The History, Present and Future of the Communist Movement in Denmark – An Interview with Lotte Uldtvedt Madsen, Chair of the Communist Party of Denmark

I. The History of the Communist Movement in Denmark

一、丹麦共产主义运动的历史

○ (André and Zhao Dingqi, same below) Chair Lotte Uldtvedt Madsen, hello! Could you introduce the history of the communist movement in Denmark? Under what background did the Danish communist movement emerge? What activities did it carry out in its early period?

○（安德烈、赵丁琪，下同）洛特·于特夫特·麦德森主席，您好！您能否介绍一下丹麦共产主义运动的历史？丹麦共产主义运动是在什么背景下产生的？其早期进行了哪些活动？

● (Lotte Uldtvedt Madsen, same below) In Denmark, the history of the organized communist movement can be traced back to 1919. It was born in the fierce struggle against the Danish Social Democratic Party and the reformism of the Second International around the time of the First World War. In 1916, Thorvald Stauning, the leader of the Danish Social Democratic Party, joined the bourgeois government. In the same year, Lenin criticized this in his article "A Whole Ten 'Socialist' Ministers." [1]1 Lenin's article criticized the Danish Social Democratic Party leader for joining a bourgeois government, arguing it betrayed socialist principles. This incident led to the breakaway of the Danish Social Democratic Youth League from the party that same year. On November 9, 1919, some progressive members of the Youth League founded the Danish Left Socialist Party (Danmarks Venstresocialistiske Parti). The Socialist Labour Party (Socialistisk Arbejderparti) and the Independent Social Democratic Party (Det Uafhængige Socialdemokrati) subsequently merged into it. Upon its founding, the Left Socialist Party already had over 2,000 members. Although the party changed its name to the Communist Party of Denmark (Danmarks Kommunistiske Parti) the following year, "November 9, 1919" is still recognized as the official birth date of the Communist Party of Denmark, because the original intention of its founding was closely linked to the October Revolution in Russia and support for the Soviet Union. In 1920, the Communist Party of Denmark joined the Communist International. In the general election of the same year, the party won 3,859 votes, accounting for 0.4% of the total votes. In the 1920s, the Communist Party of Denmark was committed to organizing workers in the trade unions and guiding them towards communism, but this process was full of challenges. Many communist party members were elected as leaders in workplaces and trade unions. However, internal factional struggles within the party and low voter support became difficult problems the party had to face.

●（洛特·于特夫特·麦德森，下同）在丹麦，有组织的共产主义运动的历史可以追溯到1919年。它是在第一次世界大战前后，在与丹麦社会民主党和第二国际改良主义的激烈斗争中诞生的。1916年，丹麦社会民主党领袖索瓦尔德·斯陶宁（Thorvald Stauning）加入了资产阶级政府。同年，列宁在《整整十个“社会党人”部长》一文中对其进行了批评。这一事件导致了丹麦社会民主主义青年团在同年与该党决裂。1919年11月9日，一些进步的青年团成员创立了丹麦左翼社会主义党（Danmarks Venstresocialistiske Parti）。社会主义劳动党（Socialistisk Arbejderparti）和独立社会民主党（Det Uafhængige Socialdemokrati）这两个党派也随后并入。左翼社会主义党刚一成立便拥有了2000多名党员。尽管该党在次年更名为丹麦共产党（Danmarks Kommunistiske Parti），“1919年11月9日”仍被认定为丹麦共产党的正式诞生日，因为其成立的初衷与俄国十月革命以及对苏联的支持密切相关。1920年，丹麦共产党加入了共产国际。在同年的大选中，该党赢得了3859张选票，占总票数的0.4%。在20世纪20年代，丹麦共产党致力于在工会中组织工人，并引导他们走向共产主义，但这一过程充满了挑战。许多共产党员被选为工作场所和工会的负责人。然而，党内部的派系斗争和选民支持率的低迷成为该党不得不面对的难题。

In the early 1930s, facing the global crisis of capitalism, the Communist Party of Denmark actively engaged in improving the situation of the unemployed. At the same time, the party emphasized the significant progress made by the working class and the socialist cause during the implementation of the first Five-Year Plan in the Soviet Union. Through its active activities in the trade unions, the Communist Party of Denmark established itself as a resolute opposition force within the workers' movement and became a force that could not be ignored in political life. In the November 1932 election, two Danish communist party members were successfully elected as members of the Danish Parliament. By 1939, the party celebrated its 20th anniversary, having developed into a well-organized political party with approximately 6,000 members. During the decade of the global crisis of capitalism, left-wing forces began to emerge. The Communist Party of Denmark established its position on the Danish political stage, and even when the crisis eased in the late 1930s, it was still able to expand its support base among the people. In the 1939 election, 40,893 people (2.4% of the total votes cast) voted for the Communist Party of Denmark, which was its best result in the first 20 years since its founding. Additionally, over 200 Danish communist party members participated as volunteers in the Spanish Civil War from 1936 to 1939.

20世纪30年代初期，面对资本主义的全球性危机，丹麦共产党积极投身于改善失业者的境遇。同时，该党强调，在苏联实施第一个五年计划期间，工人阶级和社会主义事业取得了显著进展。通过在工会中的积极活动，丹麦共产党在工人运动中树立了坚定的反对派形象，并在政治生活中成为一股不容忽视的力量。在1932年11月的选举中，两名丹麦共产党员成功当选为丹麦议会的议员。到1939年，该党迎来了其成立20周年的纪念，此时它已经发展成为一个组织结构严密的政党，拥有大约6000名党员。在资本主义全球性危机的十年中，左翼力量开始崭露头角。丹麦共产党在丹麦政治舞台上确立了自己的地位，即便在20世纪30年代末危机有所缓解的情况下，它仍能扩大自身在民众中的支持基础。在1939年的选举中，有40893人（占总投票人数的2.4%）投票支持丹麦共产党，这是其在成立的前20年中取得的最佳成绩。此外，超过200名丹麦共产党员作为志愿者参与了1936年至1939年的西班牙内战。

○ During the Second World War, what activities did the Communist Party of Denmark carry out? What contributions did it make to the victory of the anti-fascist war?

○在第二次世界大战期间，丹麦共产党进行了哪些活动？对反法西斯战争的胜利作出了哪些贡献？

● On April 9, 1940, Denmark was occupied by Nazi Germany. Although the Danish government cooperated with the occupying forces, the Communist Party of Denmark still maintained its legal status and began to secretly establish underground organizations. On June 22, 1941, Germany attacked the Soviet Union, and the Danish police immediately cracked down on the Communist Party of Denmark. A few months later, other parties in the Danish Parliament unanimously passed a law. This law, which violated the Danish constitution, officially banned the activities of the Communist Party of Denmark. The Communist Party of Denmark was forced to go underground and began to organize resistance actions nationwide against the German occupation and the official cooperation with the occupying country. Communist party members initiated sabotage activities targeting the railway system and Danish companies serving the occupying forces. Volunteers from the Spanish Civil War became leaders of the resistance movement and cooperated with other resistance organizations. Popular protests eventually led to the resignation of the government on August 29, 1943, after which the German occupying forces took control of Denmark. In September 1943, representatives of the major underground organizations established the "Freedom Council" as a coordinating body for the resistance movement during the occupation. 1943 was a turning point for the resistance movement, because previously scattered protests and sabotage activities were now unified and coordinated, making popular uprisings and strikes extremely common. During the occupation of Denmark, the "Freedom Council" became the "quasi-government" of Denmark. It was established on the initiative of the Communist Party, aiming to unite different groups of people and national political forces to achieve the common goal of expelling the occupying forces. This was a concrete practice of the strategy of establishing a broad popular front and alliance formulated at the Seventh Congress of the Communist International in Moscow in 1935. [2]2 The Seventh Congress of the Communist International (1935) adopted the strategy of forming broad popular fronts against fascism, uniting communists with other anti-fascist forces.

●1940年4月9日，丹麦遭到了纳粹德国的占领。尽管丹麦政府与占领军进行了合作，但丹麦共产党仍旧保持合法地位，并开始秘密建立地下组织。1941年6月22日，德国对苏联发起攻击，丹麦警察随即对丹麦共产党进行了打击。数月后，丹麦议会中的其他党派一致通过了一项法律。这项违背了丹麦宪法的法律正式禁止了丹麦共产党的活动。丹麦共产党被迫转入地下，开始在全国范围内组织抵抗行动，以反对德国的占领以及官方与占领国的合作。共产党员发起了针对为占领军服务的铁路系统和丹麦公司的破坏活动。来自西班牙内战的志愿者成为抵抗运动的领导者，并与其他抵抗组织展开了合作。民众的抗议最终导致政府在1943年8月29日下台，随后德国占领军接管了丹麦的控制权。1943年9月，各主要地下组织的代表成立了“自由委员会”，作为占领期间开展抵抗运动的协调机构。1943年是抵抗运动的转折点，因为之前零散的抗议和破坏活动现在得到了统一协调，所以民众起义和罢工变得极为普遍。在丹麦被占领期间，“自由委员会”成为丹麦的“准政府”。它是在共产党的倡议下成立的，旨在团结不同的民众群体和国家政治力量，共同实现驱逐占领军的目标。这是1935年共产国际第七次代表大会在莫斯科制定的建立广泛的人民阵线和联盟战略的具体实践。

The key to Denmark's successful resistance against Nazi German occupation lay in the implementation of the strategy of establishing a broad popular front and alliance. If not for the unity of the Danish resistance movement, Denmark would not have been able to become a member of the Allied nations in the Second World War. The Communist Party of Denmark played a crucial role in this process. After the war, the Communist Party of Denmark achieved unprecedented success in parliament, joining the liberation government in the summer of 1945. At the same time, the Communist Party of Denmark conducted unification negotiations with the Social Democratic Party, but the negotiations broke down in August. Within the communist movement, these negotiations caused widespread controversy and missed other potential opportunities, especially the failure to steer the anti-fascist struggle towards a genuine confrontation with the capitalist system. In the October 1945 election, 12.5% of voters voted for the Communist Party of Denmark, which won the party 18 seats out of 148 in the Danish Parliament.

丹麦之所以能成功抵抗纳粹德国的占领，关键在于实施了建立广泛人民阵线和联盟的战略。如果不是丹麦抵抗运动的团结一致，丹麦在第二次世界大战中便无法成为盟国的一员。丹麦共产党在这一过程中扮演了至关重要的角色。战后，丹麦共产党在议会中取得了前所未有的成功，于1945年夏季加入了解放政府。与此同时，丹麦共产党与社会民主党进行了统一谈判，然而谈判在8月宣告破裂。在共产主义运动内部，这些谈判引起了广泛争议，并错失了其他潜在的机会，特别是未能将反法西斯斗争引导至与资本主义制度的真正对抗。在1945年10月份的选举中，12.5%的选民投票支持丹麦共产党，这使丹麦共产党在丹麦议会的148个席位中赢得了18个。

○ What impact did the outbreak of the Cold War have on the development of the Communist Party of Denmark? What was its development situation during this stage?

○冷战的爆发对丹麦共产党的发展产生了什么样的影响？其在这一阶段的发展状况如何？

● During the Cold War, Denmark's acceptance of the Marshall Plan and its submission to transatlantic imperialism were both supported by the Social Democratic Party. This led to a campaign of opposition against the Communist Party of Denmark, criticizing it for being "under Soviet command." The result was that in the 1947 election, the Communist Party of Denmark lost several seats; nevertheless, it remained a force that could not be ignored in factories and various workplaces. This was particularly evident in 1956 when the Social Democratic government intervened in collective bargaining. At that time, large-scale strikes broke out nationwide, and the largest protest demonstration in history was held at Christiansborg Palace Square. [3]3 Christiansborg Palace is the seat of the Danish Parliament (Folketinget) in Copenhagen. Thanks to the opposition activities in trade unions and workplaces, the Communist Party of Denmark was able to re-emerge. Almost simultaneously, fierce debates within the party over ideological theoretical foundations and political direction broke out. The communist nature of the Communist Party of Denmark was questioned by certain factions within the party. The 1956 Hungarian Uprising [4]4 The 1956 Hungarian Uprising was a popular revolt against Soviet control, crushed by Soviet military intervention, which caused significant controversy and splits within many Western communist parties. had an impact on this internal party struggle. At the party's 20th Congress held at the end of 1958, the Communist Party of Denmark had a final showdown with these factions. The then party chairman, Aksel Larsen, was expelled from the party, and the following year he led the founding of the reformist Socialist People's Party (Socialistisk Folkeparti).

●冷战期间，丹麦对马歇尔计划的接受以及对跨大西洋帝国主义的服从，均获得了社会民主党的支持。这导致了一场针对丹麦共产党的反对运动，批评其“受苏联指挥”。其结果是，在1947年的选举中，丹麦共产党失去了若干席位，尽管如此，它在工厂和各类工作场所中依然是一股不可忽视的力量。这一点在1956年社会民主党政府介入集体谈判时表现得尤为突出。当时全国范围内爆发了大规模罢工，并在克里斯钦堡宫广场举行了有史以来规模最大的抗议示威。得益于工会和工作场所的反对活动，丹麦共产党得以重新崛起。几乎与此同时，党内关于思想理论基础和政治方向的激烈争论爆发了。丹麦共产党的共产主义性质遭到了党内的某些派系的质疑。1956年匈牙利事件对这场党内斗争产生了影响。在1958年年底召开的党的第二十次代表大会上，丹麦共产党与这些派系进行了最终对决。时任党主席阿克赛尔·拉尔森（Aksel Larsen）被开除出党，次年他领导成立了改良主义的社会主义人民党（Socialistisk Folkeparti）。

In the 1960 election, the Communist Party of Denmark lost its seats in parliament, receiving only 1.1% of the vote. Nevertheless, the Communist Party of Denmark continued to make progress in its work in the labour field, especially among workers in shipyards, construction sites and the drafting trade, where the influence of Party members was particularly notable. In addition, the Communist Party of Denmark won broad trust within the trade unions. The Party also played an active role in the peace movement and the struggle against nuclear weapons. It was during this period that a debate known as the “Great Polemic” erupted within the international communist movement, linked to two important meetings held in Moscow in February 1960 and from November to December of that year. These meetings aimed to unite the international communist movement and forge a common strategy and policy. However, the meetings also exposed divisions within the communist movement, especially the contradictions and splits between the Communist Party of China and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, which began to manifest. This split was also reflected in Denmark; during the 1960s, the Communist Party of Denmark experienced several splits. Organisations such as the Communist Work Circle (Kommunistisk Arbejdskreds), the Communist League (Marxist-Leninist) (Kommunistisk Forbund Marxister-Leninister), the Communist Labour League (Marxist-Leninist) (Kommunistisk Arbejderforbund Marxister Leninister), the Marxist-Leninist League (Marxistisk-Leninistisk Forbund), and the Communist Association (Marxist-Leninist) (Kommunistisk Sammenslutning Marxister-Leninister) were successively established. These groups, collectively referred to as the “Marxist-Leninist movement” organisations, adhered to a line of opposing revisionism, established close ties with the Communist Party of China, the Albanian Communist Party, and others, but had extremely tense relations with the Communist Party of Denmark. Their members were active in various movements and workplaces. By the end of the 1970s, most of these groups had disappeared. Some of these organisations united to form the Communist Party of Denmark (Marxist-Leninist) (Danmarks Kommunistiske Parti Marxister-Leninister). This party was very active throughout the 1980s and 1990s and was the main organisation uniting various communist forces after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Outside the communist movement, the same period also saw the emergence of other left-wing socialist, anarchist, Trotskyist and other types of parties and groups.

在1960年的选举中，丹麦共产党失去了其在议会中的席位，仅获得1.1%的选票。尽管如此，丹麦共产党在劳工领域的工作继续取得进展，特别是在造船厂、建筑工地以及制图行业的工人中，共产党员的影响尤为显著。此外，丹麦共产党在工会中也赢得了广泛的信任。在和平运动和反对核武器的斗争中，丹麦共产党同样扮演了积极的角色。正是在这一时期，国际共产主义运动中爆发了一场被称为“大论战”的辩论，这与1960年2月以及11月至12月在莫斯科举行的两次重要会议有关。这两次会议旨在团结国际共产主义运动，形成共同的战略和政策。然而，会议也暴露了共产主义运动内部的分歧，尤其是中国共产党和苏联共产党之间的矛盾和分裂开始显现。这种分裂在丹麦也有所体现，20世纪60年代，丹麦共产党经历了数次分裂。共产主义工作圈（Kommunistisk Arbejdskreds）、共产主义联盟（马克思列宁主义）（Kommunistisk Forbund Marxister-Leninister）、共产主义劳动联盟（马克思列宁主义）（Kommunistisk Arbejderforbund Marxister Leninister）、马克思列宁主义联盟（Marxistisk-Leninistisk Forbund）、共产主义协会（马克思列宁主义）（Kommunistisk Sammenslutning Marxister-Leninister）等组织相继成立。这些团体统称为“马克思列宁主义运动”组织，它们坚持反对修正主义的路线，与中国共产党、阿尔巴尼亚共产党等建立了紧密联系，却与丹麦共产党的关系极为紧张。它们的成员在各种运动和工作场所都十分活跃。20世纪70年代末，这些团体大多已经消失。其中一些组织联合起来，成立了丹麦共产党（马克思列宁主义）（Danmarks Kommunistiske Parti Marxister-Leninister）。该党在20世纪80年代和90年代一直非常活跃，是柏林墙倒塌后团结各种共产主义力量的主要组织。在共产主义运动之外，同一时期还出现了其他一些左翼社会主义、无政府主义、托洛茨基主义以及其他类型的党派和团体。

From the late 1960s until 1991, the Communist Party of Denmark was the largest and most influential communist organisation. However, its development was not without difficulties; struggles over different political lines occurred from time to time. The most important political struggles in which the Communist Party of Denmark participated during this period were the struggle against the Vietnam War, the struggle against Denmark’s accession to the European Community, and the struggle for peace and against rearmament in the 1980s. In 1973, with opposition to Denmark’s accession to the European Community (now the European Union) as the core issue of its election campaign, the Communist Party of Denmark won 3.6% of the vote and six seats in the December 1973 election. However, in the subsequent 1979 election, the Communist Party of Denmark was eliminated from the Danish parliament. Since 1979, no Party member has entered the Danish parliament. Due to some internal disagreements and setbacks, the Communist Party of Denmark experienced inner-party struggles in the mid-1980s.

从20世纪60年代末到1991年，丹麦共产党一直是最大的和最有影响力的共产主义组织。然而，其发展也并非一帆风顺，不同政治路线的斗争时有发生。这一时期丹麦共产党参与的最重要的政治斗争是反对越南战争的斗争、反对丹麦加入欧洲共同体的斗争以及20世纪80年代争取和平与反对重整军备的斗争。1973年，丹麦共产党以反对丹麦加入欧洲共同体（即现在的欧盟）为竞选的核心议题，使得丹麦共产党在1973年12月的选举中赢得了3.6%的选票和6个席位。然而，在随后1979年的选举中，丹麦共产党被淘汰出丹麦议会。自1979年以来，共产党员就再也没有进入过丹麦议会。由于一些内部分歧和挫折，丹麦共产党在20世纪80年代中期爆发了党内斗争。

○ What impact did the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe have on the communist movement in Denmark? What was the background to the founding of the Communist Party of Denmark? What significance does its founding have for the communist movement in Denmark?

○苏联解体、东欧剧变对丹麦共产主义运动产生了哪些影响？共产党（丹麦）成立的背景是什么？它的成立对于丹麦共产主义运动来说有什么样的意义？

● After the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the Communist Party of Denmark fell into a developmental predicament. Around 1991, the Party lost more than half of its members; some joined other political parties. Party Chair Ole Sohn resigned and joined the Socialist People’s Party. Some of the Party’s old leading members participated in initiating the Communist Forum (Kommunistisk Forum), which later developed into the “Communist Party in Denmark” (Kommunistisk Parti i Danmark). From the mid-1990s onwards, the communist movement in Denmark was divided into three political parties: the Communist Party of Denmark, the “Communist Party in Denmark”, and the Communist Party of Denmark (Marxist-Leninist). However, none of these parties were able to play the role of the vanguard of the working class.

●在苏联解体、东欧剧变后，丹麦共产党陷入了发展困境。1991年前后，该党失去了一半以上的党员，一些人加入了其他政党。党主席奥勒·松（Ole Sohn）辞职并加入了社会主义人民党。党的一些老的领导成员参与发起共产主义论坛（Kommunistisk Forum），该论坛后来发展为“丹麦的共产党”（Kommunistisk Parti i Danmark）。从20世纪90年代中期开始，丹麦共产主义运动分为三个政党：丹麦共产党、“丹麦的共产党”和丹麦共产党（马克思列宁主义）。但是，这些政党都未能发挥工人阶级先锋队的作用。

The Communist Party of Denmark (Marxist-Leninist), founded in 1978, played an increasingly important role during this period, especially after an internal purge against sectarianism from 1995 to 1997. In this purge, the Party’s chair was expelled and later founded the Communist Labour Party (Arbejderpartiet Kommunisterne). The Communist Party of Denmark (Marxist-Leninist) subsequently published a self-critical book entitled *20 Years of Struggle for Socialism*. From the early 1990s, the Communist Party of Denmark (Marxist-Leninist) had already concluded that, with the decline of socialism in Europe, the social basis for the split in the communist movement had ceased to exist. The challenges of capitalism and the severe situation facing the working class and the masses demanded that all communists should unite, join a common communist party, and create a new, common theoretical and political foundation for a communist party for the 21st century.

丹麦共产党（马克思列宁主义）成立于1978年，在这一时期发挥着越来越重要的作用，尤其是在1995年—1997年反对宗派主义的内部清算之后。在这次清算中，该党主席被开除，后来成立了共产主义劳动党（Arbejderpartiet Kommunisterne）。丹麦共产党（马克思列宁主义）随后出版了一本自我批评的书，名为《为社会主义奋斗的20年》。从20世纪90年代初开始，丹麦共产党（马克思列宁主义）就已经得出结论：随着社会主义在欧洲的衰落，共产主义运动分裂的社会基础已经不复存在。资本主义的挑战、工人阶级和人民群众面临的严峻形势，要求所有共产党员都应该团结一致，加入一个共同的共产党，并为21世纪的共产党创建一个新的、共同的思想理论和政治基础。

Close cooperation between left-wing groups, especially their coordinated efforts in the peace movement, paved the way for the development of relations between the Communist Party of Denmark (Marxist-Leninist) and the “Communist Party in Denmark”. In 2004, the leaderships of the two parties jointly formed a working group, which stated: “There is a solid foundation for the merger of the two parties and the founding of a new communist party.” Based on this consensus, the Communist Party of Denmark (Marxist-Leninist) dissolved in November 2006 and, together with a group of members from the “Communist Party in Denmark”, jointly founded the Communist Party of Denmark. Although theoretical and ideological unity was achieved, this merger did not succeed in uniting the entire communist force in Denmark.

左翼团体之间的紧密合作，特别是在和平运动中的协同努力，为丹麦共产党（马克思列宁主义）与“丹麦的共产党”之间的关系发展铺平了道路。2004年，两党的领导层共同组建了一个联合工作组，指出：“两党合并并成立一个新的共产党是有坚实基础的。”基于这一共识，丹麦共产党（马克思列宁主义）于2006年11月解散，并与一批“丹麦的共产党”的成员一起，共同组建了共产党（丹麦）。尽管在理论和意识形态上达成了统一，但这一合并未能成功地将丹麦的整个共产党力量团结起来。

Nevertheless, the Communist Party of Denmark firmly believes that its founding effectively integrated the two major factions within the Danish communist movement. On this, I once made the following assessment: “We succeeded in achieving programmatic unity between two historically conditioned factions. Under the current circumstances, with a mission focused on the future, we successfully constructed a common theoretical, ideological and political foundation that transcends the past positions of these two factions.”

然而，共产党（丹麦）坚信，其成立有效地整合了丹麦共产主义运动中的两大派系。对此，我曾经做过这样一段评价：“我们成功地在两种受历史条件限制的派系之间实现了纲领性的统一。在当前的环境下，着眼于未来的使命，我们成功构建了一个共同的理论、意识形态和政治基础，超越了这两个派系过去的立场分歧。”

II. The Theoretical Positions of the Communist Party of Denmark and the Current State of the Communist Movement in Denmark

二、共产党（丹麦）的理论主张与当前丹麦共产主义运动的现状

○ It has been 19 years since the founding of the Communist Party of Denmark in 2006. What do you consider to be the main challenges currently facing your Party?

○共产党（丹麦）从2006年成立至今，已经有19年的时间。您认为贵党当前面临的主要挑战是什么？

● In the current era, against the backdrop of global war, natural disasters, climate crisis, and economic and political turbulence, the communist movement in Denmark must be examined within this macro context. To achieve fundamental change, the strategic objective of the Communist Party of Denmark is to alter the balance of forces between the working class and the bourgeoisie, ensuring that the working class can occupy a dominant position. Gathering forces and reshaping the balance of power – this is the great mission we currently bear. In this process, establishing a popular alliance composed of all groups that confront monopoly capital is crucial. This anti-monopoly alliance is key because it directly targets the principal enemy – monopoly capital forces. On this basis, we have consciously formulated a strategy of uniting the majority and strive to promote unity on multiple levels, such as uniting the working class to fight for its common economic and political interests; in the struggle against the destruction of democracy, against the emerging surveillance state and the threat of neo-fascism, and in defending national sovereignty, uniting as broadly as possible with other strata and political organizations; in the struggle against capital’s exploitation of workers and against imperialist wars, achieving cross-border unity and unified action.

●在当前这个全球面临战争、自然灾害、气候危机以及经济和政治动荡的时代背景下，丹麦的共产主义运动必须放在这一宏观形势中审视。为了实现根本性的变革，共产党（丹麦）的战略目标是改变工人阶级与资产阶级之间的力量对比，确保工人阶级能够占据主导地位。集结力量、重塑力量平衡——这是我们当前肩负的重大使命。在这一进程中，建立一个由所有对抗垄断资本的群体组成的民众联盟至关重要。这个反垄断联盟之所以关键，是因为它直接针对主要的敌人——垄断资本势力。基于此，我们有意识地制定了团结大多数人的战略，并在多个层面上努力促进团结，比如团结工人阶级，争取其共同的经济和政治利益；在反对破坏民主、反对新兴监控国家和新法西斯主义威胁以及捍卫国家主权的斗争中，尽可能广泛地与其他阶层和政治组织联合起来；在反对资本剥削工人和反对帝国主义战争的斗争中，实现跨国界的团结和统一行动。

At the national congress held in March 2024, we set ourselves several goals and tasks, and we are currently making every effort to achieve them. Our work priorities include the trade union movement, the struggle for social welfare, opposition to EU policies, the climate struggle, the peace struggle, and opposition to imperialism. Against this backdrop, Party building is particularly critical. At present, our Party has not yet fully played the role of a vanguard, or as we would hope – to become a driving force in the workers’ movement, a setter of the agenda, and an advocate of struggle. This is what we are striving to achieve, but we have not yet done so. Therefore, we are committed to promoting the Party’s growth and strengthening, making it a more action-oriented and more open Party. Young people play an extremely important role in the struggle to end the capitalist system, and they are also the hope for the future. Hence, the Communist Party of Denmark must reach deep into the youth, communicate directly with them, and guide them to participate in the struggle. The Party possesses a theory capable of uniting several generations in the struggle for the socialist cause. Fortunately, we are currently seeing more and more young people joining our Party. At least a quarter of our members are under the age of 40.

在2024年3月举行的全国代表大会上，我们为自己设定了若干目标和任务，目前我们正全力以赴地实现这些目标和任务。我们的工作重点包括工会运动、争取社会福利、反对欧盟政策、气候斗争、和平斗争以及反对帝国主义。在这样的背景下，党的建设显得尤为关键。目前，我们的党尚未充分发挥先锋队的作用，或者如我们所期望的那样——成为工人运动的推动力量、议程的设定者以及斗争的倡导者。这是我们正在努力实现的目标，但目前尚未达成。因此，我们致力于推动党的发展壮大，成为一个更加注重实际行动、更加开放的党。青年在终结资本主义制度的斗争中扮演着极其重要的角色，他们也是未来的希望。因此，共产党（丹麦）必须深入青年群体，直接与他们沟通，引导他们参与斗争。党拥有能够团结几代人共同为社会主义事业奋斗的理论。幸运的是，我们目前看到越来越多的年轻人加入我们的党。至少有1/4党员的年龄在40岁以下。

One of our Party’s most valuable assets is the powerful online media platform we possess – “Arbejderen” (The Worker). It is not only our Party’s unique mouthpiece but also plays a vital role in our Party’s engagement with the media. However, the role of “Arbejderen” goes far beyond this: it has become a gathering place for progressive people in Denmark who are actively involved in election campaigns. Whether activists from the trade union movement, social resistance movements, the climate struggle, the housing movement, the anti-racism movement, or the struggle for peace and international solidarity, they all use “Arbejderen” as their platform to speak out.

我们党最宝贵的资产之一，便是我们所拥有的一个强大的网络媒体平台——“劳动者”（Arbejderen）。它不仅是我们党独一无二的喉舌，而且在我们党与媒体的接触中扮演着至关重要的角色。然而，“劳动者”的作用远不止于此：它成为丹麦积极投身于竞选活动的进步人士的聚集地。无论是工会运动、社会抵抗运动、气候斗争、住房运动、反对种族主义运动还是争取和平与国际团结斗争中的积极分子，都在利用“劳动者”作为他们的发声平台。

In summary, I firmly believe that our Party occupies a pivotal position in the Danish communist movement and is experiencing an extremely optimistic development trend. Within the current Danish communist movement, the Communist Party of Denmark is likely the most united and most vibrant party.

综上所述，我坚信我们的党在丹麦共产主义运动中占据着举足轻重的地位，并且正经历极为乐观的发展态势。在当前的丹麦共产主义运动中，共产党（丹麦）可能是最团结、最充满活力的政党。

○ Recently, the Communist Party of Denmark and “the Communist Party of Denmark” [8]8 The Danish original text distinguishes between two parties: “Danmarks Kommunistiske Parti” (Communist Party of Denmark) and “Kommunistisk Parti i Danmark” (Communist Party in Denmark). The English translation renders the latter as “the Communist Party of Denmark” in quotation marks to reflect the original’s use of a distinct name. united after years of negotiations. How do you view the current differences and political landscape among the different communist parties in Denmark, and what are the reasons for this situation? Do you believe it is possible for communist organizations in Denmark to unite in the near future?

○最近，丹麦共产党和“丹麦的共产党”在经过多年谈判后联合了起来。您如何看待当前丹麦的不同共产党之间的分歧和政治格局，造成这种局面的原因是什么？您认为丹麦的共产主义组织有可能在不久的将来联合起来吗？

● Our Party was founded in 2006. In the following years, although some comrades joined us, attempts at merger with other communist parties were unsuccessful. After multiple rounds of negotiations and practice, members of the Communist Party of Denmark, “the Communist Party of Denmark,” and the Communist Party of Denmark engaged in extensive and active cooperation in social movements. In September 2023, the Communist Party of Denmark and “the Communist Party of Denmark” successfully held a unification congress. Although there were differences on how to understand the current parliamentary struggle, after just a few years of negotiations, we reached a consensus. I attended the congress and, on behalf of the Communist Party of Denmark, extended sincere greetings to the congress. In my speech, I mentioned: “Today, you have taken an important step. In the era we live in, unity is crucial… We expect that the merger of the Communist Party of Denmark and ‘the Communist Party of Denmark’ will strengthen the forces of communism in Denmark. We hope this will make us more active in the movements and struggles that are urgently needed at present. In the struggle for peace, against the proxy war in Ukraine, in the struggle against US military bases in Denmark, in the struggle to restore trade union strength, and in the struggle against the rise of right-wing forces, we will jointly fight for the needs and interests of the working class and the broad masses of the people.”

●我们的党成立于2006年。在随后的几年里，尽管有一些同志加入了我们，但与其他共产党的合并尝试并未取得成功。经过多轮谈判和实践，丹麦共产党、“丹麦的共产党”与共产党（丹麦）的党员们在社会运动中展开了广泛而积极的合作。2023年9月，丹麦共产党和“丹麦的共产党”成功举行了统一大会。尽管在如何认识当前的议会斗争问题上存在分歧，但经过短短几年的谈判，我们达成了共识。我出席了大会，并代表共产党（丹麦）向大会致以诚挚的问候。在发言中，我提到：“今天，你们迈出了重要的一步，在我们所处的时代，团结是至关重要的……我们期望丹麦共产党和“丹麦的共产党”的合并将增强丹麦共产主义的力量。我们希望这将使我们在当前迫切需要的运动和斗争中更加活跃。在争取和平、反对乌克兰的代理人战争的斗争中，在反对美国在丹麦军事基地的斗争中，在恢复工会力量的斗争中，在反对右翼势力的崛起中，共同为工人阶级和广大人民的需求与利益而斗争。”

We are well aware that communists are active within many parties and organizations, as well as outside these organizations. In advancing the process of unity in the communist movement, we have always maintained an open attitude and will not refuse anyone willing to join. As for why it is impossible to bring all communists together under one organization, there are multiple explanations and views. Some believe that different organizations lack a common desire to unite. For others, the historical divisions of the 1970s and 1980s still affect current unity. Still others have lost confidence in the possibility of achieving unity.

我们深知，在众多党派、组织之中，以及在这些组织之外，都活跃着共产主义者的身影。在推进共产主义运动团结的进程中，我们始终持开放态度，不会拒绝任何愿意加入的人士。至于为何无法将所有共产党人汇聚于同一组织之下，存在多种解释和看法。一些人认为不同的组织之间缺乏团结起来的共同愿望。对另一些人而言，20世纪七八十年代的历史性分歧仍在影响着当下的团结。还有些人对实现团结的可能性失去了信心。

Based on the current situation, I believe that the question of communist unity must be examined in light of the actual conditions of class struggle in our country and internationally. The drastic international changes we are witnessing are also setting a new agenda for our domestic struggle. We must actively adapt to the multipolar world pattern and clearly define China’s role on the international stage. This requires us communists to be able to adjust our strategic direction and take active action under the new circumstances. In this capitalist world, characterized by an arms race, war, and what Lenin called “total reaction,” [9]9 A reference to Vladimir Lenin’s concept of “reaction” as a political and social regression under capitalism, often associated with intensified repression and militarism. we need a concrete analysis of the current situation, rather than looking to the past. Otherwise, we will be unable to determine the direction of the struggle. I am pondering how, in this process, especially in our country’s specific struggles and movements, the issue of unity and unification among communist organizations can be further resolved through practice.

基于当前的形势，我认为必须结合我国与国际阶级斗争的实际情况来审视共产主义团结的问题。我们正目睹的剧烈国际变革也为我国的斗争设定了新议程。我们必须积极适应多极世界格局，并明确中国在国际舞台上的角色定位。这要求我们共产党人能够调整战略方向，在新形势下积极采取行动。在这个以军备竞赛、战争和列宁所说的“全面反动”为特征的资本主义世界中，我们需要对现状进行具体分析，而不是将目光投向过去。否则，我们将无法确定斗争的方向。我在思考，在这个过程中，特别是在我国的具体斗争和运动中，共产主义组织的团结与统一问题应当如何通过实践得到进一步的解决。

III. Current Progressive Social Movements and the Capitalist Crisis in Denmark

三、丹麦当前的进步社会运动与资本主义危机

○ What is the current state of development of the workers’ movement and progressive social movements in Denmark?

○当前丹麦的工人运动及进步社会运动的发展现状如何？

● I believe it is necessary to discuss Denmark’s role in the imperialist global system. The ruling class of our country, as a loyal follower of the transatlantic alliance led by the United States, has participated in the creation of the aggressive NATO and the EU. Therefore, the place where we live and fight is the core region of the Global North. This influence penetrates every level of society. Denmark is an extremely wealthy country. Following the rise of shipping and trade capitalism and the subsequent process of industrialization, the working class created enormous wealth, promoting capitalist prosperity. However, Denmark’s capital accumulation also stems from the exploitation and plunder of the peoples of other countries during the era of colonialism and slavery. To a large extent, the history of Danish capitalist development is also a history of colonial plunder.

●我认为有必要探讨丹麦在帝国主义全球体系中的角色。我国的统治阶级，作为以美国为首的跨大西洋联盟的忠实追随者，参与了侵略性的北约和欧盟的创建。因此，我们所生活和战斗的地方，是全球北方的核心地带。这种影响深入到社会的各个层面。丹麦是一个极其富裕的国家。在航运和贸易资本主义兴起之后以及随后的工业化进程中，工人阶级创造了巨大财富，促进了资本主义的繁荣。然而，丹麦的资本积累同样源于在殖民主义和奴隶制时代对其他国家人民的剥削和掠夺。在很大程度上，丹麦资本主义的发展史也是殖民主义掠夺的历史。

However, we also have an organized working class, whose origins lie in industry and shipbuilding, later expanding into pharmaceuticals and services. It is against this historical backdrop that the Danish working class won relatively favorable working conditions, which for decades were superior to those in many other capitalist countries. But these favorable conditions are gradually disappearing. Over the past 40 years, the sustained offensive of capital has pushed the working class in Denmark and other Western countries into an extremely severe situation. The most important mass organization of the working class – the trade unions (in Denmark, a unified organization that cuts across religious and political boundaries) – is facing a crisis of survival. If these mass organizations cannot survive and transform into genuine fighting forces, it will be unimaginable for the working class to make progress in its struggle to improve living conditions and increase democratic rights.

然而，我们同样拥有一个组织有序的工人阶级，其起源于工业和造船业，随后扩展至制药业和服务业。正是在这样的历史背景下，丹麦的工人阶级争取到了较为优越的工作条件，这些条件在过去的数十年里，一直优于许多其他资本主义国家。但这些优越条件正逐渐消逝。在过去40年中，资本的持续进攻已将丹麦及其他西方国家的工人阶级推向了极其严峻的境地。工人阶级最为重要的群众组织——工会（在丹麦，工会是一个跨越宗教和政治界限的统一组织），正面临生存危机。如果这些群众组织无法存续并转变为真正的战斗力量，那么工人阶级要在争取改善生活条件和增加民主权利的斗争中取得进展将变得难以想象。

○ As one of the Nordic countries, Denmark’s high-welfare system is regarded by some as an “embryonic form of socialism.” What is your assessment of this?

○作为北欧国家之一，丹麦的高福利制度被一些人视为“社会主义的雏形”。您对此如何评价？

● Since the late 1950s, the Nordic countries gradually built a universal welfare system. This process was the product of prolonged class struggle. It was not a gift from the bourgeoisie but an achievement won through arduous effort. Essentially, it was a victory of the highly organized trade union movement.

●自20世纪50年代末起，北欧国家逐步构建了全民福利体系，这一过程是长期阶级斗争的产物。它并非资产阶级的恩赐，而是经过艰苦努力才取得的成就。本质上，它是高度组织化的工会运动所取得的胜利。

Against this backdrop, the bourgeoisie and its political parties recognized that, to avoid being completely overthrown, they had to make compromises. They were forced to engage in dialogue and negotiation with the trade unions. Therefore, it was precisely out of fear of socialism that the bourgeoisie made concessions under pressure from the workers’ movement and reached a comprehensive class compromise. The welfare system was made possible because the working class, through unremitting class struggle, altered the balance of power between labor and capital. It was by no means an unconditional gift!

在这种背景下，资产阶级及其政党认识到，为了避免被彻底推翻，他们必须作出妥协。他们不得不与工会进行对话和谈判。因此，正是出于对社会主义的担忧，资产阶级才在工人运动的压力下作出了让步，并达成了全面的阶级妥协。福利制度之所以能够实现，是因为工人阶级通过不懈的阶级斗争改变了劳动与资本之间的力量平衡。它绝不是无条件的赠予！

However, reformists within the workers’ movement regarded the class compromise as a sign of accepting the capitalist organization of production, private ownership of the means of production, and the employer’s right to command and allocate labor. They portrayed the universal welfare system as the fruit of social peace and cooperation with the owners of capital, arguing that the latter should show more benevolence and civility. We do not regard the universal welfare system as a bridge to socialism – although its core idea is built on strong and efficiently functioning communities. But to truly achieve socialism, these communities must also jointly manage and control society’s wealth and productive forces. At present, we have not yet reached this goal.

然而，工人运动中的改良主义者将阶级妥协视为接受资本主义生产组织、生产资料私有制以及雇主对劳动者的指挥权和分配权的标志。他们将全民福利体系描绘为社会和平以及与资本所有者合作的成果，认为资本所有者应当展现出更多的仁慈和文明。我们并不认为全民福利制度是通往社会主义的桥梁——尽管其核心理念是建立在强大且高效运作的社区之上。但是，若要真正实现社会主义，这些社区还必须共同管理和控制社会的财富和生产力。目前，我们尚未达成这一目标。

In fact, society is moving in the exact opposite direction. Because the ruling class only accepts compromise when it is necessary to maintain capitalist rule. With the collapse of socialism in Europe and the rise of neoliberalism, the necessity of this class compromise has disappeared, and the process of dismantling the welfare system has been set in motion. Opposing this process of dissolution is an important goal of our communist struggle.

事实上，社会正朝着完全相反的方向前进。因为统治阶级仅在需要维护资本主义统治时才会接受妥协。随着欧洲社会主义的瓦解和新自由主义的兴起，这种阶级妥协的必要性已不复存在，福利制度的瓦解过程随之启动。反对这一解体过程是我们共产党人的重要斗争目标。

○ Against the backdrop of the rising far right in European countries, what is the Communist Party of Denmark’s strategy for response?

○在欧洲各国极右翼势力日益抬头的情况下，共产党（丹麦）的应对策略是什么？

● In Europe, the threat of fascism is real – more precisely, the threat of neo-fascism, because it is no longer the fascism of the 20th century. At that time, the workers’ movement, the trade union movement, and the communist movement were all very strong; today, this is no longer the case. We are witnessing how anti-democratic, even fascist, movements and parties are growing in certain regions and gradually seizing state power. They take pride in inciting racist discrimination, promoting hatred and violence. They exploit the decline of the labor movement and trade unions, the growing discontent among political elites, and the loss of confidence in bourgeois democracy. They exploit people’s feelings of abandonment, worthlessness, despair, and alienation, peddling bizarre conspiracy theories. But above all, they promise revenge against the ruling class that has betrayed the working class and the nation.

●在欧洲，法西斯主义的威胁是切实存在的，更准确地说，是新法西斯主义的威胁，因为它已不再是20世纪的那个法西斯主义。当时，工人运动、工会运动和共产主义运动都十分强大，如今情况已非如此。我们目睹了反民主乃至法西斯主义的运动和政党是如何在某些地区发展壮大，并逐步掌握政权的。他们以煽动种族主义歧视、宣扬仇恨和暴力为荣。他们利用了劳工运动和工会的衰落、政治精英之间日益增长的不满情绪，以及对资产阶级民主失去信心的状况。他们利用群众的被遗弃感、无价值感、绝望感和疏离感，宣扬离奇的阴谋论。但最重要的是，他们承诺向背叛了工人阶级和国家的统治阶级复仇。

At the same time, we see that both bourgeois liberal parties and social democratic parties, when in power, are restricting civil liberties. Bourgeois democracy is in crisis, and its functioning is increasingly dysfunctional. The people are almost deprived of any real influence over social development. Another very important point: the neoliberal economic policies of the past 40 years have paved the way for the rise of neo-fascism, because these policies have pushed the majority of the working class to the margins of society. Unfortunately, anger at the rulers has been directed in the wrong direction.

与此同时，我们看到无论是资产阶级自由党还是社会民主党执政，都在限制公民自由。资产阶级民主正陷入危机，其功能日益失调。民众几乎被剥夺了对社会发展的任何真正影响力。还有一点非常重要：过去40年新自由主义的经济政策为新法西斯主义的兴起铺平了道路，因为这些政策将大部分工人阶级推向了社会边缘。不幸的是，对统治者的愤怒被导向了错误的方向。

Therefore, we need to unite all anti-fascist forces. The situation is grave; we are at a critical moment to prevent neo-fascism from gaining a mass base and then coming to power. Communists bear a special responsibility in this regard. Because the anti-fascist struggle is not only an ideological and political struggle; it is also (perhaps most importantly) an economic and social struggle to defend the living conditions of the working class and the oppressed. Social struggle must occupy a central position.

因此，我们需要团结所有反法西斯的力量。形势是严峻的，我们正处于防止新法西斯主义获得群众基础，进而上台执政的关键时刻。共产党人在这方面承担着特殊的责任。因为反法西斯斗争不仅仅是一场意识形态和政治斗争，它也是（或许最重要的是）捍卫工人阶级和被压迫人民生活条件的经济和社会斗争。社会斗争必须占据中心位置。

○ In your view, is communism in Denmark now experiencing a revival? Or is it still too early to draw conclusions?

○在您看来，如今丹麦的共产主义是否正在复兴？还是说现在下结论还为时过早？

● In my view, it is still too early to assert a full revival of communism in Denmark. We live in a society where the ruling class is consciously spreading anti-communist sentiment. This phenomenon has intensified in recent years. An extreme war fever is spreading, a war fever that makes all opposition to war and criticism of NATO targets of public condemnation. At the same time, a Russophobic sentiment, wrapped in anti-communist ideology, is spreading through

●在我看来，断言丹麦共产主义的全面复兴尚为时过早。我们所处的社会中，统治阶级正有意识地散布反共产主义情绪。这种现象在近年来愈发严重。一种极端的战争狂热症正在蔓延，这种战争狂热让所有反对战争、批评北约的声音都成了舆论谴责的对象。与此同时，一种裹挟着反共产主义意识形态的仇俄情绪正在社会中蔓延。即便是对待中国的态度，也明显带有反共色彩。对抗这种根深蒂固的意识形态是我们愿意接受的挑战，但这一挑战不可能在短时间内解决。我们可以说，政治上的激进化正在发生，特别是在一些青年群体中。共产主义者面临的挑战是吸收这种激进化的力量。此外，我坚信，共产主义运动的真正复兴与工人阶级斗争的深化紧密相连。因此，共产党人必须深入工人阶级，尤其是扎根于工人阶级的最核心部分，这一点至关重要。

IV. The World Significance of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and China’s Global Role

四、中国特色社会主义的世界意义及中国的全球角色

○ How do you assess the world significance of socialism with Chinese characteristics?

○您如何评价中国特色社会主义的世界意义？

● The Communist Party of Denmark considers the Chinese revolution that achieved victory in 1949 to be one of the most important revolutionary events of the 20th century. It was first and foremost an anti-colonial revolution that combined national independence with social liberation. After more than 100 years of imperialist plunder and oppression, the Chinese people were able to become masters of their own country through an anti-imperialist and anti-feudal revolutionary struggle, and in just a few decades they achieved progress on a scale and depth never before seen in human history.

●共产党（丹麦）认为，1949年取得成功的中国革命是20世纪最重要的革命事件之一。它首先是一场将民族独立与社会解放结合起来的反殖民主义革命。经过100多年的帝国主义掠夺与压迫，中国人民得以通过反帝反封建的革命斗争实现当家作主，并在短短的几十年时间里取得了人类历史上从未有过的规模和深度的进步。

Today we can see that while socialism in Europe collapsed, the Chinese comrades held their ground. Under extremely difficult conditions, they adhered to the path of socialist development. The Communist Party of China defines the current stage of China as the primary stage of socialism and has been taking measures to further improve and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics. At present, China’s development is facing profound and complex changes; against the backdrop of unpredictable world circumstances, enormous opportunities and challenges coexist. Thanks to the leadership of the Communist Party of China, China has already laid a solid economic, political and social foundation and possesses the momentum for sustained development.

今天我们可以看到，在欧洲社会主义崩溃的同时，中国的同志一直坚守阵地。他们在极其困难的条件下，坚持着社会主义发展道路。中国共产党把当下的中国界定为社会主义初级阶段，并且一直在采取措施进一步完善和发展中国特色社会主义。当下，中国的发展正面临深刻而复杂的变革，在世界形势变幻莫测的大背景下，巨大的机遇和挑战并存。这得益于中国共产党的领导，中国已经奠定坚实的经济、政治和社会基础，并具备持续发展的动力。

○ How do you assess China’s current role in the global landscape?

○对于当前中国在全球格局中的角色，您如何评价？

● At present, China’s international standing cannot be overstated. The initiatives taken by the Communist Party of China and the Chinese government have brought hope to forces around the world that pursue peace and cooperation. In the current world configuration, China is committed to promoting the alleviation of conflicts

●当前，中国的国际地位无论怎样强调都不为过。中国共产党和中国政府采取的主动行动为全球追求和平与合作的力量带来了希望。在当今世界格局中，中国致力于促进缓解冲突、维护和平与发展，成为抗衡跨大西洋联盟的重要平衡力量。这场斗争对我们来说至关重要，因为我们身处帝国主义核心国家，正为持久和平而奋斗。我们反对军备扩张，拒绝让本国工人阶级为冷战势力和军火商的贪婪野心承担代价。

What is encouraging is that there is a powerful socialist country standing on the same front as us. In this context, strengthening international cooperation among communist, revolutionary and progressive forces becomes particularly crucial. This is also aimed at countering the growing anti-China Cold War trend in our region. US imperialism and the imperialist blocs around it regard China as their main adversary, and they dominate this intense new Cold War campaign.

令人振奋的是，世界上有一个强大的社会主义国家与我们站在同一阵线。在这样的背景下，加强共产主义、革命和进步力量之间的国际合作变得尤为关键。这同样是为了对抗我们所在地区日益增长的反华冷战趋势。美国帝国主义及其周边的帝国主义集团将中国视为主要对手，他们主导了这场剧烈的新冷战运动。

Under the current international situation, the support of the international community for China’s peaceful realization

在当前的国际形势下，国际社会对中国和平实现其国家发展目标的支持至关重要。我们强烈谴责帝国主义势力对中国内政的干涉，认为这种行为严重侵犯了中国的国家主权。共产党（丹麦）愿意在丹麦的左翼群体中推动相关讨论，最大限度地减少关于中国的谣言和偏见的传播。