American left-wing movement.

阿根廷共产党(PCA)成立于1918年1月6日，其前身是阿根廷国际社会党，1920年更名为阿根廷共产党并加入共产国际。阿共的诞生不仅代表了社会主义思想在阿根廷的本土化进程，也成为阿根廷工人阶级争取自身权益的有力象征。纵观其百余年的发展历程，阿共始终致力于维护底层工人群众的权益，推动社会正义与进步。在阿根廷的政治与社会变革中，阿共不仅对工人阶级和知识分子产生了深远影响，还在拉丁美洲的左翼运动中扮演了重要角色。作为拉美地区的先锋力量，阿共积极支持区域社会主义合作与革命事业，推动了社会主义思想在拉美的传播，为拉美左翼运动的成长与发展提供了宝贵的经验与支持。

I. Background of Emergence: From the Early Spread of Socialist Thought in Argentina to the Development of the Workers’ Movement

一、兴起背景：从阿根廷早期社会主义思想传播到工人运动发展

The rise of the PCA was deeply influenced by specific social conditions. On the one hand, the early spread of socialist thought in Argentina laid the theoretical foundation for the rise of the socialist movement represented by the PCA; on the other hand, the rise of the working class provided solid class support for the PCA’s political activities.

阿共的兴起深受特定社会背景的影响。一方面，社会主义思想在阿根廷的早期传播为以阿共为代表的社会主义运动的兴起奠定了理论基础；另一方面，工人阶级的崛起也为阿共的政治活动提供了坚实的阶级支持。

(I) The Early Spread of Socialist Thought in Argentina

(一)社会主义思想在阿根廷的早期传播

For a long time, Argentina has been a region where socialist thought has been active. As early as the 1870s, European socialists, represented by exiled members of the Paris Commune, began immigrating here due to political persecution. In 1872, to promote the development of the Argentine branch of the newly established International Workingmen’s Association (IWA), Marx himself directly dispatched Raymond Wilmart as an envoy to Buenos Aires to guide the work of the IWA and undertake the task of spreading socialist thought. At that time, due to the Argentine government’s lenient immigration policies and cultural similarities with Europe, a large number of socialist scholars from France, Spain, Germany, Italy, and other countries subsequently immigrated after Raymond. They actively propagated socialist thought by publishing newspapers and periodicals, holding rallies, and other means, bringing concepts such as equality, justice, and labor rights into Argentine society. With the in-depth spread of socialist thought, the idea of social justice gradually became an important value for the Argentine middle class in opposing oligarchic politics and constituted Argentina’s “political correctness” for a considerable period. The ideas advocating fairness and social justice gradually took root, laying a solid ideological foundation for the early rise of Argentine socialism and the left-wing movement, and also providing the necessary cultural conditions for the later establishment of left-wing and socialist organizations, including the PCA, enabling left-wing organizations to always occupy a place in Argentina’s political landscape.

长期以来，阿根廷一直是社会主义思想活跃的地区。早自19世纪70年代开始，便有以巴黎公社流亡社员为代表的欧洲社会主义者因政治迫害而移民至此。1872年，为促进新建的国际劳工协会(AIT)阿根廷分会的发展，马克思本人直接派遣了雷蒙德·维尔马特作为特使来到布宜诺斯艾利斯指导劳工协会工作并承担传播社会主义思想的任务。彼时由于阿根廷政府宽松的移民政策及与欧洲相似的文化背景，自雷蒙德之后便有大批来自法国、西班牙、德国、意大利等国的社会主义学者相继移民，通过出版报刊、举办集会等方式，积极宣传社会主义思想，将平等、公正和劳工权利等理念带入阿根廷社会。随着社会主义思想的深入传播，社会正义的理念逐渐成为阿根廷中产阶级反对寡头政治的重要价值观，并在相当长的时间内构成了阿根廷的“政治正确”。倡导公平与社会公正的思想逐步扎根，为阿根廷社会主义和左翼运动的早期兴起奠定了坚实的思想基础，也为后来包括阿共在内的左翼及社会主义组织的成立提供了必要的文化条件，使得左翼组织始终能够在阿根廷的政治版图中占据一席之地。

(II) The Growth of the Argentine Working Class

(二)阿根廷工人阶级的壮大

Marx and Engels pointed out in the *Communist Manifesto*: “Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie today, the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class.” This assertion profoundly reveals the core position of the working class in the socialist revolution.

马克思和恩格斯在《共产党宣言》中指出：“在当前同资产阶级对立的一切阶级中，只有无产阶级是真正革命的阶级。”这一论断深刻揭示了工人阶级在社会主义革命中的核心地位。

For Argentina, the growth of its working class was the result of the interaction of multiple factors, including early economic prosperity, social structural transformation, and immigration policies. At the beginning of the 20th century, the global economy entered a period of export boom. Argentina rapidly rose to become an important global economic participant by virtue of its unique natural resources and policy advantages. During this period, Argentina possessed fertile land and abundant agricultural and livestock resources, with extremely high efficiency in agriculture and animal husbandry. At the same time, open trade policies facilitated the export of Argentina’s agricultural and livestock products, allowing it to occupy an important position in the international market. The export-oriented economic model of this stage not only enhanced the country’s international competitiveness but also promoted the comprehensive development of the domestic economy. The boom in primary product exports drove the development of related industrial chains, especially labor-intensive industries such as processing and manufacturing, the food industry, and infrastructure construction. The rapid expansion of these industries directly increased the demand for labor, attracting a large number of rural people to migrate to cities in search of job opportunities. At the same time, Argentina’s relatively favorable economic environment and labor demand also attracted a large number of foreign immigrants. Industrial cities became centers of population growth, and the domestic working class grew rapidly. This emerging class not only provided the necessary human resources for industrial development but also became an important driving force for social change.

对于阿根廷而言，其工人阶级的壮大则是早期经济繁荣、社会结构转型和移民政策等多重因素交互作用的结果。20世纪初，全球经济进入出口繁荣期，阿根廷凭借其得天独厚的自然资源和政策优势迅速崛起，成为全球重要的经济参与者。在这一时期，阿根廷拥有肥沃的土地和丰富的农牧资源，农业和畜牧业的生产效率极高。与此同时，开放的贸易政策为阿根廷的农牧产品出口提供了便利，使其在国际市场上占据重要地位。这一阶段的出口导向型经济模式不仅提升了国家的国际竞争力，也推动了国内经济的全面发展。初级产品出口的繁荣带动了相关产业链的发展，尤其是加工制造业、食品工业和基础设施建设等劳动密集型行业。这些行业的快速扩张直接增加了对劳动力的需求，吸引了大量乡村人口迁移至城市寻找工作机会。同时，阿根廷相对优越的经济环境和劳动力需求也吸引了大批国外移民。工业城市成为人口增长的中心，国内工人阶级迅速壮大。这一新兴阶层不仅为工业发展提供了必要的人力资源，也成为社会变革的重要推动力量。

As the urban working class continued to expand in scale, their awareness of rights and pursuit of social status grew increasingly stronger. Socialism advocates for workers’ rights, social equality, and economic redistribution. These ideas precisely matched the interests and demands of the working class, thus gaining widespread support among the laboring masses. The political awakening of the working class also began from this point. Through participation in the workers’ movement, they actively expressed their urgent demands for improving working conditions, increasing wage guarantees, and perfecting social security. Against this backdrop, socialist parties, because of their commitment to safeguarding the rights and interests of the working class, became important platforms for the working class to express their demands. With core concepts such as social equality, economic redistribution, and the protection of workers’ rights, these parties were highly aligned with the social contradictions faced by the working class at the time, laying the foundation for the growth of Argentina’s socialist political forces.

随着城市工人阶级规模的不断扩大，他们的权利意识和对社会地位的追求日益增强。社会主义主张劳动者权利、社会平等以及经济再分配，这些理念恰好契合了工人阶级的利益诉求，因此在劳工群体中赢得了广泛支持。工人阶级的政治觉醒也由此开始，他们通过参加工人运动，积极表达对改善劳动条件、提高工资保障和完善社会保障的迫切需求。在这一背景下，社会主义政党因其致力于维护工人阶级权益，成为工人阶级表达诉求的重要平台。这些政党以社会平等、经济再分配和劳动者权利保护为核心理念，与当时工人阶级面临的社会矛盾高度契合，为阿根廷社会主义政治力量的壮大奠定了基础。

II. Current Development: From Criticizing Capitalism to Actively Participating in Domestic and International Social Movements

二、发展现状：从批判资本主义到积极参与国内外社会运动

In political practice, although its electoral influence is limited, the PCA actively participates in social movements, striving to promote labor rights, oppose the widening gap between rich and poor, and criticize neoliberal policies. At the same time, within the party, the PCA focuses on cooperation with domestic and international left-wing forces, seeking to expand its influence through alliances, especially playing a role on issues such as the labor movement, environmental protection, and social reform. The Argentine Communist Party continuously adjusts between theory and practice, striving to maintain its political mission and historical value in a complex domestic and international environment.

在政治实践中，尽管其选举影响力有限，但阿共积极参与社会运动，致力于推动劳工权益、反对贫富差距扩大，并批判新自由主义政策。同时，阿共党内注重与国内外左翼力量合作，寻求通过联盟扩大影响力，尤其在劳工运动、环境保护和社会改革议题上发挥作用。阿根廷共产党在理论与实践之间不断调整，力图在复杂的国内外环境中保持其政治使命和历史价值。

(I) Theoretical Propositions

(一)理论主张

1. Advocating State Intervention in the Economy, Resolutely Resisting Economic Imperialism Dominated by Developed Countries

1.倡导国家干预经济，坚决抵制发达国家主导下的经济帝国主义

The Argentine Communist Party has always adhered to a position of economic nationalism, actively defending national sovereignty and resisting the influence of economic imperialism, especially the erosion of Argentina’s economic system by European and American multinational corporations and international financial institutions such as the IMF. Dependency theory generally holds that central countries, through their utilization of the resources, labor, and markets of peripheral countries, consolidate their own position in the global market while limiting the autonomous development of peripheral countries. Thus, the economic development of peripheral countries always depends on the capital, technology, and markets of central countries, and this dependency relationship leads to problems such as resource outflow, industrial structure rigidity, and widening wealth gaps in peripheral countries.

阿根廷共产党始终坚持经济民族主义立场，积极捍卫国家主权，抵制经济帝国主义的影响，尤其是欧美跨国公司和以IMF等为代表的国际金融机构对阿根廷经济体系的侵蚀。依附理论普遍认为，中心国家通过对外围国家的资源、劳动和市场的利用，在巩固了自身在全球市场地位的同时限制了外围国家的自主发展。这样，外围国家的经济发展便始终依赖于中心国家的资本、技术和市场，而这种依赖关系会导致外围国家的资源流出、产业结构固化、贫富差距扩大等问题。

Economic imperialism not only makes Argentina economically dependent on external markets but also causes Argentina to be constantly constrained by others in international policies, especially economic and financial policies. The most typical example is the 2001 Argentine economic crisis. In the 1980s, to solve the country’s severe debt crisis, the Menem government in Argentina accepted the economic reform proposals put forward by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, implementing a series of neoliberal reform policies domestically. These policies included cutting social welfare, reducing public expenditure, and accelerating privatization. However, these reform measures not only failed to effectively solve Argentina’s debt problem but also significantly weakened the state’s ability to regulate the economy, leaving the country unable to make policy adjustments in response to the economic situation, ultimately leading to the full outbreak of the 2001 Argentine economic crisis.

经济帝国主义不仅使阿根廷在经济上依赖外部市场，也使得阿根廷在国际政策尤其是经济金融政策上不断受制于他人。其中最为典型的例子便是阿根廷2001年经济危机，20世纪80年代，为了解决本国严重的债务危机，阿根廷梅内姆政府接受了国际货币基金组织(IMF)和世界银行提出的经济改革建议，在国内推行了一系列新自由主义改革政策，这些政策包括削减社会福利、减少公共支出和加速私有化。然而，这些改革措施不仅未能有效解决阿根廷的债务问题，反而大幅削弱了国家对经济的调控能力，使得国家无力针对经济形势做出政策调整，最终导致阿根廷2001年经济危机的全面爆发。

Against this backdrop, the ACP calls for stricter control measures over foreign capital, emphasizing state protection and intervention in key industries to safeguard Argentina’s economic sovereignty. At the same time, the ACP advocates that the state take strong measures to restructure the economy, reduce dependence on the export of a single resource, and promote the sustainable development of domestic manufacturing, technology industries, and agriculture, so as to enhance the independence and risk-resistance capacity of Argentina’s economy. Meanwhile, in the ACP’s political program, state control over the economy is of paramount importance. Only through external intervention by a state composed of workers and the proletariat and the equal distribution of resources can it be ensured that resources and wealth serve the country’s own people first, rather than being seized by foreign capital. Only by strengthening the government’s dominant role in resource allocation, infrastructure construction, and key industries can dependence on foreign capital be reduced and the dependent economic form be changed.

在这一背景下，阿共呼吁对外资实施更严格的管控措施，强调国家对关键产业的保护与干预，以维护阿根廷的经济主权。同时，阿共主张国家采取有力措施进行经济结构调整，减少对单一资源出口的依赖，推动本土制造业、科技产业和农业的可持续发展，以增强阿根廷经济的独立性和抗风险能力。同时，在阿共的政治纲领中，国家对经济的控制权至关重要。只有通过由工人和无产阶级组成的国家进行外部干预与资源的平均分配，才能确保资源和财富优先服务于本国民众，而非被外国资本所攫取，只有加强政府在资源分配、基础设施建设和关键产业上的主导地位，才能减少对外资的依赖，改变依附性的经济形态。

2. Criticizing the capitalist system, which it sees as leading to the political underrepresentation of the Argentine proletariat and dependent economic development

2.批判资本主义制度，认为其导致了阿根廷无产阶级政治代表性不足与经济依附性发展

In the ACP’s view, the capitalist system not only exacerbates the gap between rich and poor and social inequality, but also deprives the proletariat of genuine representation at the political level. Generally speaking, the capitalist system tends to safeguard the interests of a small number of oligarchs, who, by controlling economic resources and political power, form a distinct privileged stratum, while the proletariat is systematically marginalized within such a system, thus unable to have a proper voice in policy-making and political participation.

在阿共看来，资本主义制度不仅加剧了贫富分化与社会不平等，还在政治层面上剥夺了无产阶级的真正代表性。通常而言，资本主义制度往往倾向于维护少数寡头的利益，这些寡头通过控制经济资源和政治权力，形成了显著的特权阶层，而无产阶级则在这样的体制中被系统性地边缘化，从而无法在政策制定与政治参与中拥有应有的话语权。

Furthermore, the ACP also criticizes the Argentine capitalist system’s dependence on transnational capital, arguing that this dependence not only endangers Argentina’s economic autonomy but also causes national economic policy to inevitably tilt in favor of the interests of foreign capital. Judging from past practices, domestic capitalism in Argentina often makes concessions under pressure from transnational financial institutions and foreign capital groups, neglecting the economic interests of ordinary people. By controlling core industries and the financial sector, transnational capital further weakens the country’s economic sovereignty, making Argentina’s path of independent development increasingly narrow and deepening its degree of dependence. A typical case is the penetration of the U.S. Monsanto Company into Argentina’s soybean industry. In 1996, in order to attract foreign capital, the Menem government [4]4 Carlos Menem was President of Argentina from 1989 to 1999, known for implementing neoliberal economic policies, including privatization and opening to foreign investment. in Argentina specially authorized Monsanto to promote the cultivation of genetically modified soybeans in the country. Although this policy led to a significant short-term increase in Argentina’s export revenue, it brought extremely serious developmental problems to Argentine agriculture. Because Monsanto holds the patent rights to genetically modified soybean seeds, farmers have to pay high patent fees and chemical product costs every year. At the same time, because genetically modified crops have self-reproduction restrictions, farmers cannot retain seeds for planting the following year and are forced to rely year after year on the seeds provided by Monsanto. This economic dependence has allowed Monsanto to begin to dominate Argentine agriculture, and the autonomy of Argentina’s agricultural development has been greatly weakened, making it difficult to escape the control of transnational corporations.

此外，阿共还批判阿根廷资本主义体系对跨国资本的依赖，认为这种依赖不仅危及阿根廷的经济自主，还导致国家经济政策不可避免地偏向外资利益。从以往种种实践来看，阿根廷国内资本主义常常在跨国金融机构和外资集团的压力下作出让步，忽视了普通民众的经济利益。跨国资本通过控制核心产业和金融领域，进一步削弱了国家的经济主权，使得阿根廷的独立发展道路变得日益狭窄，依附性程度不断加深。一个典型的案例是美国孟山都公司(MonsantoCompany)对阿根廷大豆产业的渗透。1996年，为了吸引外国资本，阿根廷梅内姆政府特别批准孟山都在国内推广转基因大豆种植。这一政策虽使得短期内阿根廷出口收入大幅提升，但却为阿根廷农业带来了极为严重的发展性问题。由于孟山都掌握着转基因大豆种子的专利权，农民每年不得不支付高昂的专利费和化学产品费用，同时由于转基因作物具有自我繁殖限制，农民无法保留种子供下年种植，被迫年年依赖孟山都提供的种子，这种经济依赖让孟山都开始在阿根廷农业中处于主导地位，阿根廷农业发展的自主权被大幅削弱，难以摆脱跨国公司的控制。

Based on this, the ACP advocates exploring an alternative development model to achieve economic justice and political fairness in society. The socialist economic model is the only effective way to realize the overall interests of society; it can not only break the monopolistic resource distribution of capitalism, but also realize the interests of the working class through collective ownership and state-led economic management. To this end, the ACP advocates establishing an economic structure centered on collective welfare, by having the state control key economic sectors, implement wealth redistribution policies, and strengthen the participation of the working class in the production process, so as to truly guarantee social fairness and justice.

基于此，阿共提倡探索一种替代性的发展模式，以实现社会的经济公正与政治公平。而社会主义经济模式则是实现社会整体利益的唯一有效途径，它不仅能够打破资本主义的垄断性资源分配，还能通过集体所有制和国家主导经济管理实现劳动阶层的利益。为此，阿共主张建立一个以集体福利为核心的经济结构，通过国家控制重要经济领域、实施财富再分配政策，以及加强工人阶级在生产过程中的参与，真正保障社会的公平正义。

3. Focusing on safeguarding the interests of workers and students, and striving for equal social rights

3.注重维护工人及学生群体利益，争取平等的社会权利

Defending the rights and interests of the working class has always been the core program of the Argentine Communist Party. As a socialist political party, the ACP firmly believes that the working class is the main force driving social progress, and therefore advocates that the fruits of national economic development should fairly benefit all workers, rather than being concentrated in the hands of a few capital owners.

捍卫工人阶级的权益始终是阿根廷共产党的核心纲领。作为一个社会主义政党，阿共坚信工人阶级是推动社会进步的主要力量，因此主张国家经济发展的成果应公平惠及所有劳动者，而非集中于少数资本所有者之手。

The ACP also actively advocates for the development of trade union organizations, believing that trade unions are an important platform for the working class to express demands and fight for rights and interests. Trade union organizations provide effective support for workers in areas such as wage negotiations and improvement of working conditions, and at the same time give a political voice to the working class. The ACP believes that strong trade unions can not only enhance the unity of workers, but also play an important role in national policy-making. Through trade unions, workers can participate in social change in a more organized manner. In practice, while strengthening trade union power, the ACP also promotes the participation of the working class in political decision-making, expands the political influence of the working class, and ensures that policy-making can truly reflect the interests of the worker group.

阿共还积极主张发展工会组织，认为工会是工人阶级表达诉求和争取权益的重要平台。工会组织在工资谈判、劳动条件改善等方面为工人提供了有效的支持，同时在政治上也为工人阶级发声。阿共认为，强有力的工会不仅能够增强工人的团结，还能在国家政策制定中发挥重要作用。通过工会，工人能够更有组织地参与到社会变革中去。从实践上来看，阿共在加强工会力量的同时，还推动工人阶级参与到政治决策中去，扩大工人阶级的政治影响力，确保政策制定能够真正反映工人群体的利益。

As the most dynamic and potential group in society, Argentine students not only represent the backbone of future society, but also play an important role in many social movements. The ACP believes that education is not only the cornerstone of social development, but also a basic human right that every young person should enjoy, and therefore rejects the trend of commodification of public education. They advocate that the state should assume the responsibility of providing free and universal services to ensure that all young citizens, especially those from poor strata, can equally access high-quality public educational resources. In the ACP’s view, only in this way can society truly achieve class mobility and break the intergenerational cycle of poverty. To ensure educational equity and universality, the ACP advocates increasing government investment in public education funding, especially in improving educational infrastructure, teacher salaries, and educational quality, so as to ensure that all students can receive quality education under equal conditions.

作为社会中最具活力和潜力的群体，阿根廷学生群体不仅代表着未来社会的中坚力量，也在许多社会运动中扮演着重要角色。阿共认为教育不仅是社会发展的基石，更是每个青年人都应享有的基本人权，因而拒绝公共教育商品化的趋势。他们主张国家应当承担起提供免费、普惠服务的责任，以确保所有青年公民，尤其是贫困阶层，能够平等地获得高质量的公共教育资源。在阿共看来，只有这样，社会才能真正实现阶层流动，打破贫困的代际循环。为保障教育公平与普惠，阿共提倡要加大政府对公立教育经费的投入，特别是在教育基础设施、教师薪资和教育质量上进行提升，才能够保证所有学生都能在平等的条件下接受优质教育。

(2) Political Practice

(二)政治实践

1. Actively carrying out organizational building, successfully convening the 28th National Congress

1.积极开展组织建设，成功召开第二十八次全国代表大会

The Argentine Communist Party has attached great importance to organizational building throughout its development history, and has consolidated the Party’s program and strategic direction through the mechanism of national congresses. In its nearly century-long history, the ACP has successfully convened more than 20 national congresses. These meetings have not only provided an important platform for unifying thought within the Party and clarifying the line, but have also laid the foundation for it to adapt to social changes and meet challenges. In 1920, after the ACP changed its name and joined the Comintern [5]5 The Communist International (Comintern), founded by Lenin in 1919, was an international organization of communist parties that aimed to coordinate and promote world revolution; it was dissolved in 1943., its first congress established the basic principle of taking Marxism as a guide and promoting the struggle of the working class. In subsequent congresses, the ACP continuously adjusted its strategies to adapt to changes in the international and domestic situations, such as the Great Depression of the 1930s and the rise of Peronism [6]6 Peronism is a political ideology based on the ideas of Juan Perón, President of Argentina from 1946 to 1955 and again from 1973 to 1974, characterized by nationalism, labor rights, and a strong state role in the economy. in the 1940s, promoting deeper integration of the Party organization into the working class. In the following decades of development, the ACP always adhered to the importance of program building. For example, at its 15th National Congress, the ACP clearly proposed a path to advance socialism in light of local realities, and strengthened cooperation with trade unions, peasant organizations, and other left-wing forces. Subsequent congresses further emphasized the combination of theory and practice, clarified the Party’s political tasks, and at the same time continuously promoted internal democratization within the organization, attracting the participation of more grassroots Party members.

阿根廷共产党在其发展历程中高度重视组织建设，并通过全国代表大会机制巩固党的纲领和战略方向。在近一个世纪的历史中，阿共成功召开了20余次全国代表大会。这些会议不仅为党内统一思想、明确路线提供了重要平台，也为其适应社会变革和应对挑战奠定了基础。1920年，阿共改名并加入共产国际后，其首次代表大会便明确了以马克思主义为指导、推动工人阶级斗争的基本原则。随后几次大会中，阿共不断调整策略以适应国际与国内局势变化，例如20世纪30年代的大萧条和40年代的庇隆主义兴起，推动党组织更深入地融入工人阶级。在后续几十年的发展中，阿共始终坚持纲领建设的重要性。例如，在第十五次全国代表大会上，阿共明确提出了结合本土实际推进社会主义的路径，并加强了与工会、农民组织以及其他左翼势力的合作。此后数次大会进一步强调了理论与实践的结合，明确党的政治任务，同时不断推进组织内部民主化，吸引更多基层党员的参与。

From September 20 to 23, 2024, the ACP organized and convened its 28th National Congress in the capital city of Buenos Aires. More than 200 delegates from various provinces and cities across Argentina, as well as representatives from Communist Party organizations in Brazil, Peru, and other countries, attended as observer member states or sent congratulatory letters.

2024年9月20日至23日，阿共在首都布宜诺斯艾利斯组织召开了第28次全国代表大会。来自阿根廷全国各省市200余名代表及来自巴西，秘鲁等多国共产党组织作为观察成员国出席会议或赠送贺信。

The 28th Congress of the CPA elected a new leadership, with Jorge Correynes succeeding Victor Kot as the Party’s new General Secretary. At the same time, the 28th Congress clarified the CPA’s core strategic vision for future development, namely, to promote the formation of a united front of the people. To achieve the above objectives, the CPA’s basic policy for the future is to build the power of the people from the grassroots upward, starting at the base. Specifically, this policy requires that every trade union, university department, and community grassroots organization under the CPA’s leadership become a main body driving the construction of people’s power. By strengthening the people’s autonomous organizations, they are equipped with the capacity to contend for political power with the forces of the system at the local level. On this basis, the CPA stated that it will in the future be committed to defending Argentina’s national sovereignty, opposing political forces that threaten the stability of the working class and the lives of the broad masses, and clearly expressed support for social movements of students fighting for their rights. The 28th Congress also clearly stated its opposition to the Milei government, arguing that Milei and the political alliance he leads are promoting extreme liberal and neo-fascist policies, which will pose a profound threat to Argentina’s national economic sovereignty, democracy, and social unity.

阿共二十八大选举产生了新一届领导班子，其中，豪尔赫·科雷伊内斯继维克多·科特之后当选为阿共新一任总书记。同时二十八大明确了阿共的未来发展的核心战略愿景，即促进民众团结阵线的形成，为实现上述目标，阿共未来的基本方针则是要从基层出发，自下而上地建立人民的力量。具体而言，该方针要求阿共领导下的每个工会、大学院系、社区基层组织都要成为推动人民力量建设的主体。通过强化人民的自治组织，使其具备在地方层面与体制力量争夺政治权力的能力。在此基础上，阿共表示未来将致力于捍卫阿根廷国家主权，反对威胁工人阶级和广大人民生活稳定的政治力量，并明确表示将支持学生争取自身权利的社会运动。二十八大同时明确表示了对米莱政府的反对立场，认为米莱及其领导下的政治联盟正在推行极端自由主义和新法西斯主义政策，将会对阿根廷国家经济主权及民主和社会团结带来深刻威胁。

2. Full Participation in the Domestic Political Process, Deep Integration into Argentine Social Movements

2.充分参与国内政治进程，深度融入阿根廷社会运动

As a socialist party, the CPA has in recent years striven to advance its socialist propositions through broad participation in various political activities. It not only formulates clear strategic guidelines at national congresses but also, through its organizational structures at all levels, deepens its policy propositions down to the grassroots, promoting broad support from the working class, youth, students, and other groups.

作为社会主义政党，阿共近年通过广泛参与各类政治活动，努力推进其社会主义主张，不仅在全国代表大会上制定清晰的战略方针，还通过各级组织结构，将政策主张深入到基层，推动工人阶层、青年和学生等群体的广泛支持。

After the Milei government took office in December 2023, it began implementing “shock therapy,” i.e., actively promoting extreme free-market reforms, massively cutting public spending, pushing for the privatization of state-owned enterprises, and abruptly eliminating Argentina’s original basic price subsidies. This led to intensified inflation in Argentina, continuous depreciation of the local currency, the peso, and a surge in the domestic poverty rate, directly threatening the rights, interests, and living standards of the ordinary working class. In response, the Communist Party of Argentina clearly expressed its opposition and called on the working class and progressive forces to unite and resist the impact of extreme capitalist policies on social equity. At the same time, the CPA continuously mobilized grassroots masses to carry out social movements, strengthening the social consensus against neoliberalism. For example, during the nationwide strike of millions of workers that broke out in January 2024, the Communist Party of Argentina actively organized and participated in it.

2023年12月，米莱政府上台后开始实施“休克疗法”,即积极推行极端自由市场改革，大规模削减公共支出，推动国有企业私有化，断崖式取消阿根廷原有的基本物价补贴，导致阿根廷通货膨胀加剧，本币比索不断贬值，国内贫困率飙升，直接威胁到普通工人阶级的权益和生活水平。对此，阿根廷共产党明确表达了其反对立场，并呼吁工人阶级及进步力量团结一致，抵制极端资本主义政策对社会公平的冲击。与此同时，阿共不断动员基层群众开展社会运动，强化反对新自由主义的社会共识。例如在2024年1月爆发的全国百万工人罢工中，阿根廷共产党便积极组织并参与其中。

Milei’s “shock therapy” also extended to the field of public education. The University of Buenos Aires, as Argentina’s largest and most prestigious public university, has long been a showcase for Argentina’s achievements in higher education. However, after Milei took office, against the backdrop of domestic inflation and sharp currency devaluation, he not only failed to increase the University of Buenos Aires’ budget but also implemented a certain scale of cuts. As a result, the real wages of faculty and staff were repeatedly reduced, with 85% of university teachers living below the poverty line, and even the basic facilities of the school could not be adequately maintained. To ensure the normal operation of the University of Buenos Aires, the Argentine Congress passed the University Financing Law on September 12, 2024, but the Milei government used its presidential veto power the next day, calling the bill “an irresponsible act by Congress to increase public spending.” Using this as a trigger, on October 12, Argentina saw the second large-scale student protest of the year, demanding that the government face the plight of public universities and ensure stable investment in educational resources. In this protest, the Communist Party of Argentina also intervened deeply, expressing support for the student movement. In addition to personally organizing and participating, shortly after the protest broke out, the CPA published a statement on its official website homepage, supporting the students’ legitimate demands and calling on youth groups to unite and fight for the survival and development of public universities.

米莱的“休克疗法”同样延伸到了公共教育领域。布宜诺斯艾利斯大学作为阿根廷最大、最负盛名的公立高校，一直以来是阿根廷展示高等教育成就的窗口。然而，米莱上台后，在国内通货膨胀和货币大幅贬值的背景下，非但未增加布大预算，还进行了一定规模的缩减。结果导致教职员工实际工资一再下调，85%的大学教师生活在贫困线以下，甚至学校的基本设施都无法得到足够的维护。为了保障布大的正常运作，阿根廷国会于2024年9月12日通过了《大学融资法》,但米莱政府次日便动用总统否决权，称该法案是“国会通过的增加公共支出的不负责任之举”。以此为导火索，10月12日，阿根廷国内爆发了本年度第二次大规模学生抗议活动，要求政府正视公立大学的困境，确保教育资源的稳定投入。在此次抗议活动中，阿根廷共产党也深度介入，表示对学生运动的支持。除亲自组织参与外，抗议爆发后不久阿共便在其官方网站首页发表声明，声援学生们的正当诉求，呼吁青年群体团结一致，为维护公立大学的生存和发展而奋斗。

3. Emphasis on Online Public Opinion and Propaganda Work, Active Construction of Theoretical Research Positions

3.注重网络舆论宣传工作，积极构建理论研究阵地

The Communist Party of Argentina’s (CPA) online propaganda construction has now become relatively complete, forming a comprehensive, efficiently operating matrix website system. This system mainly consists of two core propaganda websites. The first is the official website of the Communist Party of Argentina (PAGINA OFICIAL DEL PCA), which is mainly used for the dissemination of the CPA’s programmatic documents and the publication of political statements on major social events. The second is the Nuestra Propuesta website, which the CPA mainly uses to update political activity dynamics in real time, update international communist movement dynamics, and publish editorials on the current Milei government’s social policies, especially neoliberal reform policies. Through high-frequency information updates and in-depth policy analysis, this website has gradually become the CPA’s main position for public opinion propaganda, attracting a large amount of attention and discussion, and has become the Party’s main position for public opinion propaganda.

阿根廷共产党(PCA)的网络宣传建设现已趋于完善，形成了一个功能齐全、运作高效的综合性矩阵网站体系。该体系主要由两个核心宣传网站组成，其一为阿根廷共产党官方网站(PAGINAOFICIALDELPCA),该网站主要用作阿共纲领性文件的宣传与重要社会事件的政治声明的发表；其二为我们的主张(NuestraPropuesta)网站，阿共主要利用该网站来实时更新政治活动动态，更新国际共运动态，并就当前米莱政府的社会政策尤其是新自由主义改革政策发表社论，通过高频次的信息更新和深入的政策分析，该网站已逐渐成为阿共进行舆论宣传的主要阵地，吸引了大量关注和讨论，已成为该党进行舆论宣传的主要阵地。

In addition to having propaganda websites, the CPA has also established a dedicated theoretical research website, the Héctor Agosti Marxist Research and Training Center (CEFMA). As an important academic support platform within the Party, this research position provides sustained theoretical impetus for deepening Marxist theory, promoting socialist thought, and driving social change in Argentina. Through this theoretical research position, the Communist Party of Argentina can systematically organize various forms of academic activities, including Marxist theory seminars, policy forums, and ideological study classes, providing a venue for scholars, Party members, and the general public both inside and outside the Party to exchange ideas and share experiences.

除具备宣传网站外，阿共还设立有专门的理论研究网站埃克托·阿戈斯蒂马克思主义研究与培训中心(CEFMA)。作为党内重要的学术支持平台，这一研究阵地为深化马克思主义理论、推广社会主义思想以及推动阿根廷社会变革提供了持续的理论性动力。通过这一理论研究阵地，阿根廷共产党能够系统化地组织多种形式的学术活动，包括马克思主义理论研讨会、政策论坛、思想研讨班等，为党内外的学者、党员和社会公众提供一个交流思想和分享经验的场所。

Relying on this research center, the CPA has established a theoretical academic journal, Cuadernos Marxistas, whose scope includes the basic principles of Marxism, the history of the development and dissemination of Marxism, and current new changes in capitalism, with a focus on understanding and analyzing practical issues such as the new imperialism. It regularly publishes related research results, such as academic papers, policy analyses, and research reports, providing rich content for the CPA’s theoretical exploration and innovation. These research results not only promote theoretical deepening within the Party but also make its website an important window for disseminating socialist thought, gradually becoming an important academic resource center for Argentina’s left-wing intellectual circles.

依托该研究中心，阿共设立有理论性学术期刊《马克思主义笔记》(CUADERNOSMARXISTAS),该期刊涉及领域包括马克思主义基本原理、马克思主义发展与传播的历史以及当前资本主义的新变化等，重点关注对新帝国主义等现实问题的理解和分析，定期发布相关研究成果，如学术论文、政策分析、研究报告等，为阿根廷共产党在理论方面的探讨和创新提供了丰富的内容。这些研究成果不仅推动了党内的理论深化，也使其网站成为传播社会主义思想的重要窗口，逐步成为阿根廷左翼思想界的一个重要学术资源中心。

4. Promoting the Unity of Domestic and International Left-Wing Organizations, Extensive Domestic and International Collaboration

4.推动国内外左翼组织联合，广泛开展国内外协作

The Communist Party of Argentina has always advocated uniting various left-wing and progressive forces, believing that only through joint action can social change against capitalism be effectively promoted and a fairer, more equal social system be achieved. In supporting the housing rights struggle of low-income groups, the CPA cooperated with the Land and Housing Rights Alliance (FTV), focusing on improving living conditions in slums. To this end, CPA members and alliance members organized large-scale protest marches, calling on the government to increase investment in social housing projects. In addition, during the protests against the International Monetary Fund (IMF) debt agreement in early 2022, the Communist Party of Argentina actively participated and united with multiple social movement organizations and student groups within the “Movement Against Foreign Debt,” forming a cross-generational wave of opposition.

阿根廷共产党一直主张团结各类左翼和进步力量，认为只有通过联合行动，才能有效推动对抗资本主义的社会变革，实现更公平、更平等的社会制度。在支持低收入群体的住房权斗争中，阿共与“住房和土地权利联盟”(FTV)合作，聚焦贫民窟的居住条件改善问题。为此，阿共党员和联盟的成员们组织了大规模的抗议游行，呼吁政府在社会住房项目上增加投入；此外，在2022年初阿根廷反对国际货币基金组织(IMF)债务协议的抗议活动中，阿根廷共产党积极参与，并联合“反对外债运动”多个社会运动组织和学生团体，形成了一个跨代际的反对声浪。

Beyond domestic joint actions, the Communist Party of Argentina also places great emphasis on establishing international alliances with left-wing parties and progressive forces in Latin America and other countries around the world, jointly confronting the intervention of external capitalist forces. The CPA is currently a member of the São Paulo Forum, an important left-wing alliance in Latin America, and actively participates in various political and social activities of the alliance. In recent years, the Communist Party of Argentina has strengthened communication and cooperation with other left-wing parties through the São Paulo Forum, especially in addressing regional challenges. For example, in responding to the economic sanctions and diplomatic isolation imposed by the United States on left-wing countries such as Venezuela and Cuba, the CPA and other Forum members actively coordinated their positions, jointly voiced their opposition, condemned external interference, and defended the independence and sovereignty of sovereign states.

除了国内的联合行动，阿根廷共产党还极为注重与拉美及世界其他国家的左翼政党和进步力量建立国际联盟，共同对抗外部资本主义势力的干预。阿共现为拉美重要左翼联盟圣保罗论坛的成员，积极参与该联盟的各类政治和社会活动。近年来，阿根廷共产党通过圣保罗论坛加强了与其他左翼政党之间的沟通与合作，尤其是在应对区域性挑战方面。比如，在应对美国对委内瑞拉、古巴等左翼国家的经济制裁和外交孤立上，阿共与其他论坛成员积极协调立场，共同发声，谴责外部干涉，维护主权国家的独立自主。

It is worth emphasizing that, as a socialist party with a long history, the Argentine Communist Party attaches great importance to drawing lessons from the struggle and construction experience of other countries’ communist parties, especially under the current complex international environment, paying greater attention to learning from successful cases. The valuable experience accumulated by the Chinese Communist Party in the process of socialist construction, particularly in economic development, poverty alleviation, and Party building, has become an important object of study for the Argentine Communist Party. In recent years, the Argentine Communist Party has sent multiple delegations to China to participate in academic conferences, conducting in-depth investigations into how the Chinese Communist Party combines socialist principles with modernization to promote rapid economic growth and social stability. China’s achievements in reform and opening up and the battle against poverty provide a practical reference for the Argentine Communist Party, enabling them to recognize the importance of adapting to their own national conditions. From the perspective of the Argentine Communist Party, China’s practice proves that socialist construction, while adhering to the leadership of the proletarian party, can also develop in a flexible and innovative manner, rather than being rigid and unchanging.

值得强调的是，作为一个拥有悠久历史的社会主义政党，阿根廷共产党十分重视从其他国家的共产党斗争和建设经验中汲取教训，特别是在当前复杂的国际环境下，更加注重借鉴成功的案例。中国共产党在社会主义建设过程中积累的宝贵经验，尤其是在经济发展、扶贫攻坚和党的自身建设方面，成为阿共的重要学习对象。近年来，阿根廷共产党多次派出代表团前往中国参加学术会议，深入考察中国共产党如何将社会主义原则与现代化发展相结合，推动国家实现快速经济增长和社会稳定。中国在改革开放政策、脱贫攻坚战中的成就为阿共提供了现实借鉴，使他们认识到适应本国国情的重要性。在阿共的视角中，中国的实践证明了社会主义建设在坚持无产阶级政党领导的同时也可以以灵活、创新的方式发展，而不是一成不变。

III. Facing Challenges: From Internal and External Socio-Political Environmental Challenges to Bottlenecks in Intra-Party Organizational Building

三、面临挑战：从内外社会政治环境挑战到党内组织建设瓶颈

Currently, the Argentine Communist Party is facing multiple severe challenges. Domestically, the rise of far-right forces represented by Milei and the suppression of socialist forces by mainstream political factions have led to a decline in overall societal identification with socialist ideas in Argentina, while also further narrowing the political space for the Argentine Communist Party. At the same time, the development of the Argentine Communist Party internally has hit a bottleneck, with slow growth in party membership, weak cultivation of young leaders, and limited capacity for organizational expansion and mobilization, constraining the party’s vitality and influence.

当前，阿共正面临多重严峻挑战。在国内，以米莱为代表的极右翼力量的崛起及主流政治派别对社会主义力量的压制，使得阿根廷社会整体对社会主义思想的认同度下降，同时也导致阿共政治空间进一步缩小；同时阿共党内发展也陷入瓶颈，党员人数增长缓慢，青年领导人的培养乏力，组织扩展与动员能力有限，制约了党的活力与影响力.

(I) Challenges from the Domestic Overall Political Environment

(一)国内整体政治环境的挑战

1. The Compression of the Argentine Communist Party’s Activity Space by the Rise of Far-Right Forces

1.极右翼力量上台对阿共活动空间的压缩

In the Argentine presidential election on November 19, 2023, far-right party “La Libertad Avanza” candidate Milei defeated his opponent Sergio Massa with 55.95% of the vote, successfully winning the election. As a far-right politician, Milei fully exploited Argentina’s current economic difficulties during the campaign, attributing them to the expansionary fiscal policies of previous left-wing governments, claiming that such policies led to hyperinflation and high debt, plunging the Argentine economy into an unprecedented recession and crisis. Therefore, Milei’s election is not only seen as a voter repudiation of left-wing policies but also as an important sign of Argentina’s political shift to the far right.

在2023年11月19日的阿根廷总统选举中，极右翼政党“自由进步联盟”候选人米莱以55.95%选票战胜对手塞尔吉奥.马萨，成功赢得大选。作为极右翼政客，米莱在选举中充分利用了阿根廷当前的经济困境，将其归咎于前几任左翼政府扩张性的财政政策，声称这种政策导致了恶性通货膨胀和高额债务，使阿根廷经济陷入了前所未有的衰退和危机。因此，米莱的当选不仅被视为选民对左翼政策的质疑，也是阿根廷政治向极右翼转向的一个重要标志。

Milei’s political philosophy and policy tendencies exhibit a distinct anti-leftist character. Milei believes that past left-wing governments, through their expansive social welfare policies and public spending, not only increased the national fiscal burden but also cultivated large social groups dependent on government assistance, hindering the free development of the market economy. For example, in September 2024, Milei reposted a video on the social media platform X, mocking former left-wing government officials as “rats harming national interests” and describing them as the culprits behind Argentina’s current economic difficulties. Milei’s aforementioned policy concepts and practices have rapidly changed Argentina’s political environment. The rise of far-right forces has led to the severe marginalization of previously active left-wing forces, with the Argentine Communist Party, as a socialist force, facing particularly pronounced pressure. As the Milei government gradually introduces a series of anti-leftist, anti-socialist policies, the living space for the Argentine Communist Party has been further compressed, and the conduct of political activities faces numerous obstacles. These measures undoubtedly pose a direct threat to the development of the Argentine Communist Party and other left-wing organizations, making it increasingly unlikely for them to advance the socialist agenda and promote the entry of socialist ideas into the mainstream.

米莱的政治理念和政策倾向表现出鲜明的反左翼色彩。米莱认为，过去的左翼政府在其任期内通过庞大的社会福利政策和公共支出，不仅增加了国家财政负担，还培养了大量依赖政府援助的社会群体，阻碍了市场经济的自由发展。例如，2024年9月，米莱便在社交媒体平台推特上转发了一段视频，嘲讽前任左翼政府官员为“侵害国家利益的老鼠”,并将他们描述为阿根廷当前经济困境的罪魁祸首。米莱的上述政策理念及实践使得阿根廷政治环境迅速发生了变化。极右翼势力的崛起使得原本活跃的左翼力量逐渐被严重边缘化，尤其是作为社会主义力量的阿根廷共产党受到压力尤为明显。随着米莱政府逐步出台一系列反左翼、反社会主义的政策，阿根廷共产党的生存空间被进一步压缩，政治活动的开展面临重重障碍。这些措施无疑对阿根廷共产党及其他左翼组织的发展构成了直接威胁，使得他们推动社会主义议程及促进社会主义思想传入主流的可能性越来越渺茫。

Furthermore, it is worth noting that the new round of the U.S. presidential election will also bring considerable external pressure on the development of socialist forces in Argentina. Trump has a close relationship with Argentine President Milei; the two are not only highly aligned in ideology but also particularly inclined towards economic liberalization reforms in policy direction. This consistency has led Milei to be often called the “Argentine version of Trump.” In this context, the pace of Milei’s implementation of far-right neoliberal reforms is bound to accelerate further, promoting larger-scale privatization, cuts in government welfare spending, and deregulation of financial markets. The support of the Trump administration not only provides Milei with a policy legitimacy endorsement but may also offer substantive assistance for his reform measures through strengthening bilateral cooperation between the U.S. and Argentina, thereby clearing obstacles for Milei to consolidate power domestically, thus bringing new challenges and suppressive effects to the socialist movement within Argentina.

此外值得注意的是，新一轮美国大选也将为阿根廷社会主义力量的发展带来不小的外部压力。特朗普与阿根廷总统米莱关系密切，二人不仅在意识形态上高度契合，在政策方向上也尤其偏向经济自由化改革。这种一致性使得米莱常被称为“阿根廷版特朗普”。在此背景下，米莱推行极右翼新自由主义改革的步伐势必进一步加快，将推行更大规模的私有化、削减政府福利支出和放松金融市场监管等政策。特朗普政府的支持不仅为米莱提供了政策正当性的背书，还可能通过强化美阿双边合作等方式，对其改革措施提供实质性的援助，将为米莱在国内巩固权力扫清阻碍，从而为阿根廷国内的社会主义运动带来新的挑战和压制性影响。

2. The Argentine Communist Party’s Marginal Position Among Mainstream Domestic Left-Wing Parties

2.阿共在国内主流左翼政党的边缘性地位

At its founding, the Argentine Communist Party established itself with distinct independence and its own political propositions, but in contemporary political practice, its influence and presence often depend on other, more powerful left-wing parties. Currently, the Argentine Communist Party’s political activities and policy implementation are often closely linked to larger parties such as the Justicialist Party.

成立之初，阿共曾以鲜明的独立性和自有的政治主张立足，但在当代政治实践中，其影响力和存在感常常依赖于其他更为强大的左翼政党。当前阿共的政治活动和政策实施往往与正义党等大党密切挂钩。

Since democratization in the 1980s, the Argentine Communist Party has established a method of participating in politics through peaceful elections and other means with a distinct democratic socialist character. Recognizing its own lack of influence, in order to gain parliamentary seats, the Argentine Communist Party often chooses to form alliances with larger left-wing parties like the Justicialist Party in general elections, rather than competing independently. While this dependency provides the Argentine Communist Party with certain electoral support and political resources, it also greatly limits its political independence. Within the current Unión por la Patria, of which the Argentine Communist Party is a part, it exists only as a minor member. This situation places the Argentine Communist Party under considerable political pressure, forcing it to frequently make political compromises.

20世纪80年代民主化以来，阿共便确立了通过和平竞选等带有鲜明民主社会主义色彩的方式参与政治。在认识到自身影响力不足的前提下，为取得议院席位，阿共在大选中经常选择与正义党等较大左翼党派结成联盟，而不是单独参与竞争。这种依附性虽然为阿共提供了一定的选举支持和政治资源，但同时也极大限制了其政治独立性。在当前阿共所处的祖国联盟(UniónporlaPatria)中，阿共仅仅作为一个次要成员存在，这种局面使得阿共在政治上面临较大压力，不得不经常进行政治妥协。

The Argentine Communist Party’s dependence on left-wing party alliances is also reflected in compromises on political philosophy and values. As a party guided by Marxism-Leninism, the Argentine Communist Party has long advocated for profound social reform, economic restructuring, and fundamental critique of the capitalist system. However, when cooperating with mainstream left-wing parties such as the Justicialist Party and the Workers’ Party, the Argentine Communist Party often has to make compromises on policy positions, often manifested in having to adjust its radical policy proposals to meet the needs of forming alliances with other parties. Especially in areas involving economic policy, fiscal policy, and labor rights, the Argentine Communist Party frequently needs to adopt a conciliatory stance in order to seek consensus within a broader political environment.

阿共对左翼政党联盟的依赖还体现在政治理念和价值观的妥协上。阿共作为一个以马克思列宁主义为指导思想的政党，长期主张深刻的社会改革、经济重构以及对资本主义体制的根本批判。然而，在与左翼主流政党如正义党、工人党等左翼力量合作时，阿共往往需要在政策立场上作出妥协，往往表现为阿共不得不调整其激进的政策主张，以适应与其他政党形成联盟的需要。尤其是在涉及经济政策、财政政策以及劳工权益方面，阿共常常需要采取退让态度，以便在更广泛的政治环境中寻求共识。

The ultimate result of this compromise is that the Argentine Communist Party has missed opportunities to develop its own strength and has failed to establish a stable support base among social groups. Due to the lack of strong political power and appeal within the party, the Argentine Communist Party can only rely on other parties on many important policy issues, unable to truly represent its own political philosophy. From the perspective of current political practice, this development strategy has not brought the expected results for the Argentine Communist Party. At present, the Argentine Communist Party has still failed to obtain any seats in Argentina’s Chamber of Deputies, Senate, or relevant provincial-level institutions.

这一妥协导致的最终结果是，阿共错失了发展自身力量的机会，在社会群体中也未建立起稳固的支持基础。由于党内缺乏强大的政治力量和吸引力，阿共在许多重要政策议题上只能依附于其他政党，而无法真正代表自身的政治理念。从当前的政治实践来看，这一发展策略并未为阿共带来预期的成果。目前，阿共仍未能在阿根廷的参众两院或州级相关机构中获得任何席位。

(II) Gradual Shrinkage of Organizational Scale and Insufficient Reserve Forces

(二)组织规模逐渐萎缩及后备力量不足

1. Continuous Decline in Party Membership

1.党员人数不断下降

One of the most direct and severe problems currently facing the Argentine Communist Party is the continuous decline in party membership and the shrinking scale of party organization. In recent years, the number of party members in the Argentine Communist Party has significantly decreased. According to data from the Argentine National Electoral website, the Argentine Communist Party’s membership in 2022 was only 130,000, and this figure is still declining year by year. This trend not only reflects the increasingly weak foundation of the party but also indicates that the party’s capacity for social mobilization and political influence is facing a severe test.

阿共当前面临的最直接和严峻的问题之一，便是党员人数的持续下降和党组织规模的萎缩。近年来，阿共的党员人数显著下降，根据阿根廷国家选举官网的数据，阿共2022年的党员人数仅为13万，且这一数字仍在逐年下降。这一趋势不仅反映了党内基础的日益薄弱，也意味着党组织的社会动员能力和政治影响力正受到严峻考验。

Behind this phenomenon lies the Argentine Communist Party’s failure to effectively keep pace with social changes, particularly its inability to establish a distinct and attractive political character in the political competition of the New Era. Compared with other mainstream political parties in Argentina, the Argentine Communist Party appears relatively conservative, failing to quickly adapt to changes in the social and political environment. Especially in attracting young voters and emerging social strata, the Argentine Communist Party’s political appeal is clearly insufficient, leading to a continuous decline in party vitality. The theories of class struggle and socialism that the Argentine Communist Party has long adhered to appear somewhat outdated in modern Argentine society, making it difficult to resonate with the broad masses.

这一现象的背后，是阿共未能有效地与社会变化同步，特别是在新时代的政治竞争中未能树立起鲜明且有吸引力的政治特色。与阿根廷其他主流政党相比，阿根廷共产党显得较为保守，未能快速适应社会和政治环境的变化。尤其在吸引年轻选民和社会新兴阶层方面，阿共的政治吸引力明显不足，导致政党活力持续下降。阿共长期以来坚持的阶级斗争和社会主义理论，在现代阿根廷社会中显得有些过时，难以引起广泛民众的共鸣。

2. Lack of a Comprehensive Reserve Training Mechanism

2.缺乏完善的后备培养机制

Apart from the slow growth in party membership, the CPA’s mechanisms for cultivating young leaders and ensuring succession are also imperfect. The current leadership of the CPA is relatively fixed; the party lacks an effective mechanism for leadership turnover, and the cultivation of young cadres has not received sufficient attention. The phenomenon of aging within the party is relatively prominent. Both the current General Secretary, Correyines, and the former General Secretary, Cote, were over seventy years old when they assumed office. This situation not only affects the vitality of the party’s leadership but also exacerbates the shortage of successor forces within the party, leading to a lack of sufficient young strength for the CPA when facing future political changes.

除了党员人数增长缓慢外，阿共的年轻领导人的培养和接班人机制也并不完善。当前阿共的领导层相对固定，党内缺乏有效的领导人交替机制，年轻干部的培养也未得到足够重视。党内的老龄化现象较为突出，现任总书记科雷伊内斯和前任总书记科特均在上任时已年过七旬。这种情况不仅影响了党内领导层的活力，也加剧了党内后继力量的匮乏，导致阿共在面临未来政治变革时，缺乏足够的年轻力量。

More seriously, the CPA has failed to establish a systematic mechanism for cadre selection and cultivation. As a result, the number of young party members within the CPA is small, their political participation is low, and many young people lack opportunities to enter the party’s leadership or gain necessary practical experience. This situation means that the CPA’s cadre corps cannot effectively respond to the diverse social needs and challenges of the modern political environment.

更为严重的是，阿共未能建立起系统化的干部选拔和培养机制，结果，阿共党内年轻党员的数量较少，政治参与度低，许多年轻人缺乏进入党内领导层的机会，也未能通过实践得到必要的锻炼。这一状况导致阿共的干部队伍无法有效应对多元化的社会需求和现代政治环境的挑战。

Furthermore, some of the CPA’s peripheral institutions and organizations, such as the Communist Youth Federation (FJC) [9]9 The Communist Youth Federation (FJC) is the youth wing of the Communist Party of Argentina., have failed to form effective cultivation mechanisms for the training and mobilization of young talent, leading to a serious shortage of young forces within the party. Therefore, the challenge facing the CPA is not merely the aging of the party’s leadership, but also the overall lag in the development of its cadre corps, which lacks sufficient political vitality and innovative capacity.

此外，诸如共青团(FJC)等阿共的一些外围机构和组织在青年人才的培养和动员方面，未能形成有效的培养机制，导致党内年轻力量的严重不足。因此，阿共面临的挑战不仅仅是党内领导层老龄化的问题，更在于党内干部的整体发展滞后，缺乏足够的政治活力和创新能力。

(3) The Current Decline in Argentine Society’s Identification with Left-Wing Thought

(三)阿根廷当前社会对左翼思想的认同度下降

For a long time, Argentine politics has been dominated by Peronism and left-wing forces, forming a deep left-wing social foundation. Milei’s electoral victory not only broke this pattern but also marked the reshaping of the right wing and a profound shift in the political mentality of the Argentine people.

长期以来，阿根廷政治由庇隆主义和左翼势力主导，形成了深厚的左翼社会基础，米莱的胜选不仅打破了这一格局，还标志着右翼的重塑与阿根廷民众政治心态的深刻转变。

Since the rise of Peronism in the 1940s, Argentina’s left-wing forces have been rooted in broad popular support. Peronism is not only a political movement but also a symbol of social sentiment and national identity. The “justice, equality, and rights of working people” advocated by Peronism are deeply embedded in Argentina’s social structure, becoming a huge political resource for attracting voters. Although the socialist thought advocated by the CPA is fundamentally different from Peronism, the two still share many similarities in their advocacy for changing social inequality and promoting the well-being of the general public. Socialism has a certain market among the Argentine people.

自上世纪40年代庇隆主义兴起以来，阿根廷的左翼力量便植根于广泛的民众支持。庇隆主义不仅是一种政治运动，更是一种社会情感和民族认同的象征。庇隆主义倡导的“正义、平等和劳动人民的权利”深深植根于阿根廷社会结构中，成为吸引选民的巨大政治资源。阿共所倡导的社会主义思想虽与庇隆主义有着本质上的区别，但二者在主张改变社会不平等现状，促进普罗大众福祉增加等方面仍有诸多相似之处，社会主义在阿根廷民众间有一定的市场。

In stark contrast to the left, right-wing forces have long been unpopular in Argentine society. This situation partly stems from Argentina’s history of military governments, especially the period of military dictatorship from the 1970s to the 1980s. During this period, right-wing regimes implemented repressive policies, and widespread political persecution and social control inflicted indelible psychological trauma on the people. Against this backdrop, the right wing became synonymous with “military dictatorship” and “repression.” The people’s fear and rejection of the right wing are deeply ingrained, and Argentine society generally has a higher tolerance and sense of trust toward the left.

与左翼形成鲜明对比的是，右翼力量则在阿根廷社会中长期不受欢迎。这种情况部分源于阿根廷的军政府历史，尤其是20世纪70年代至80年代的军人独裁时期。右翼政权在这一时期实施了高压政策，广泛的政治迫害和社会控制给民众带来了难以抹去的心理创伤。在这种背景下，右翼成为“军人独裁”和“镇压”的代名词，民众对右翼的恐惧和排斥情绪根深蒂固，阿根廷社会普遍对左翼有更高的容忍度和信任感。

The right wing’s lack of governing ability further deepened this distrust. For example, during the early 21st century, when the center-right Radical Civic Union was in power, President Fernando de la Rúa’s economic policies and management errors led to a severe financial crisis. Argentina fell into a sustained debt crisis, with high unemployment, a near-collapse of the banking system, and a massive impact on people’s lives. This event made the Argentine people even more suspicious of the right wing’s governing capacity, associating it with negative images such as economic chaos and government incompetence. For this reason, over the past few decades, Argentina’s right-wing parties have mostly avoided explicitly labeling themselves as right-wing forces, instead calling themselves “democrats” or “reformists,” trying to downplay their right-wing attributes to cater to voter psychology.

右翼势力在执政能力方面的欠缺进一步加深了这种不信任。例如，在21世纪初，右翼中间偏右的激进公民联盟执政时期，费尔南多·德拉鲁阿总统的经济政策和管理失误导致了严重的金融危机。阿根廷陷入持续性的债务危机，失业率高企，银行体系几乎崩溃，民众的生活受到极大冲击。这一事件使得阿根廷民众更加怀疑右翼的执政能力，将右翼与经济失控、政府无能等负面形象联系起来。正因如此，阿根廷的右翼政党在过去的几十年里大多避免明确标榜自己为右翼势力，转而将自己称为“民主派”或“变革派”,试图淡化右翼属性以迎合选民心理。

Milei’s high-profile candidacy as a “far-right candidate” and his eventual victory clearly indicate that the Argentine people’s psychological prejudice against right-wing parties has significantly weakened, while their disappointment with left-wing parties has greatly increased. Against the backdrop of Argentina’s prolonged economic downturn, voters’ political attitudes have become more pragmatic. They no longer equate the right wing with military dictatorship or economic failure, but instead see the right wing’s potential as a force for change. They believe that trying a new political direction might bring a turnaround for the Argentine economy, rather than continuing to endure the various difficulties caused by the Justicialist Party’s failed economic reforms.

米莱以“极右翼候选人”身份高调参选并最终胜选，这一现象清楚地表明阿根廷民众在心理上对右翼政党的偏见已显著减弱，而对左翼政党的失望情绪则大幅增加。在阿根廷经济连续低迷的背景下，选民的政治态度愈加务实，也不再将右翼等同于军人独裁或经济失败，而是看到了右翼作为变革者的潜力，认为相比继续忍受正义党因经济改革失败所带来的种种困境，尝试新的政治方向或许能为阿根廷经济带来转机。

4. Trend Outlook: Internal and External Social and Political Changes Will Provide New Development Opportunities for the CPA

四、趋势展望：内外社会政治变革将为阿共提供新发展契机

Although the CPA currently faces many development bottlenecks, if it can seize the opportunity presented by the widespread intensification of social contradictions in Argentina due to the Milei government’s reforms, flexibly adjust its development strategy, and actively respond to the people’s demands, it may still win new space for development in the future.

虽然阿共当前面临诸多发展瓶颈，但若能够抓住当前阿根廷国内因米莱政府改革而导致社会矛盾普遍激化这一机遇，灵活调整发展策略，积极回应民众诉求，则仍有可能在未来赢得新一轮发展空间。

(1) Opportunities Amid Turmoil in Argentina’s Domestic Situation

(一)阿根廷国内局势动荡下的机遇

The neoliberal reforms currently being implemented by the Milei government have indeed alleviated Argentina’s inflationary pressure to some extent, but in the short term, they have not benefited ordinary people. On the contrary, fiscal austerity has led to severe cuts in public services, causing a sharp rise in the general cost of living for the people. A typical example is the increase in electricity prices: in February 2024, two Argentine electricity companies, Edenor and Edesur, announced the cancellation of electricity price subsidies, causing the electricity price for N2 users (middle-income class) in Buenos Aires Province to soar from 3,500 pesos per 150 kilowatt-hours to 10,500 pesos, an increase of nearly three times.

米莱政府当下推行的新自由主义改革确实在一定程度上缓解了阿根廷的通货膨胀压力，但短期内却并未惠及普通民众，反而由于财政紧缩导致了公共服务的严重削减，致使民众一般性生活成本急剧上升。一个典型的例子是电力价格上涨：2024年2月，阿根廷Edenor和Edesur两家电力公司宣布取消电力价格补贴，导致布宜诺斯艾利斯省N2用户(中等收入阶层)的电价从每150千瓦时3500比索飙升至10500比索，上涨了近三倍。

Moreover, the general rise in the cost of living has also driven a significant increase in the poverty rate. According to calculations based on Argentina’s “Basic Food Basket” (CBA) price, the poverty rate in Argentina reached 52.9% in the first half of 2024, a sharp increase of 11.2 percentage points from 41.7% in the second half of 2023. A large number of former middle-class people have fallen into poverty. The unemployment rate has risen, the purchasing power of wages has continued to decline, and the daily expenses of ordinary families have become increasingly tight. Public service resources such as education, healthcare, and housing have been significantly reduced due to fiscal austerity, causing poor families to face enormous difficulties in securing the basic guarantees for life and development. This economic crisis and policy reforms have not only impacted low-income groups but also put survival pressure on the middle class. More and more people are questioning the Milei government’s reform measures and the capitalist system behind them. Polling agency CB Consultora also indicated that Milei’s approval rating in September 2024 fell by 4.2 percentage points compared to August, to 46.4%.

不仅如此，生活成本的普遍上升也推动了贫困率的大幅增长。根据阿根廷的“基础食品篮子”(CBA)价格计算，2024年上半年阿根廷的贫困率已达52.9%,较2023年下半年的41.7%大幅上升了11.2个百分点。大量原中产阶级民众陷入贫困，失业率攀升，工资购买力持续下滑，普通家庭的日常开销愈加拮据。教育、医疗、住房等公共服务资源因财政紧缩大幅减少，使得贫困家庭在生活和发展的基本保障上面临巨大困难。这场经济危机和政策改革不仅冲击了低收入阶层，也令中产阶级面临生存压力，越来越多的民众对米莱政府的改革措施及其背后的资本主义体制产生了质疑。民调机构CBConsultora也表示，米莱2024年9月份的支持率较8月份下降了4.2%,至46.4%。

Against the backdrop of the current intensifying social crisis, Argentina’s socialist forces will face unprecedented development opportunities. For a long time, socialist organizations such as the Communist Party of Argentina have taken “social equality,” “economic fairness,” and “collective welfare” as their core values, opposing capitalism and monopoly economies, and advocating for fair distribution and the state’s rational management of resources. The current widespread popular disappointment with economic reforms centered on extreme liberalism, caused by the hardships of life, means that the propositions of socialist forces are gaining increasing recognition among the people. If the CPA can effectively exploit the current situation at this time, win popular support by proposing more practical and feasible policies, it may be able to occupy a more favorable position in future political struggles, attract support from the middle class and the poor, and thus provide strong support for subsequent development.

在当前社会危机加剧的背景下，阿根廷的社会主义力量将迎来前所未有的发展机会。长期以来，阿根廷共产党等社会主义组织以“社会平等”、“经济公平”和“集体福利”为核心价值观，反对资本主义和垄断经济，提倡公平分配和国家对资源的合理管理。当前的民众普遍因生活困苦而对以极端自由主义为核心的经济改革失望，使得社会主义力量的主张正在他们中间获得越来越多的认同。如果阿共在此时能有效利用当前局势，通过提出更为切实可行的政策赢得民众支持，他们或将能够在未来的政治斗争中占据更有利的地位，吸引中产和贫困阶层的支持，从而为后续的发展提供有力支撑。

(2) Support from the Working Class

(二)工人阶层的支持

Since the country’s industrialization, Argentina’s working class has been the backbone of economic development, possessing mature trade union organizations and rich experience in struggle. Within the national economic structure, the working class is not only the main force of production but also plays an indispensable role in fighting for social equality and labor rights.

阿根廷的工人阶级自国家工业化以来便是经济发展的中坚力量，具备成熟的工会组织和丰富的斗争经验。在国家经济结构中，工人阶级不仅是生产的主力军，也在争取社会平等、劳动权益方面发挥了不可忽视的作用。

As noted above, the ACP has always been a firm advocate of the concepts of “social equality” and “economic fairness,” and its basic policy propositions are naturally aligned with the demands of Argentina’s working-class strata. Unlike the neoliberal and market-oriented policies generally adopted by the current mainstream political parties, the Argentine Communist Party explicitly opposes the capitalist economic model and firmly believes that state intervention is the only way to safeguard the interests of the working class and protect labor rights. This consistency in policy concepts has created the preconditions for the Argentine Communist Party to accumulate working-class support.

如前所述，阿共一直是“社会平等”和“经济公平”理念的坚定倡导者，其基本政策主张与阿根廷工人阶层的诉求天然契合。与当前主流政党普遍采纳的新自由主义和市场导向政策不同，阿根廷共产党明确反对资本主义经济模式，坚信国家干预是保障工人阶级利益和维护劳动权益的必由之路。这种政策理念上的一致性为阿根廷共产党积累工人阶级支持创造了前提条件。

Since Milei came to power, the rights and interests of the Argentine working class have faced unprecedented challenges due to his radical marketization and neoliberal reform policies. Wage reductions, weakened job security, and cuts in social welfare have aroused strong resistance from the working class, with trade unions and labor organizations sparking wave after wave of protest. Against this backdrop, the ties between the Argentine Communist Party and the working class have continued to deepen, providing it with an opportunity to further expand its political influence. Through coordinated cooperation with trade unions and grassroots labor organizations, the Argentine Communist Party can more directly convey its own political propositions to the broad masses of workers, transforming the workers’ anger and discontent into political support and providing the working class with a clear direction for struggle. With the support of the working class, the Argentine Communist Party is expected to gain greater influence and appeal in protest activities, laying a solid mass foundation for advancing the socialist agenda and consolidating its basic support base.

米莱上台以来，由于其推行的激进市场化和新自由主义改革政策，阿根廷工人阶级的权益遭遇了前所未有的挑战。工资减少、工作保障削弱以及社会福利缩减，激起了工人阶级的强烈反抗，工会和劳工组织掀起了一波接一波的抗议浪潮。在这种背景下，阿根廷共产党与工人阶级之间的联系不断深化，为其提供了进一步扩展政治影响力的契机。通过与工会和基层劳工组织的协同合作，阿根廷共产党能够更直接地将自身的政治主张传达给广大工人，将工人阶级的愤怒和不满转化为政治支持，为工人阶级提供明确的斗争方向。借助工人阶级的支持，阿根廷共产党有望在抗议活动中赢得更多的影响力和号召力，为推进社会主义议程和巩固其基本支持群体奠定坚实群众基础。

(III) The Impact of the Regional Left-Wing Revival

(三)地区左翼复苏的影响

In recent years, a wave of revival of left-wing governments has emerged in many Latin American countries, including major regional powers such as Chile, Colombia, and Mexico, where left-wing forces have achieved success in elections, bringing about important changes in the Latin American political landscape. With the relative decline of right-wing party forces and the return to power of left-wing parties in recent years, “left advance, right retreat” has begun to become the mainstream of the Latin American political ecology. According to statistics from *The New York Times*, since 2018, six of the seven largest countries in the region have elected left-wing leaders, greatly strengthening regional left-wing forces.

近年来，拉丁美洲多个国家兴起了左翼政权的复兴浪潮，包括智利、哥伦比亚、墨西哥等地区大国的左翼力量均在选举中取得成功，拉丁美洲政治生态发生了重要的变化。随着近年来右翼政党势力的相对衰落与左翼政党的重新上台执政，“左进右退”开始成为拉美政治生态的主流。根据《纽约时报》统计，自2018年以来，该地区七个最大的国家中，已有六个国家选举出了左翼领导人，地区左翼力量得到了极大的增强。

Specifically, in July 2021, after two rounds of voting, Pedro Castillo, the candidate of the left-wing Free Peru Party, defeated Keiko Fujimori, the candidate of the Popular Force Party, and was successfully elected President of Peru; on December 19 of the same year, Gabriel Boric, the candidate of the left-wing coalition “Apruebo Dignidad” in Chile, defeated his rival José Antonio Kast, the presidential candidate of the right-wing coalition “Christian Social Front,” with 55.86% of the vote, and was successfully elected President of Chile. Boric is also the president in Chilean electoral history who won the election with the highest number of votes.

具体来看，2021年7月，经过两轮选举投票，左翼自由秘鲁党候选人佩德罗·卡斯蒂略击败人民力量党候选人藤森庆子，成功当选为秘鲁总统；同年12月19日，智利左翼政党联盟“赞成尊严”候选人加夫列尔·博里奇以55.86%的选票击败了其竞争对手右翼政党联盟“基督教社会阵线”总统候选人何塞·安东尼奥·卡斯特，成功当选为智利总统，同时博里奇也是智利总统选举历史上以最高得票数赢得大选的总统。

In 2022, left-wing forces in Colombia and Brazil also made a strong comeback in general elections. On May 29, 2022, Colombia held presidential elections. Gustavo Petro, the candidate of the left-wing electoral coalition “Historical Pact for Colombia,” defeated independent candidate Rodolfo Hernández in the second round of the presidential election and was elected as Colombia’s first left-wing president in history; on October 30, in the second round of the Brazilian election, former left-wing president Lula defeated the far-right incumbent president Bolsonaro and was successfully elected President of Brazil. In January 2023, Lula was sworn in as president, marking the official return of left-wing forces in Brazil. In addition, left-wing leaders in Honduras, Nicaragua, Saint Lucia, the Bahamas, Barbados, and other countries have also come to power in the new wave of “left advance, right retreat.” Among the 12 general elections held in 12 Latin American countries in 2021 and 2022, left-wing candidates won 10 elections.

2022年，哥伦比亚与巴西左翼在大选中也强势回归。2022年5月29日，哥伦比亚举行总统选举，左翼竞选联盟“哥伦比亚历史公约联盟”候选人古斯塔沃·佩特罗在第二轮的总统选举中击败了独立参选人鲁道夫·埃尔南德斯当选为哥伦比亚历史上的首位左翼总统；10月30日，在巴西第二轮大选中，左翼前总统卢拉击败极右翼在任总统博索纳罗，成功当选为巴西总统，2023年1月，卢拉宣誓就任总统，巴西左翼力量正式回归。此外，洪都拉斯、尼加拉瓜、圣卢西亚、巴哈马、巴巴多斯等国的左翼领导人也均在新一轮的“左进右退”浪潮中上台。在2021年与2022年拉丁美洲地区12国所举行的12场大选中，左翼候选人共赢得了10场选举的胜利。

This trend will undoubtedly have a positive impact on the future development of the Argentine Communist Party. The unity and exchange among left-wing governments in the Latin American region will help the Argentine Communist Party build a broad international support network, further strengthen its external support base, and help boost the Argentine Communist Party’s confidence in its future development.

这一趋势无疑将对阿根廷共产党未来的发展产生积极影响，拉美地区左翼政权之间的联合与交流，将为阿根廷共产党构建广泛的国际支持网络，进一步增强其发展的外部支撑力，有助于提升阿根廷共产党未来发展的信心。

Conclusion

结语

As a socialist party with a long history in Latin America, the Argentine Communist Party has always insisted on playing a unique role among left-wing forces at home and abroad. Under the dual pressure of the current far-right wave and internal structural challenges, although the ACP’s influence is somewhat limited, it still has potential in promoting social justice and uniting progressive forces in the region. Facing the new situation of increasingly acute social contradictions in Argentina and the revival of the Latin American left, the Argentine Communist Party will continue to explore new paths for its own development. In the process of defending workers’ rights, promoting fair distribution, and advancing anti-capitalist change, it will strive to consolidate its position within the socialist camp in Argentina and the entire Latin American region, gradually exploring a socialist model that truly conforms to the actual conditions of the country and the region.

作为拉丁美洲历史悠久的社会主义政党，阿根廷共产党始终坚持在国内外左翼力量中发挥独特作用。在当前极右翼浪潮和党内结构性挑战的双重压力下，阿共的影响力虽有所局限，但其在推动社会公正和区域进步力量联合方面仍具潜力。面对阿根廷社会矛盾日益加剧和拉美左翼复兴的新形势，阿根廷共产党将持续探索自身发展的新路径，在捍卫劳动者权益、促进公平分配和推动反资本主义变革的过程中，争取在阿根廷及整个拉美社会主义阵营中巩固其地位，逐步探索真正符合本国和地区实际的社会主义模式。

(Author bios: Zhou Songfeng, doctoral candidate at the School of Marxism, University of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences; Zhou Miao, researcher at the Institute of Marxism, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Doctor of Laws)

（作者简介：周松锋，中国社会科学院大学马克思主义学院博士研究生；周淼，中国社会科学院马克思主义研究院研究员，法学博士）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心