New Situation, New Strategy, and New Development of the Communist Movement in the United States — An Interview with Haz Al-Din, Executive Chair of the American Communist Party (ACP)

The world today is undergoing profound transformations, with imperialist hegemony accelerating its decline and the systemic crisis of capitalism deepening day by day. Socialist thought is regaining vitality. Against this backdrop, a trend of division and reconstruction has emerged within the Communist Party of the United States. In 2024, the Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA) [hereinafter referred to as “the CPUSA”] experienced splits due to differences in line and organizational philosophy. Some Party members left the CPUSA to establish a new party, the American Communist Party (ACP) [hereinafter referred to as “the ACP”]. The ACP advocates a return to the Leninist revolutionary line and organizational principles, seeking to rebuild the Party’s close ties with the masses on a new social foundation. To analyze and understand the latest developments in the communist movement in the United States, the author conducted an exclusive interview with Haz Al-Din, the first Executive Chair of the ACP.

当今世界正在经历深刻变革，帝国主义霸权加速衰落，资本主义制度性危机日益加深。社会主义思潮重新获得活力。在此背景下，美国共产党内部却出现分化与重建趋势。2024年，美国共产党(The Communist Party of the United States of America, CPUSA)[以下简称“美共(CPUSA)”]内部因路线分歧和组织理念差异出现裂痕，部分党员脱党另立门户，组建了美国共产党(American Communist Party, ACP)[以下简称“美共(ACP)”]。美共(ACP)主张回归列宁主义的革命路线和组织原则，试图在新的社会基础上重建党与群众的紧密联系。为分析和了解美国共产主义运动的最新情况，笔者对美共(ACP)首任执行主席哈兹·阿尔丁进行了专访。

I. Background and Reasons for the Establishment of the ACP

一、美共(ACP)成立的背景及原因

▲ In recent years, class contradictions within the United States have intensified, and political polarization has deepened. Against this backdrop, the establishment of the ACP has drawn widespread international attention and sparked further discussion of its political significance and potential impact. Could you please introduce the background and reasons for the establishment of the ACP?

▲近年来，美国国内阶级矛盾激化，政治极化加剧，在此背景下，美共(ACP)的成立引发了国际社会的广泛关注，并激发了对其政治意义及潜在影响的进一步探讨。请您介绍一下美共(ACP)成立的背景和原因。

● Although there are significant ideological differences between the leadership of the ACP and that of the CPUSA, when I popularized Marxism to people through live streams, I still encouraged supporters to join the CPUSA. This is because there has long been a vicious cycle of sectarianism within the U.S. left, where many organizations are founded merely on subtle ideological differences. The newly established ACP is not only an ideological platform but should also be a practical institution; it should be a party of the American working class and remain open to different viewpoints. At the same time, however, we strive to maintain the organizational integrity of the Party. Party building cannot do without discipline. If a certain ideology becomes the majority within the Party, the minority should submit to the collective will rather than cling to personal positions. The deeply rooted individualism in American culture is one of the root causes of the long-standing fragmentation within the U.S. left. In fact, I never intended to rebuild a party through a split. In the future, it can be anticipated that as the number of new ACP members continues to grow, the Party’s National Congress will inevitably engage in more intense discussions around line and direction.

●尽管美共(ACP)与美共(CPUSA)的领导层之间存在较大的意识形态分歧，但在我通过直播向人们普及马克思主义时，我仍鼓励支持者加入美共(CPUSA)。这是因为，美国左翼长期存在宗派主义的恶性循环，许多组织的创立仅仅是基于意识形态的细微差异。新成立的美共(ACP)不仅是一个意识形态平台，还应是一个实践机构，它应该是美国工人阶级的政党，应该对不同的观点保持开放态度。但与此同时，我们力求维护党的组织的整体性。党的建设离不开纪律，如果某一种意识形态在党内成为多数，少数派就应服从集体意志，而非固守个人立场。美国文化中根深蒂固的个人主义，是美国左翼内部长期分裂的根源之一。事实上，我从未设想要用破裂的方式重建一个政党。未来，可以预见的是，随着美共(ACP)新成员人数的不断增加，党的全国代表大会将不可避免地围绕路线和方向展开更激烈的讨论。

Politically, we have always believed that the CPUSA’s stance is not firm enough and lacks genuine independence, especially in its dependence on the Democratic Party. The CPUSA is not a law-based political party in the traditional sense; its operational logic emphasizes substantive content over institutional procedures. But the reality is that more than half of the Party’s members are disappointed with the current strategy and are looking for a new direction. Although this tendency has become dominant, the Party’s leadership has consistently evaded this issue and is severely disconnected from the grassroots. After three to four years of observation, we have come to recognize that the current leadership’s mode of operation has become an obstacle to the Party’s development. The CPUSA leadership has achieved no significant accomplishments nor taken effective measures to promote the Party’s growth. They have turned a deaf ear to internal criticism, not only refusing to make necessary adjustments but also attempting to turn the Party into an appendage of the Democratic Party, further weakening its independence and influence.

在政治上，我们始终认为美共(CPUSA)的立场不够坚定，缺乏真正的独立性，尤其体现在它对民主党的依附上。美共(CPUSA)并非传统意义上的法治型政党，其运作逻辑更强调实质内容而非制度程序。但现实是，党内超过一半的成员对现行战略感到失望，期待寻找新的方向。尽管这种倾向已经占据主导地位，但党的领导层却始终回避这一问题，与基层严重脱节。经过三到四年的观察，我们认识到，当前领导层的运作方式已成为党发展的障碍。美共(CPUSA)领导层既未取得任何显著成就，也未采取有效措施促进党的发展。他们对内部批评置若罔闻，不仅拒绝进行必要的调整，反而试图将党变为民主党的附属组织，这进一步削弱了其独立性和影响力。

In contrast, a new generation of Party members, including myself, hold a stronger conviction in communism. We regard Marxism-Leninism as an intellectual resource oriented toward the future. We believe it is possible to combine the most progressive ideas with the support of the broad masses to form a new general committee. In 2024, the Democratic Party lost support among the left due to its handling of the situation in Gaza. This disappointment also affected the CPUSA. My supporters and more Party members harbored deep doubts about the CPUSA’s future. Consequently, some Party members, including myself, chose to break away on the occasion of the 32nd National Congress. We believe that, in terms of institutional rules and regulations, because the CPUSA’s 32nd National Congress failed to reflect the will of the majority and violated the Party Constitution, the Party can be said to have effectively dissolved. Therefore, we formally announced the establishment of the ACP. One of the most important changes in our founding document, the *Manifesto*, is placing practice at the core. This shift partially inherits the American tradition of pragmatism, namely that the legitimacy of a communist party comes from its capacity for action, not from some pure ideology. We need a party that can truly mobilize the masses to meet the political challenges of a new era.

与此相对，连同我在内的新一代党员对共产主义怀有更强烈的信念，我们将马克思列宁主义视为面向未来的思想资源。我们认为，可以将最进步的思想和广大民众的支持相结合，组成新的全体委员会。2024年，民主党因其对加沙局势的处理方式而在左翼中失去支持。这种失望情绪也波及美共(CPUSA),我的支持者以及更多的党员对美共(CPUSA)的未来抱有深深的怀疑。于是，连同我在内的一些党员选择在第32次全国代表大会召开之际独立出去。我们认为，从制度章程来讲，由于美共(CPUSA)的第32次全国代表大会未能反映多数人的意志并且违反了党章，该党实际上可以说已经解散。所以，我们正式宣布成立美共(ACP)。在我们的创始文件《宣言》中，最重要的变化之一是将实践置于核心地位。这一转向部分继承了美国的实用主义传统，即共产党的正当性来自其行动能力，而非某种纯粹的意识形态。我们需要一个能够真正动员群众的政党，以应对新的时代的政治挑战。

▲ What are the main differences between the ACP and the CPUSA in terms of ideology, organizational strategy, or policy direction?

▲美共(ACP)和美共(CPUSA)在意识形态、组织战略或政策方向方面存在哪些主要区别?

● At the ideological level, we explicitly support in our Party Constitution and *Manifesto* a Marxist theoretical system known as “the unified tendency.” The criterion for evaluating Marxism-Leninism is historical; its validity depends on whether it has contributed to the development of human society in practice. For us, as long as communists have made positive and concrete contributions in history and advanced social practice, these practical achievements should be regarded as components of this theoretical system. For example, we believe that successive leadership collectives of the Communist Party of China have embodied the continuation and development of Marxism-Leninism. The reform and opening up promoted by Deng Xiaoping was a major contribution to socialism. Judging from current practice, Xi Jinping’s governance achievements are equally

●从意识形态层面来看，我们在党章和《宣言》中明确支持一种被称为“统一趋势”(the unified tendency)的马克思主义理论体系。衡量马克思列宁主义的标准是历史性的，其有效性取决于其在实践当中是否为人类社会的发展作出贡献。对我们而言，只要共产党人在历史上作出了积极而具体的贡献、推动了社会实践的进步，这些实践成果就应被视为这一理论体系的组成部分。例如，我们认为中国共产党的历代领导集体都体现出对马克思列宁主义的延续与发展。邓小平推动的改革开放，是对社会主义的重大贡献。从目前的实践看，习近平的执政成就同样显著。与一些美国毛派不同，我们并不将苏联或其他社会主义国家一概视为“修正主义”。我们肯定中国、古巴、越南等国家各具特色的社会主义发展路径，尤其是中国道路是目前最成功的，我们从中获得了许多宝贵经验。我们的立场在美国左翼特别是部分共产主义者中引发了争议。这些人往往否定一些现实社会主义国家的合法性，他们的观点是缺乏历史意识和理论反思的表现。

One of the differences between the ACP and the CPUSA is that the CPUSA lacks a systematic understanding of the 20th-century socialist movement and has failed to establish a clear framework for explaining or responding to this historical process. It accepted Khrushchev's "Secret Report" [1]1 The "Secret Report" refers to Nikita Khrushchev's speech "On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences" delivered to the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956, which denounced Stalin's rule and initiated a process of de-Stalinization. and supported Gorbachev's reforms, making it, to some extent, a typical revisionist organization. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the CPUSA failed to maintain a clear Marxist-Leninist stance; its relevant theoretical publications ceased, it almost entirely abandoned the study and propagation of Marxism, and instead politically followed the U.S. Democratic Party. Its worldview is fundamentally no different from that of the Democratic Party, making it more akin to liberals than to genuine Marxists.

美共(ACP)与美共(CPUSA)的区别之一在于：美共(CPUSA)缺乏对20世纪社会主义运动的系统性认识，也未能建立起解释或回应这一历史进程的清晰框架，它认可接受赫鲁晓夫的“秘密报告”,支持戈尔巴乔夫的改革，某种程度上可以说是典型的修正主义组织。在苏联解体之后，美共(CPUSA)未能保持清晰的马克思列宁主义立场，相关理论刊物停刊，几乎完全放弃对马克思主义的研究和宣传，反而在政治上追随美国民主党。它的世界观与民主党并无根本差异，更像是自由主义者，而非真正的马克思主义者。

Another major point of divergence between the ACP and the CPUSA is that the ACP recognizes "socialist patriotism" as an important component of the Marxist theoretical system. Although we criticize and oppose many policies of the U.S. government, we do not support burning the flag, nor do we encourage hatred of the country, and we certainly do not instill in workers a sentiment of hostility toward their own nation. On the contrary, we affirm the progressive significance of U.S. history, such as the War of Independence, the Civil War, and the Civil Rights Movement, and advocate for maintaining the continuity of this progressive tradition. Within the U.S. left, many liberal figures, influenced by bourgeois cosmopolitanism, deny all forms of national identity and patriotism, and we take a critical stance toward this tendency.

美共(ACP)与美共(CPUSA)之间的另一个重大分歧是，美共(ACP)认可“社会主义爱国主义”是马克思主义理论体系的重要组成部分。尽管我们批评和抵制美国政府的诸多政策，但我们不支持焚烧国旗，也不鼓励仇恨国家，更不会向工人灌输仇视自己国家的情绪。相反，我们肯定美国历史的进步意义，例如独立战争、南北战争、民权运动等，主张维护这一进步传统的连续性。在美国左翼内部，许多自由派人士受资产阶级世界主义影响，否认一切形式的民族认同与爱国主义，而我们则对这种倾向持批判态度。

On cultural issues, the basic stance of the CPUSA (ACP) is to maintain political neutrality, especially on the issue of sexual minorities (hereinafter referred to as “LGBT”), and not to intervene proactively. Although some comrades within the Party are indeed skeptical of certain extreme cultures, such as the dozens of different gender categories that have emerged in recent years, we believe that gender politics is not a core concern of Marxism. We will not promote an LGBT agenda, nor will we raise the LGBT banner in political activities. Of course, this does not mean we exclude LGBT people; it is simply that this issue has no direct connection to our main task of striving for socialism, and therefore we do not give it special attention.

在文化问题上，美共(ACP)的基本立场是保持政治中立，尤其是在性少数群体(以下简称“LGBT”)议题上，不主动介入。虽然党内部分同志确实对某些极端文化持怀疑态度，如近年来出现的几十种不同性别的划分。但我们认为性别政治不是马克思主义的核心关切。我们不会推行LGBT议程，也不会在政治活动中高举LGBT旗帜。当然，这并不意味着我们排斥LGBT,只是这一议题与我们争取社会主义的主要任务无直接关联，因此不予特别关注。

▲ How does the CPUSA (ACP) view the fragmentation of left-wing political forces in the United States?

▲美共(ACP)如何看待美国左翼政治力量的分裂?

● The U.S. left currently faces two main problems. First, a serious tendency toward sectarianism. Many leftists place their personal ideological preferences above the objective needs of organizational development, overemphasizing individual emotions and ideological purity, leading to factional disputes, frequent infighting, and consequently long-term antagonism and conflict. This subjectivist tendency is extremely harmful, making it difficult for them to maintain the necessary objective stance and political maturity. Second, a severe disconnection from the working masses of their own country. Many U.S. leftists are unable to truly go down to the grassroots and establish connections with ordinary people. They rarely enter small towns, rural areas, or factories, and can hardly engage in in-depth dialogue with the working class. This disconnection is particularly evident at the cultural level. A view prevalent in some far-left organizations is that the majority of the U.S. working class are illegal immigrants, and that the only “true” proletariat are Native Americans, with at most African Americans added. This stance causes their political focus to lean excessively toward marginal issues, even denying the central role of the majority of U.S. workers in class struggle. This is not only a misjudgment of the actual social structure but also reflects a theoretical arrogance—they are often unwilling to reflect on their own limitations, instead blaming the “backwardness” of the masses for the failure of political mobilization. This mode of thinking is precisely one of the key cruxes of the contemporary U.S. left.

●美国左翼当前主要面临两个问题：一是严重的宗派主义倾向。许多左翼人士将个人的意识形态偏好凌驾于组织发展的客观需求之上，过度强调个人情绪和意识形态的纯粹性，导致派系纷争、内讧频繁，进而形成长期的对立与冲突。这种主观主义倾向极为有害，使他们难以保持应有的客观立场和政治成熟度。二是与本国劳动群众的严重脱节。许多美国左翼无法真正深入基层，与普通民众建立联系。他们很少走进小城镇、乡村和工厂，几乎无法与工人阶级展开深入对话。这种脱节在文化层面尤为明显，一些极左组织中流行的观点是：大多数美国工人阶级是非法移民，唯一“真正”的无产阶级是美洲原住民，最多加上非裔美国人。这种立场使他们的政治关注点过度偏向边缘议题，甚至否认美国多数劳动者在阶级斗争中的核心地位。这不仅是对现实社会结构的误判，也折射出一种理论上的傲慢——他们往往不愿反思自身的局限性，却将政治动员的失败归咎于群众的“落后”。这种思维方式正是当代美国左翼的关键症结之一。

From the perspective of the CPUSA (ACP), the U.S. left should engage in profound self-reflection, go deep among the masses, and learn from the masses. Currently, some leftists have artificially erected a barrier between themselves and the masses, accusing the working masses of being too ignorant, backward, and intolerant. However, it is precisely these leftists who need to engage in self-criticism. For the CPUSA (ACP), the core goal is to bring Marxism back to the public eye and establish connections with the broadest working masses. We advocate taking the initiative to talk with ordinary people, even if they are deeply influenced by anti-communist propaganda, even if they hold prejudices against communism. Our Party members go deep into small towns across the United States, participate in community service, and provide whatever help they can, such as cleaning up, distributing food and clothing, or offering appropriate assistance during natural disasters. When the masses see our concrete work, they will not care whether we call ourselves communists; instead, they will gradually develop a new understanding of communism. This practical work can effectively break down the ideological barriers constructed by the mainstream media. Many Americans have long been indoctrinated with anti-communist ideas, but actions speak louder than words. Truly going deep into the masses can change their views and win their trust.

在美共(ACP)看来，美国左翼应当进行深刻的自我反思，深入群众，向群众学习。当前，一些左翼人士在自己和群众之间人为地筑起了一道屏障，指责劳动群众过于无知、落后和不宽容。然而，真正需要进行自我批评的恰恰是这些左翼人士。对于美共(ACP)来说，核心目标是将马克思主义带回大众视野，与最广泛的劳动群众建立联系。我们主张主动与普通人交谈，哪怕他们深受反共宣传的影响，哪怕他们对共产主义抱有偏见。我们的党员会深入美国的小城镇，参与社区服务，提供力所能及的帮助，如打扫卫生、分发食品和衣物，或在自然灾害时提供适当援助。当群众看到我们实实在在的工作时，他们不会在意我们是否自称为共产党人，反而会逐渐对共产主义产生新的理解。这种实践工作能够有效打破主流媒体构建的意识形态壁垒。许多美国人长期以来都被灌输反共思想，但是行动胜于理论，真正深入群众的工作能够改变他们的看法，赢得他们的信任。

II. Theoretical Positions and Concrete Practices of the CPUSA (ACP)

二、美共(ACP)的理论主张与具体实践

▲ How does the CPUSA (ACP) view electoral politics? Does it plan to become the ruling party by winning the presidential election?

▲美共(ACP)如何看待选举政治?是否计划通过赢得总统选举成为执政党?

● If you want me to speak frankly, our Party does not expect to become the ruling party by winning the presidential election or through other means. Because running for president is extremely costly, and in our view, this attempt is essentially a waste of resources. Moreover, we are well aware that under the current U.S. political system, we cannot win the presidency through elections. Therefore, our core goal is not the presidential election, but to take root at the grassroots and gain local authority.

●如果你想让我直言不讳，那么我们的党并不期望通过赢得总统选举或以其他方式成为执政党。因为竞选总统耗资巨大，在我们看来，这一尝试本质上是一种资源浪费。此外，我们深知，在当前的美国政治体系下，我们不可能通过选举赢得总统职位，因此我们的核心目标并不是总统选举，而是扎根基层，获取地方权威。

We are neither adventurists nor extremists, but we anticipate that when the internal contradictions of the United States reach their peak and lead to a concentrated eruption of domestic problems, the country will face a serious constitutional crisis. This is not to say that collapse will happen overnight, but we have already seen some signs. We are not the only organization holding this view. German media reports indicate that the German government once sent officials to examine the U.S. political environment during the Trump administration and concluded that the U.S. constitutional order is coming into conflict with current political realities, and its future is full of uncertainty. In a society like the United States, which highly esteems individualism, the party best able to mobilize people at the local and grassroots levels will possess political authority. Therefore, our goal is to build a party capable of surviving a systemic collapse and organizing the masses.

我们既不是冒险家，也不是极端主义者，但我们预计，当美国内在矛盾达到顶峰并导致内部问题集中爆发时，国家将面临严重的宪法危机。这并不是说崩溃会在一夜间发生，但我们已经看到了一些迹象。我们并非唯一持此观点的组织。德国媒体报道称，德国政府曾派遣官员考察特朗普执政期间的美国政治环境，并得出结论认为，美国宪法秩序正与当前的政治现实发生矛盾，其未来充满不确定性。在美国这样一个高度崇尚个人主义的社会中，最能够在地方和基层组织动员人民的政党将拥有政治权威。因此，我们的目标是建立一个能够在系统性崩溃中生存并组织群众的政党。

We are not predicting a revolution, nor do we think we will become the leaders of a revolution—that idea is too absurd. We believe that the U.S. constitutional order is heading toward collapse, national governance will become increasingly chaotic, and social conflicts will intensify. In places like Chicago, conflicts between gangs already reflect the decline of national governance capacity, and we hope to gain authority at the grassroots. Perhaps this sounds like a crazy prediction, but in any case, we do not see a future for the U.S. constitutional order. We anticipate that in the future, political struggle in the United States will no longer be limited to elections but will continuously expand into areas beyond elections. This struggle may last for several years, and our task is to prepare before this crisis arrives.

我们并不是在预测革命，也不认为我们会成为革命的领导者——这种想法太过荒谬。我们认为，美国的宪法秩序正在走向崩溃，国家治理将变得越来越混乱，社会冲突也会愈演愈烈。在芝加哥等地，帮派之间的冲突已经反映出国家治理能力的下滑，而我们希望在基层获得权威。也许这听起来像是一种疯狂的预测，但无论如何，我们看不到美国宪法秩序的未来。我们预计，未来美国的政治斗争将不再仅限于选举，而是会持续扩展到选举之外的领域。这场斗争可能会持续数年，而我们的任务是在这场危机之前做好准备。

▲ In local elections, does the CPUSA (ACP) support specific candidates running for public office?

▲在地方选举中，美共(ACP)会支持特定的候选人竞选公职吗?

● Although the CPUSA (ACP) does not pay particular attention to presidential elections, at the local level, the Party organization does attract attention, and many regions have shown a willingness to actively promote their own candidates. One of our Executive Committee members has also proactively engaged and played an important role. This committee is the Party’s highest decision-making body. This member successfully won the position of High Bailiff in Vermont. Although this position is relatively marginal within the overall national political system, it still holds significant influence within its jurisdiction. In the future, we plan to advance further in this direction. We currently do not have suitable candidates to participate in local elections, but if suitable candidates emerge, we do not rule out the possibility of continuing to expand our influence in local elections. However, we know that the real way to drive social change has always been class struggle.

●美共(ACP)虽然并不特别关注总统选举，不过，在地方选举中，党组织确实受到关注，不少地区表现出积极推举本党候选人的意愿。我们的一位执行委员会成员也主动投身其中，发挥了重要作用。该委员会是党内最高决策机构。这位成员在佛蒙特州成功当选高级法警(High Bailiff)一职。尽管这一职位在整个国家政治体系中相对边缘，但在其管辖范围内依然具有重要影响力。未来，我们计划在这一方向上进一步推进。我们目前尚没有参与地方选举的合适人选，但如果出现合适人选，我们不排除在地方选举中继续拓展影响力的可能。但我们知道，真正能够推动社会变革的方式，始终是阶级斗争。

▲ How do you view Trump’s re-election and the specific policies of his second term?

▲您如何看待特朗普的再次当选及其第二任期内的具体政策?

● The Trump phenomenon itself is full of contradictions and ambiguities. In the 2016 election, he successfully attracted a large number of blue-collar workers who were disappointed with the Democratic Party and also tired of the Republican establishment. Blue-collar workers wanted high-paying manufacturing jobs to return to the United States, while also seeking a reaffirmation of national sovereignty. Interestingly, this political demand directly challenged the traditional U.S. imperialist hegemonic system, including the Central Intelligence Agency, federal agencies, and the vast administrative bureaucracy (often called the “fourth branch”). In a sense, these voters were not concerned with how the United States expands its power globally, but rather with putting U.S. interests first—this is the core of Trump’s “America First” principle. The 2016 election undoubtedly became a thought-provoking turning point in U.S. political history.

●特朗普现象本身充满了矛盾与模糊性。在2016年大选中，他成功吸引了大量蓝领工人的支持，这些人对民主党感到失望，同时也厌倦了共和党建制派。蓝领工人希望高薪制造业岗位回流美国，同时寻求对国家主权的重新确认。有趣的是，这种政治诉求直接挑战了美国传统的帝国主义霸权体系，包括中央情报局、联邦机构以及庞大的行政官僚体系(通常被称为“第四分支”)。从某种意义上讲，这些选民并不关心美国如何在全球扩张权力，而是更在意将美国自身的利益置于首位——这正是特朗普“美国优先”原则的核心。2016年大选无疑成为美国政治史上一个耐人寻味的转折点。

The Trump phenomenon reveals the deep contradictions of the United States: on one hand, Trump attempts to salvage America’s global hegemony; on the other, he inadvertently accelerates its decline. In the process of governing, Trump has attacked many core institutions that sustain the empire, attempting a comprehensive review and reshaping of federal agencies, but has encountered strong obstruction from the judicial system, triggering conflicts between the executive and judicial branches. This precisely highlights the crisis of the U.S. constitutional system. The deeper contradiction lies in the fact that the United States must maintain its position as the global economic core while ensuring the stability of dollar hegemony. The essence of dollar hegemony is to make the dollar a world currency through global military presence, financial dominance, and the support of allies. However, Trump’s logic deviates from this traditional model. He believes that the cost of U.S. military deployments worldwide is too high, while allies (such as the EU, South Korea, and Japan) benefit from them, and therefore advocates making allies “pay” for the stationing of U.S. troops. This “ledger-style” imperialism appears in the short term to align with the “America First” principle, but in the long run, it undermines the foundation of U.S. global hegemony. Traditionally, the United States exchanges military protection for allies’ economic support, but Trump’s demand that allies directly pay military expenses may instead lead them to reduce their reliance on the dollar system. This contradiction means that, in attempting to maintain U.S. hegemony, Trump inadvertently promotes the disintegration of the U.S. unipolar system. Furthermore, a series of diplomatic strategies by the Trump administration, such as threatening to annex Canada and creating rifts in U.S.-Canada relations, have further damaged the traditional U.S. alliance system. This was unimaginable ten years ago, but under Trump’s political style, it has become reality. Regardless of his subjective intentions, his policies objectively accelerate the decline of the U.S. global system.

特朗普现象揭示了美国的深层矛盾：特朗普一方面试图挽救美国的全球霸权，另一方面却无意间加速了其衰落。在执政过程中，特朗普攻击了许多维系帝国运作的核心机构，试图对联邦机构进行全面审查和重塑，但却受到了司法系统的强烈阻碍，引发了行政与司法部门的冲突，这正凸显了美国宪法体系的危机。更深层次的矛盾在于，美国必须维持其全球经济核心地位，同时确保美元霸权的稳固。美元霸权的本质是通过全球军事存在、金融主导地位以及盟友的支持，使美元成为世界货币。然而，特朗普的逻辑却偏离了这一传统模式。他认为，美国在全球驻军的成本过高，而盟国(如欧盟、韩国、日本)却从中受益，因此主张让盟国为美军驻扎“买单”。这种“账本式”的帝国主义在短期内看似符合“美国优先”原则，但长期来看，却削弱了美国的全球霸权基础。传统上，美国通过军事保护换取盟友的经济支持，而特朗普要求盟国直接支付军费，反而可能导致它们减少对美元体系的依赖。这种矛盾使特朗普在试图维护美国霸权的过程中，无意间推动了美国单极体系的解体。此外，特朗普政府的一系列外交策略，如威胁吞并加拿大、在美加关系上制造裂痕等，也进一步破坏了美国的传统盟友体系。这在十年前是难以想象的，但在特朗普的政治风格下却成为现实。无论他的主观意图如何，他的政策客观上都加速了美国全球体系的衰落。

▲ What is the position of the CPUSA (ACP) on the labor movement, healthcare reform, and housing security?

▲美共(ACP)对劳工运动、医疗改革和住房保障问题的立场是什么?

● Regarding the labor movement, we are always fully committed, actively mobilizing Party members to cooperate with trade unions and various labor organizations. Currently, some truck drivers at a port in New Jersey are brewing plans to form a union, and we have dispatched personnel to the area to assist them in organizing and mobilization. We also proactively intervene in major strike incidents and actively participate in picket lines. The most recent was the Costco employee strike on January 31, 2025, preceded by the Amazon employee strike on December 19, 2024. Labor organization work is one of the core tasks of the CPUSA (ACP). Our goal is to provide tangible support to the labor movement as a political party and to establish close and stable ties with it.

●在劳工运动方面，我们始终全力以赴，积极动员党员与工会及各类劳工组织展开合作。目前，新泽西州某港口的一些卡车司机正在酝酿组建工会，我们已经派遣人员前往当地，协助他们进行组织动员。我们也会主动介入重大罢工事件并积极参与纠察线。最近的一次是2025年1月31日的好市多(Costco)员工罢工，此前还有2024年12月19日的亚马逊(Amazon)员工罢工。劳工组织工作是美共(ACP)的核心任务之一，我们的目标是以政党的身份，为劳工运动提供切实的支持，并与其建立紧密而稳固的联系。

As for issues such as healthcare and housing justice, we are well aware that these structural problems cannot be solved by external initiatives alone, so we have formulated relevant policy proposals within the Party. For example, we advocate combating real estate speculation, advancing housing reform, and promoting the construction of new cities to guarantee basic housing rights; in the healthcare system, we advocate establishing a universal healthcare system. These policies are an important part of our political program, because the ultimate goal we pursue is the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the realization of the leading position of the proletarian party. Of course, starting from current practical conditions, the area where we are most capable of direct intervention and playing a role remains the labor movement.

至于医疗保健和住房正义等议题，我们深知这些结构性问题无法单靠外部倡议解决，因此我们在党内制定了相关的政策方案。例如，主张打击房地产投机，推进住房改革，推动建设新型城市，以保障基本居住权；在医疗体系方面，倡导建立全民医保制度。这些政策是我们政治纲领的重要组成部分，因为我们追求的终极目标是建立无产阶级专政，实现无产阶级政党的领导地位。当然，从当前实际条件出发，我们最有能力直接介入并发挥作用的，仍然是劳工运动领域。

▲ Regarding some current social problems in the United States, such as increasing social inequality, tense race relations, and ecological crises, has the CPUSA (ACP) proposed solutions?

▲对于美国当前的一些社会问题，如社会不平等加剧、种族关系紧张、生态危机等，美共(ACP)是否提出了解决方案?

● In our planning, debt cancellation is regarded as one of the most fundamental and indispensable measures. Our policy conception is deeply inspired by economist Michael Hudson. He points out that the legitimization of state power is often accompanied by the cancellation of debts. Historically, the establishment of new regimes has usually involved large-scale debt abolition. The socialist revolutions in China and the Soviet Union both embodied this principle: Mao Zedong abolished peasants’ debts to landlords during the land reform; after the October Revolution, the Soviet government not only refused to repay the foreign debts accumulated by the tsarist regime but also canceled the private debts of Russian peasants. Therefore, we advocate abolishing the existing debt system and promoting the comprehensive nationalization of the banking system, which means abolishing the current Federal Reserve system and establishing a state monopoly on credit, similar to China’s financial model. We believe that establishing the state’s dominance over credit is the fundamental prerequisite for achieving economic democratization and social redistribution, and this policy will greatly unleash the potential for economic development.

●在我们的规划中，债务减免被视为最基础且不可或缺的举措之一。我们的政策设想深受经济学家迈克尔·哈德森的启发。他指出，国家权力的合法化往往伴随着债务的取消。历史上，新政权的建立通常伴随着大规模的债务废除。中国与苏联的社会主义革命均体现了这一原则：毛泽东在土地改革期间废除了农民对地主的债务；十月革命后，苏维埃政府不仅拒绝偿还沙皇政权积累的对外债务，也免除了俄国农民的私人债务。因此，我们主张取消现存债务体系，并推进银行系统的全面国有化，这意味着要废除当前的联邦储备体制，由国家垄断信贷，就像中国的金融模式一样。我们认为，确立国家对信贷的主导权，是实现经济民主化和社会再分配的根本前提，这一政策将极大释放经济发展的潜力。

The problem of social inequality manifests in two aspects: first, the extreme concentration of wealth in the hands of a few monopoly oligarchs, i.e., the gap between the so-called “1% and 99%.” This billionaire class is essentially the oligarchic stratum of monopoly capital. If the CPUSA (ACP) comes to power, this stratum will be completely eliminated, and the monopoly enterprises under its control will be restructured into state-owned or publicly owned enterprises. Second, there is the problem of regional development imbalance, i.e., severe disparities in infrastructure, medical services, educational resources, etc., between different regions, leading to vast differences in the quality of life for the broad masses. Based on this understanding, we argue that the fundamental solution to social inequality does not rely on tax measures for simple redistribution between high- and low-income groups, but rather on taking control of common development and its driving institutions and incorporating them into the framework of public interest. The true source of wealth is monopoly capital; only by nationalizing monopoly industries can the problem of social inequality be fundamentally solved. Based on this logic, we advocate for comprehensive nationalization reform of major U.S. enterprises, bringing key areas such as land, mineral resources, and natural energy entirely under state ownership. This model is similar to China’s current system of public land ownership and state-owned economy. To truly overcome inequality, the only way is to base the country’s development goals on the common interests of all the people and, through macro-control in the form of “five-year plans,” have the Party and the state supervise and manage economic operations.

社会不平等问题表现在两个方面：一是财富高度集中于少数垄断寡头，即所谓的“1%与99%”之间的鸿沟。这些亿万富翁阶层本质上是垄断资本的寡头阶层。如果美共(ACP)掌权，这一阶层将被彻底消灭，其所掌控的垄断性企业将被改组为由国家或民众所有的国有企业。二是区域性的发展失衡问题，即不同地区在基础设施、医疗服务、教育资源等方面存在严重差距，导致广大民众生活质量相差悬殊。鉴于以上认识，我们主张，解决社会不平等问题的根本办法并非依赖税收手段在高低收入群体之间进行简单的再分配，而是要把共同发展及其动力机构掌握在手，并将其纳入公共利益的框架之中。财富的真正来源是垄断资本，只有将垄断行业公有化，社会不平等问题才能得到根本解决。基于这一逻辑，我们主张对美国主要企业进行全面国有化改革，使土地、矿产资源、自然能源等关键领域全部归国家所有。这一模式与中国现行的土地公有制和国有经济体系相似。要想真正克服不平等，唯有将国家的发展目标建立在全体人民共同利益的基础之上，并通过“五年计划”式的宏观调控，由党和国家对经济运行进行监督与管理。

The reason the CPUSA (ACP) emphasizes development is that democratic socialists in the United States (such as Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and others) generally believe that the key to solving social inequality lies in raising taxes, but this policy is extremely unpopular among working people. In fact, the tax burden on the American working class is already quite heavy; further tax increases will only exacerbate social contradictions. Therefore, we believe that the real solution is to promote economic nationalization and formulate a unified development strategy to ensure that the country’s economic growth serves the common interests of all the people, rather than relying on the accidental results of capitalists pursuing private interests.

美共(ACP)之所以强调发展，是因为美国的民主社会主义者(如亚历山德里娅·奥卡西奥-科尔特斯等人)通常认为，解决社会不平等的关键在于提高税收，但是这种政策在劳动人民中极不受欢迎。事实上，美国工人阶级的税收负担已经相当沉重，进一步提高税收只会加剧社会矛盾。因此，我们认为，真正的解决方案是推动经济国有化，制定统一的发展战略，以确保国家的经济增长服务于全体人民的共同利益，而非寄希望于资本家谋求私人利益的偶然结果。

Furthermore, we have proposed an important principle: linking the operational goals of state-owned enterprises to a human quality-of-life index. For example, if certain state-owned enterprises can significantly improve the basic quality of life of members of society, we will tilt resource allocation, capital investment, and credit support in their favor. This policy approach reflects our conception of a socialist economic system, i.e., through state intervention and planned economic means, ensuring that economic growth truly serves social development and the well-being of the people. In summary, our goal can be summarized as: promoting the transformation of the United States toward a modern socialist economic entity.

此外，我们还提出了一项重要原则，即将国有企业的经营目标与人类生活质量指数挂钩。例如，如果某些国有企业能够显著提升社会成员的基本生活质量，我们将在资源配置、资本投入、信贷支持等方面向其倾斜。这一政策思路体现了我们对社会主义经济体系的构想，即通过国家干预和计划经济手段，确保经济增长真正服务于社会发展和人民福祉。总而言之，我们的目标可以概括为：推动美国向现代社会主义经济体方向转型。

▲ In the information age, how does the CPUSA (ACP) use information technology to advance Party building?

▲在信息化时代，美共(ACP)如何运用信息化手段推进党的建设?

● The CPUSA (ACP) has constructed a party model adapted to the information age, integrating this model with the new, decentralized forms of association and identity brought about by social media. This model makes the Party more flexible and self-adaptive in terms of organization and mobilization.

●美共(ACP)构建了一种适应信息化时代的政党模式，使这一模式与社交媒体带来的新型、分散的结社和认同形式相融合，这种模式使党在组织和动员方面更加灵活和自我适应。

We have more or less established a system in which the primary goal of local branches is to learn how to carry out collective liaison and practice. Unlike the traditional top-down command system, we do not issue specific instructions to each branch; instead, we encourage them to choose actions suitable for their own situation based on their own circumstances, rather than mechanically executing unified orders.

我们或多或少建立了一种系统，在这个系统中，各地分会的首要目标是学习如何开展集体性的联络与实践。与传统的自上而下命令体系不同，我们并不会向每个分会下达具体指令，而是鼓励他们根据自身情况，自主选择适合的行动方式，而不是机械地执行统一指令。

Of course, the CPUSA (ACP) still has basic rules, procedures, and clear organizational discipline to ensure consistency in overall direction. However, at the specific level of implementation, we grant local organizations great flexibility. Suppose a branch has a new idea they believe can work; they can try it. If it succeeds, it can spread rapidly throughout the entire Party and be adopted by other branches. If it fails, this does not mean the Party has failed; rather, it provides us with more experimental data, enabling us to better understand which strategies are effective and which still need adjustment. This model allows us to integrate into communities more effectively and win the support of workers and ordinary people. We rely mainly on social media to convey information and use its characteristics of dissemination and interaction to drive organizational development. We provide a space for people to test and practice their ideas in reality, rather than merely passively receiving instructions. It is this experimental, organically developing approach that enables the CPUSA (ACP) to find its unique position in the political environment of the information age and continuously expand its influence.

当然，美共(ACP)仍然有基本的规则、程序以及明确的组织纪律，以确保整体方向的一致性。但是，在具体的执行层面，我们给予地方组织极大的灵活性。假设某个分会有一个新想法，他们认为可以奏效，就可以去尝试。如果成功了，它就能在整个党内迅速传播，并被其他分会借鉴。如果失败了，这并不意味着党的失败，而是为我们提供了更多实验数据，使我们能够更好地了解哪些策略有效，哪些还需要调整。这种模式使我们能够更有效地融入社区，赢得工人和普通民众的支持。我们主要依靠社交媒体来传递信息，并利用其传播和互动特性来推动组织的发展。我们为人们提供了一个空间，让他们能够在现实中测试和实践自己的想法，而不是仅仅被动地接受指令。正是这种实验性的、有机发展的方式，使美共(ACP)能够在信息化时代的政治环境中找到自己的独特位置，并不断扩大影响力。

▲ Communism still faces severe stigmatization and misunderstanding in the United States. Against this backdrop, how does the CPUSA (ACP) respond to the challenges of the media and public skepticism?

▲共产主义在美国仍然面临严重的污名化和误解，在这样的背景下，美共(ACP)如何回应媒体的挑战和公众的质疑?

● Regarding the anti-communist trend in the United States, I would say that one of the characteristics of capitalism is that it makes people very forgetful, focusing only on what is immediately in front of them. Americans forget the injustices they have committed, forget the Iraq War and the Vietnam War, and even forget the oppression of the working class by capitalists. However, they also forget many traditions, including the anti-communist tradition. As long as we demonstrate our good deeds and virtues to Americans through community service, showing them the beauty of communism, they will not care about the negative impressions of communism they were fed in the past. They might say: “That’s a communist, fine, I think I’m interested in communists.” This is a very effective way to guide Americans to learn and receive education and understand the truth of the past. We cooperate with churches and local community organizations, and none of them are intimidated by the label “communist.” In most people’s view, if you want to do good deeds, it doesn’t matter whether you are a communist or even an alien; they only care about the results — this is a very American perspective. So, we are not intimidated by anti-communist ideology. In fact, recently we are not worried, partly because we realize that the Trump administration is facing a huge crisis; they are too focused on their internal chaos and do not even have the resources to pay attention to us.

●关于美国的反共产主义思潮，我想说，资本主义的特点之一是它让人们变得非常健忘，只关注眼前的事物。美国人忘记了自己曾犯下的不义之事，忘记了伊拉克战争和越南战争，甚至忘记了资本家对工人阶级的压迫。不过，他们同样忘记了许多传统，包括反共产主义的传统。只要我们通过社区服务向美国人展示我们的善举和美德，向他们展示共产主义的美好，他们就不会在意过去被灌输的对共产主义的负面印象。他们可能会说：“那是共产主义者，很好，我想我对共产主义者感兴趣。”这是一个非常有效的、引导美国人学习和接受教育并了解过去真相的方式。我们与教堂和当地社区组织合作，他们当中没有人被“共产主义者”的标签吓倒。在多数人看来，如果你想做好事，你是共产主义者，甚至是外星人都没有关系，他们只关心结果——这是一种非常美国化的观点。所以，我们不会被反共产主义的意识形态吓倒。事实上，最近我们并不担心，部分原因是我们意识到特朗普政府正面临巨大的危机，他们过于专注于内部的混乱，甚至没有资源去关注我们。

▲ What is your view of left-wing organizations such as the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA)? Will the CPUSA (ACP) cooperate with other left-wing parties or progressive organizations in the United States in the future?

▲您怎么看待美国民主社会主义者组织(Democratic Socialist of America, DSA)等左翼组织?美共(ACP)未来是否会与美国其他左翼政党或进步组织开展合作?

● In the United States, when it comes to these left-wing organizations, I find it hard to name them directly. We have indeed established cooperative relationships with some organizations, such as the Teamsters Union, the Puerto Rican independence movement, the Haitian community, the Irish community, and Black organizations. We always adhere to the principle of open cooperation and are willing to cooperate with any group that is interested. However, the DSA holds an extremely hostile attitude toward us. For example, a member within the DSA coined the concept of “purity superstition,” arguing that cooperating with us would be impure because we do not support LGBT as they do and are independent of the Democratic Party and its subordinate NGOs.

●在美国，谈到这些左翼组织，我很难直言其名。我们确实与一些组织建立了合作关系，比如卡车司机工会、波多黎各独立运动、海地裔社区、爱尔兰裔社区和黑人组织等。我们始终秉持开放合作的原则，愿意与任何感兴趣的团体合作，但是DSA对我们抱有极其敌对的态度。例如，DSA内部某成员创造了“纯洁迷信”(purity superstition)这个概念，认为如果和我们合作，就是不纯洁的，因为我们不像他们那样支持LGBT,也独立于民主党及其下属的非政府组织。

For the CPUSA (ACP), differences are a bridge for cooperation; but for the DSA, the opposite is true, and they are therefore very hostile toward us. They are extremely conservative; their leaders are defensive and unwilling to accept any new ideas or things. Ironically, they appear extremely liberal on social issues. When it comes to the definition of socialism, the form of organization, and who should be organized, they think only scholars and sexual minorities need to be organized, and at most Black people. The popular term “white left” [5]5 “White left” (白左, bái zuǒ) is a Chinese internet term used to criticize Western leftists, especially in the US and Europe, for being out-of-touch, morally self-righteous, and prioritizing identity politics over class struggle. can describe them well.

对美共(ACP)来说，存在差异是合作的桥梁；但对DSA来说正好相反，他们也因此对我们非常敌视。他们极为保守，他们的领导人充满防备，不愿意接受任何新思想或新事物。讽刺的是，他们在社会问题上又显得极端自由。当谈到社会主义的定义、组织形式以及应该组织谁时，他们认为只需要组织学者和性少数群体，最多再加上黑人。“白左”这一流行词，可以很好地形容他们。

They refuse to accept a pragmatic view: that one must learn how to speak with the working masses, and even if the masses are not ideologically aligned with you, you must still find a way to become a respected organizer and leader. They are morally self-righteous, yet in reality they are severely disconnected from ordinary people and the real world. In the United States, it is undoubtedly a misfortune that Marxism is shackled by this tendency. Marxism should be closely linked to the broad working masses. However, in the United States, the bourgeoisie has very cleverly linked Marxism with elitism, making it inefficient and unpopular. This is like Hollywood movies, television, and music — it is a typical problem of cultural hegemony under the dominance of the ruling class — an elite class detached from reality imposes unpopular views on the working class through bourgeois institutions. This phenomenon appears not only in Hollywood but also elsewhere, and the voice it conveys does not come from the masses but from the ruling stratum.

他们拒绝接受一种务实的观点，即必须学会如何与劳动群众对话，即使群众在意识形态上与你并不一致，你也要设法成为一个受人尊敬的组织者和领导者。他们在道德上自命不凡，实际上却与普通人和现实世界严重脱节。在美国，马克思主义被这种倾向所束缚无疑是一种不幸。马克思主义本应和广大劳动群众紧密相连。然而，在美国，资产阶级非常巧妙地将马克思主义与精英主义相联系，这使得它变得低效且不受欢迎。这就像好莱坞的电影、电视和音乐一样——这是一种典型的统治阶级主导下的文化霸权问题——脱离现实的精英阶层通过资产阶级机构把不受欢迎的观点强加给工人阶级。这种现象不仅出现在好莱坞，也发生在其他地方，它所传递的声音也并非来自群众，而是出自统治阶层。

▲ Has the CPUSA (ACP) already established cooperative relations with foreign parties? What are the considerations for future inter-party exchanges among communist parties?

▲美共(ACP)是否已经与外国政党建立了合作关系?未来，在共产党之间的党际交往方面有什么考虑?

● Our international secretary, Chris Holly, has made great contributions to establishing international contacts with communist and left-wing parties. We are part of the World Anti-Imperialist Platform, have certain connections with many communist parties, and have recently made progress in establishing contact with the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. We are building ties with the United Socialist Party of Venezuela and trying to establish contact with the Communist Party of Cuba. In addition, we very much hope to establish contact with the Communist Party of China, to have more dialogue on Marxism today, to open up more opportunities for exchange, and to bring Marxism-Leninism into a new era of world history.

●我们的国际秘书克里斯·霍利在与共产主义和左翼政党建立国际联系方面作出了巨大贡献。我们是世界反帝国主义平台的一部分，与许多共产党有一定联系，并且最近在与俄罗斯联邦共产党的联系上也取得了进展。我们与委内瑞拉的统一社会主义党正在建立联系，并试图与古巴共产党建立联系。此外，我们也很希望与中国共产党建立联系，就当今的马克思主义进行更多的对话，开拓更多交流的机会，将马克思列宁主义带入世界历史的新纪元。

▲ What are the main goals of the CPUSA (ACP) for the next five years? What are the key guidelines for the Party’s strategy, tactics, and priorities?

▲未来五年，美共(ACP)的主要目标是什么?党在战略策略和优先事项方面的关键指导方针是什么?

● Our goal for the next five years is to become an important voice in the broad political discourse of the United States, reaching an influence comparable to that of the DSA today. We hope to bring communism and Marxism-Leninism into the mainstream, making them a political possibility that people consider feasible and worthy of serious consideration. Unfortunately, communism is not yet taken seriously by most Americans and is still regarded as an outdated ideology. We must work hard to prove that communism, as an independent and viable political form, deserves a place on the political agenda.

●我们未来五年的目标是，成为美国广泛政治话语中的一个重要声音，达到与今日DSA相当的影响力。我们希望将共产主义和马克思列宁主义带入主流，成为人们认为可行、并值得认真对待的政治可能。遗憾的是，目前共产主义尚未被大多数美国人认真对待，仍被视为过时的意识形态。我们必须努力证明，共产主义作为一种独立、可行的政治形式，理应摆上政治议程的桌面。

● Within the next five years, our goals are relatively modest. First, achieve the Party’s financial self-sufficiency and establish a stable source of income to ensure the continuous operation of various tasks. Second, establish action bases in small towns and communities, starting from the local level, gradually taking root and accumulating influence. If we can achieve these goals within five years, we will consider it a significant accomplishment.

在未来五年内，我们的目标相对温和。首先，实现党的财政自给，建立稳定的收入来源，以保障各项工作的持续运作。其次，在小城镇和社区建立行动据点，从地方层面着手，逐步扎根并积累影响力。若能在五年内实现这些目标，我们将视为取得了显著成就。

We do not delude ourselves into thinking that we can seize state power in the short term; as far as we know, this could be a process lasting as long as a decade. At present, the work we face remains arduous. At the same time, we do not count on rapid economic success but place greater emphasis on strengthening the organizational capacity of local branches. We are undertaking a rather controversial experiment — creating enterprises and economic cooperatives at the regional level as an alternative practice to the capitalist model. These cooperatives can not only provide funding for the Party but also help build influence within communities. This model carries echoes of utopian socialism, which has a profound historical influence in the United States. As a modern continuation of cooperatives, it allows the masses to more intuitively understand the practical feasibility of socialism. These economic cooperatives may also become a source of employment for some small communities. For example, in northern and western Michigan, many people are unemployed, deeply in debt, and dependent on government relief. We hope to offer them another option through economic cooperatives.

我们并不幻想在短期内夺取国家权力，据我们所知，这可能是一个长达十年之久的过程。当前，我们面临的工作仍然繁重。同时，我们并不指望经济上迅速成功，而更重视加强地方分会的组织力。我们正在进行一项颇具争议的尝试——在地区层面创建企业和经济合作社，作为对资本主义模式的替代性实践。这些合作社不仅能够为党提供经费，还有助于在社区中建立影响力。这种模式带有乌托邦社会主义的影子，后者在美国历史上具有深远影响。作为合作社的现代延续，它能让大众更直观地理解社会主义的现实可行性。这些经济合作社还可能成为一些小社区的就业来源。例如，在密歇根州的北部和西部，许多人失业，负债累累，依赖政府救济度日。我们希望通过经济合作社为他们提供另一种选择。

Our Party also wants to achieve something economically. If we focus only on political goals, then we would have to seize power quickly in the short term, but obviously that is unrealistic. If we are to become a long-term political force in this country, we must achieve economic self-reliance, able to self-fund to sustain long-term operations. What we need to do is survive. If we can weather the storm, we will be victorious. Of course, some may have another mindset, hoping that we will actively destroy and overthrow this system. But we consider this idea impractical. We are very weak, and this system is very strong, but the system itself has many internal contradictions, which are causing it to collapse on its own. If we can prove our ability to survive amid these contradictions, we will become a legitimate source of political authority for the people of this country. In a true moment of crisis, they will turn to us for the help, order, and organization that the people need.

我们的党也希望在经济上有所作为。若我们仅关注政治目标，那么我们就必须在短期内迅速夺取政权，但显然这是不现实的。若我们要成为这个国家长期存在的政治力量，我们必须具备经济自立的能力，能够自筹资金以维持长期运营。我们要做的就是生存下来。如果我们能够经受住风暴，就会取得胜利。当然，有人可能还有另一种心态，那就是希望我们主动摧毁和推翻这个系统。但我们认为这种想法不切实际。我们非常弱小，而这个系统非常强大，但是这个系统本身存在很多内部矛盾，这些矛盾正在导致它自行崩溃。如果我们能够证明自己有能力在这些矛盾中生存下来，我们将成为这个国家人民政治权威的合法来源。在真正的危急时刻，他们会向我们寻求人民所需要的帮助、秩序和组织。

III. The ACP’s Views on China’s Achievements and Experience

三、美共(ACP)对中国成就与经验的看法

▲ What does the ACP think of the socialist path of countries like China?

▲美共(ACP)对像中国这样国家的社会主义道路有什么看法?

● We believe that China is the most advanced socialist country in history, and its development path is highly forward-looking. When explaining the concept of socialism to Americans, we often take China as an example to show what a modern socialist country looks like. We do not advocate the complete destruction of the free market or economic organizations spontaneously formed on the basis of contractual relations; rather, we emphasize combining market vitality with a decentralized, dynamic form of socialist economy. The market can provide necessary price signals, but it should be combined with an economic model dominated by state-owned enterprises. We also value China’s public ownership of land, believing that the management of land and natural resources is equally crucial. We firmly believe that China’s socialist path is the most advanced, and if a similar path could be realized in the United States, it would be a tremendous achievement.

●我们认为，中国是历史上最先进的社会主义国家，其发展道路具有高度前瞻性。在向美国人阐释社会主义的理念时，我们常常以中国为例，展示现代社会主义国家的面貌。我们并不主张彻底摧毁自由市场或基于契约关系而自发形成的经济组织，而是强调将市场活力与分散化、动态化的社会主义经济形式结合起来。市场可以提供必要的价格信号，但应与国有企业主导的经济模式相结合。我们也重视中国的土地公有制，认为土地和自然资源的管理同样至关重要。我们坚信中国的社会主义道路是最先进的，若能在美国实现类似的道路，必将是巨大的成就。

China has not only advanced socialist ideas into the 21st century but also provided the ACP with important practical experience. We have always regarded China as a model communist country and often say to the people: “Look at China, they are doing much better than we are.” Of course, this does not mean we see the Chinese path as the only viable way. We are very attentive to the impact of the information age and cybernetics on the construction of modern socialist economies. The Soviet planned economy once encountered difficulties due to rigidity and lack of vitality, but now, with the rise of artificial intelligence and supercomputers, large-scale economic regulation has become possible. We believe that modern socialism can explore new forms of development in a post-market economy. At the same time, we are also aware that the national conditions of the United States and China are quite different. The United States is a highly technologically developed country, while China, at least before reform and opening up, was not. Therefore, considering the unique national conditions of the United States, we believe it is possible to explore a new form of socialism. This does not negate the success of socialism with Chinese characteristics but emphasizes that different countries can explore socialist paths suited to their own conditions based on their respective circumstances.

中国不仅推动了社会主义理念进入21世纪，还为美共(ACP)提供了重要的实践经验。我们始终将中国视为共产主义国家的典范，并常常对民众说：“看看中国，他们做得比我们好得多。”当然，这并不意味着我们视中国道路为唯一可行方式。我们非常关注信息时代和控制论对现代社会主义经济建设的影响。苏联的计划经济曾因僵化和缺乏活力而遭遇困境，但如今，随着人工智能和超级计算机的兴起，大规模经济调控成为可能。我们认为，现代社会主义可以在后市场经济中探索出新的发展形式。同时，我们也清楚，美国与中国的国情存在较大差异，美国是一个科技高度发达的国家，而中国至少在改革开放之前并非如此。因此，考虑到美国的独特国情，我们认为可以探索一种新的社会主义形式。这并非否定中国特色社会主义的成功，而是强调不同国家可以依据各自情况探索适合各自国情的社会主义道路。

▲ How do you understand and evaluate Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era?

▲您怎样认识和评价习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想?

● I believe that Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era not only defines the meaning of socialism in the 21st century but also, at this critical juncture in world history, responds to the unique challenges posed by the current era. With the development of artificial intelligence and information technology, the shaking of U.S. hegemony, and the decline of the unipolar order, Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era provides clear direction and guidance for China’s modernization. We believe that this thought reveals the possibility of socialism adapting to global competition and survival, especially in the context of U.S.-China competition.

●我认为，习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想不仅界定了社会主义在21世纪的意义，也在当前世界历史的关键时刻，回应了这一时代所提出的独特挑战。随着人工智能和信息技术的发展、美国霸权的动摇、单极秩序的衰落，习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想为中国的现代化发展提供了清晰的方向和指引。我们认为，这一思想揭示了社会主义适应全球竞争与生存发展的可能性，尤其是在中美竞争的背景下。

But we also believe that socialism once fell into confusion and hesitation on the spiritual, moral, and ideological levels. Especially amid rapid economic growth, the fundamental guiding principles of China’s development, although grasped by the Party’s leadership, were not yet fully clear at the level of popular culture and social psychology. In our view, Xi Jinping has clarified the meaning behind China’s development, namely, taking the path of socialist modernization. This guiding principle emphasizes how to harmoniously combine a highly competitive and dynamic market economy with the overall goals of national development, so as to promote the common progress of society. This development transcends narrow individual interests and pursues the overall coordination of the nation, society, and the people at the material, spiritual, and moral levels.

但我们也认为，社会主义在精神、道德和意识形态层面上曾一度陷入困惑与彷徨。尤其是在经济的高速增长之外，中国发展的根本指导原则虽然为党的领导层所把握，但在大众文化和社会心理层面，尚未完全清晰。在我们看来，习近平阐明了中国发展背后的意义，即走社会主义现代化道路。这一指导原则强调了如何将高度竞争和充满活力的市场经济与国家发展的整体目标和谐结合，以推动社会的共同进步。这种发展超越了狭隘的个人利益导向，追求的是国家、社会与人民在物质、精神和道德层面的整体协调。

We have been closely following the transformations taking place in China’s cultural sphere. For example, in film, the *Wandering Earth* series is quite popular within the ACP, and we are also loyal readers of Chinese science fiction literature, which is widely circulated in the United States. Our enthusiasm for such cultural products stems from the fact that they allow us to understand the spiritual outlook and characteristics of modern socialism. These works display not only technological fantasy but also a very profound spiritual value. In the past, people often crudely associated communism with dogmatism, radicalism, and the like, seeing it as sloganistic and detached from reality. However, starting from the entry of socialism with Chinese characteristics into the New Era, we have gradually come to realize that socialism, or communism, contains a higher-level pursuit of equality, which I would call “tranquility.” It allows us to think from a longer-term historical perspective about what this spirit means for the future of humanity and the entire planet.

我们一直高度关注中国文化领域正在发生的转变。例如，在电影方面，《流浪地球》系列在美共(ACP)颇受欢迎，我们也是中国科幻文学的忠实读者，中国科幻作品在美国广为流传。我们之所以热衷于这类文化产品，是因为它使我们得以了解现代社会主义的精神面貌和特征。这些作品展现的不仅是一种技术幻想，更是一种非常深远的精神价值。过去，人们常常将共产主义与教条主义、激进主义等粗暴联系在一起，认为共产主义是口号化的、脱离现实的。然而，从中国特色社会主义进入新时代开始，我们逐渐意识到，社会主义或者说共产主义，蕴含着一种更高层次的平等追求，我愿称之为“宁静”,它让我们能够从更长远的历史视角去思考，这种精神对于人类与整个地球的未来来说到底意味着什么。

▲ You mentioned Chinese-path modernization. How is it different from Western-style modernization?

▲您提到了中国式现代化，您认为它与西方式的现代化有什么不同?

● This is a very good question. I believe the starting point of Western modernization is private interest. Capitalists first accumulate wealth through profit-seeking, then organize themselves to form oligarchic rule, dominating the establishment of the political state and subsequent political changes, but their fundamental goal has always been unilateral profit maximization. This logic ultimately destroys and undermines public interest and traditional values, and does so at the expense of human health and the natural environment. At the same time, the working class, as the majority, has also waged class struggle to try to counterbalance this logic. They organized trade unions and put pressure on the bourgeoisie, thereby pushing forward a series of reforms. This also explains why, in modern capitalist countries, our situation is not as extremely harsh as it was in early capitalism. This is because the working class historically gained a certain degree of influence and drove ongoing institutional changes.

●这个问题提得很好。我认为西方现代化的出发点是私人利益。资本家首先通过逐利积累财富，进而组织起来形成寡头统治，主导政治国家的建立及其后续的政治变革，但其根本目标始终是单方面的利润最大化，这一逻辑最终破坏并瓦解了公共利益与传统价值，并以牺牲人类健康与自然环境为代价。与此同时，作为多数人的工人阶级也曾展开阶级斗争，试图制衡这种逻辑。他们组织工会，向资产阶级施压，从而推动了一系列改革。这也解释了为何在现代资本主义国家，我们的处境并不像早期资本主义那样极端恶劣。这是因为工人阶级在历史上曾获得了一定影响力，并推动了持续变化的制度改革。

In recent years, the living standards of ordinary people in Western societies have been continuously declining. The social security mechanisms left over from the New Deal are gradually disintegrating, and conditions in employment, social security, healthcare, and public safety are all deteriorating. Western capitalism seems to be regressing to its original state. More importantly, the modernization process in the West is not dialectical but one-sided, unidimensional, and centered on the accumulation of profit. In contrast, the uniqueness of socialist modernization lies in this: based on a dialectical insight into the essence of “development,” development is not centered on private interests but is carried out through planning, a planning that is built on the foundation of forward-looking judgments about the overall needs of society.

近年来，西方社会普通民众的生活水准持续下降。罗斯福新政遗留下来的社会保障机制正逐步瓦解，就业、社会保障、医疗与公共安全等形势都在恶化。西方资本主义似乎正在退回到其原初状态。更重要的是，西方的现代化进程并不是辩证的，而是片面的、单向度的、围绕利润积累展开的。相较之下，社会主义现代化的独特性在于：基于对“发展”本质的辩证洞察，发展不是围绕私人利益展开，而是通过规划进行，这种规划建立在对整体社会需要的前瞻性判断基础之上。

We believe that China’s path of modernization is, in a certain sense, very dialectical. It is not a unidimensional linear development but a dialectical development based on feedback loops and long-term investment, such as strategic investment in science and technology and human capital, even if this requires sacrificing short-term profits. In the West, people unilaterally pursue profit maximization or economic standardization. The result is this: initially, the Western model of modernization was faster. This is somewhat like the ancient Chinese fable “The Tortoise and the Hare” [7]7 A Chinese idiom referring to the fable of the tortoise and the hare, often used to illustrate the value of persistence over speed.: the rabbit runs fast, the tortoise runs slowly, but the tortoise ultimately wins the race. In China’s case, it focuses on cultivating the conditions for long-term development — this requires wisdom, patience, and foresight. Over time, Western modernization has gradually shown a trend of slowing down, even degenerating and self-cannibalizing, while China advances steadily at a stable, reliable, and sustained pace. I believe this is why Chinese-path modernization [8]8 A term from Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, referring to the distinct path of modernization pursued under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, characterized by people-centered development and integration of material, political, cultural, social, and ecological progress. has been able to catch up with, and in many respects surpass, Western modernization.

我们认为，中国的现代化道路在某种意义上是非常辩证的。它不是单向度的直线发展，而是基于反馈循环和长期投入的辩证发展，如对科技、人力资本的战略性投资，即使这需要以牺牲短期利润为代价。在西方，人们只是单方面追求利润最大化或经济标准化。这造成的结果是：一开始，西方的现代化模式速度更快。这有点像中国那个古老的寓言故事《龟兔赛跑》,兔子跑得快，乌龟跑得慢，但乌龟最终赢得了比赛。就中国而言，它专注于长期发展条件的培育——这需要智慧、耐心和远见。随着时间的推移，西方的现代化逐步显现出放缓甚至退化、自我蚕食的趋势，而中国则以稳定、可靠、持续的节奏稳步推进。我认为这就是为什么中国式现代化能够赶上，甚至在许多方面超越西方现代化的原因。

Simply put, we need to rethink what modernization means. I believe it is a process of “undulating mountain ranges” — Western modernization is based on immediate responses to the present, while Chinese-path modernization is based on long-term wisdom regarding both the present and the future. To understand the present, one must understand how various different factors are linked together and interact with each other. This is more far-sighted, but it always takes longer at the start.

简单来说，我们要重新思考现代化意味着什么。我认为它是一个“山峦起伏”的过程——西方现代化基于对当下的即时响应，而中国式现代化则基于对当下和未来的长期智慧。要理解当下，就必须理解各种不同的因素是如何联系在一起并相互起作用的。这更有远见，但一开始总需要更长的时间。

[About the authors: Haz Al-Din, Executive Chair of the American Communist Party (ACP); Feng Jiaxin, doctoral student at the School of Marxism, Peking University.]

【作者简介：哈兹·阿尔丁，美国共产党(American Communist Party)执行主席；冯嘉馨，北京大学马克思主义学院博士研究生。】

Online editor: Zhang Jian

网络编辑：张剑