Marini’s Theory of Super-Exploitation and Its Contemporary Value – A Theoretical Innovation Based on Latin America’s Dependent Development Dilemma

In the mid-20th century, Latin American countries, in the process of advancing modernization, fell into a dependent development dilemma: economic growth did not bring general prosperity but instead exacerbated social poverty. To break this paradox, the renowned Latin American Marxist theorist Ruy Mauro Marini, in his representative work *Dialectics of Dependence*, put forward the theory of super-exploitation. In terms of theoretical construction, Marini did not stop at the level of unequal exchange in the sphere of circulation; rather, he placed the analytical focus on the formation and realization of labor power’s value, pointing out that dependent capitalism, in order to offset the value losses incurred in international exchange, maintains capital accumulation through the super-exploitation of its own workers. This theory reveals the inherent hierarchical structure of exploitation within the capitalist world system, providing a key analytical perspective for examining the new contradictions and new mechanisms of contemporary global capital accumulation. To date, half a century has passed since the first Spanish edition of *Dialectics of Dependence* was published. With the reissue of its English edition, this work, which once profoundly influenced the development of 20th-century Marxism, has returned to public view and demonstrated an enduring explanatory power. Rooted in the real soil of Latin America, Marini analyzed the basic characteristics of capitalism in that region. He pointed out that the “underdeveloped state” of Latin American countries is not an isolated phenomenon but is deeply embedded within the world system dominated by Europe and the United States. Constrained by this logic of dependence, surplus value from peripheral countries is continuously transferred to core countries, thereby solidifying the global pattern of wealth polarization.

20世纪中叶，拉美国家在推进现代化的进程中陷入依附性发展困境，经济增长并未带来普遍繁荣，反而加剧了社会贫困。为了破解这一悖论，拉美著名马克思主义理论家鲁伊·毛罗·马里尼（RuyMauro Marini）在其代表作《依附的辩证法》中提出超级剥削理论。在理论构建上，马里尼并未停留在流通领域的不平等交换层面，而是将分析焦点置于劳动力价值的形成与实现上，指出依附性资本主义为了抵消在国际交换中的价值损失，通过对本国工人的超级剥削来维持资本积累。这一理论揭示了资本主义世界体系内在的剥削等级结构，为分析当代全球资本积累的新矛盾、新机制提供了关键的分析视角。迄今为止，距离《依附的辩证法》西班牙文首版问世已过去半个世纪，随着英文版的再版发行，这部曾深刻影响20世纪马克思主义发展史的著作重回大众视野并彰显出历久弥新的解释力。马里尼扎根拉丁美洲现实土壤，剖析了该地区资本主义的基本特征。他指出，拉美国家的“欠发达状态”并非孤立现象，而是被深度嵌入欧美主导的世界体系之中。受制于这种依附逻辑，边缘国家的剩余价值源源不断地输送至中心国家，从而固化了全球贫富分化格局。

Marini defines super-exploitation as a mode of production that “increases labor intensity, extends the working day, and deprives workers of part of the necessary labor required to restore their labor power.” The theoretical logic of this concept directly inherits from Marx’s theory of labor power’s value. Marx held that “the value of labor-power is the value of the means of subsistence necessary for the maintenance of its owner” and emphasized the destructive effect on the reproduction of labor power when wages fall below that value. Taking this as his foundation, Marini proposed the concept of super-exploitation to describe the specific form of exploitation in which wages are chronically below the value of labor power. As the internal contradictions of capital accumulation deepen and the rate of profit continuously declines, super-exploitation has transcended the limits of time and space, mutating from an occasional phenomenon of early capitalism into a necessary condition for contemporary global capitalism to cope with its own crises, and it exhibits a clear transnational character. However, academic circles remain divided over the relationship between Marini’s theory of super-exploitation and Marx’s theory of exploitation in *Capital*, and different views have formed on whether super-exploitation constitutes an independent theoretical category and how to understand its position within the Marxist theoretical system. This article takes the theoretical debates in Latin American academic circles as its point of departure, systematically expounds Marini’s theoretical contribution and contemporary value, and aims to provide theoretical tools for understanding the operating mechanisms of contemporary imperialism and a new explanatory framework for the dependent development dilemma of the Global South.

马里尼将超级剥削（super-exploitation）界定为“增加劳动强度、延长工作日以及剥夺工人恢复劳动力所需的部分必要劳动”的生产方式。这一概念的理论逻辑直接承袭马克思的劳动力价值理论。马克思认为，“劳动力的价值，就是维持劳动力占有者所必要的生活资料的价值”，并强调了工资低于该价值时对劳动力再生产的破坏作用。马里尼以此为基石，提出了超级剥削概念，用以描述工资长期低于劳动力价值这一特定的剥削形式。随着资本积累内在矛盾的加深和利润率的持续下降，超级剥削已经跨越时空限制，从早期资本主义的偶然现象异化为当代全球资本主义应对自身危机的必要条件，并表现出明显的跨国性。然而，学术界对马里尼的超级剥削理论与马克思《资本论》剥削理论的关系仍存在争议，围绕超级剥削是否构成独立的理论范畴，以及如何理解其在马克思主义理论体系中的地位等问题，形成了不同的观点。本文以拉美学界的理论争鸣为切入点，系统阐释马里尼的理论贡献和当代价值，以期为理解当代帝国主义的运行机制提供理论工具，为全球南方依附困境提供新的解释框架。

I. Academic Debates on “Super-Exploitation”

一、学界关于“超级剥削”的理论争鸣

Since Marini proposed the theory of super-exploitation, its compatibility with Marx’s system in *Capital* has always been a focal point of academic controversy. This debate is not merely a conceptual dispute; it touches upon the understanding of the very nature of the capitalist mode of production. The core of the debate lies in the position of the phenomenon of wages being chronically below the value of labor power within Marx’s theoretical coordinates, and the ensuing discussion of the place of the phenomenon of super-exploitation in the history of capitalist development.

自马里尼提出超级剥削理论以来，其与马克思《资本论》体系的兼容性始终是学界争论的焦点。这一争论并非简单的概念之争，而是触及了对资本主义生产方式本质的理解。争论的核心在于，工资长期低于劳动力价值这一现象在马克思理论坐标中的位置以及由此引申出的关于超级剥削现象在资本主义发展史中的地位的讨论。

(A) A Debate on Nature: “Exploitation” within the Law of Value vs. “Plunder” that Violates the Law

（一）性质之辩：价值规律内的“剥削”与违背规律的“掠夺”

Marx revealed that the secret of capitalist exploitation lies in the appropriation of surplus value. His classic exposition is usually built on the abstract assumption of equivalent exchange, presupposing that the commodity labor power is sold at its value. Given this premise, how to characterize the objective reality of “wages being chronically below the value of labor power” constitutes the starting point of theoretical divergence.

马克思揭示了资本主义剥削的秘密在于对剩余价值的占有，其经典论述通常建立在等价交换的抽象假设之上，即预设劳动力商品按其价值出售。在此前提下，如何定性“工资长期低于劳动力价值”的客观现实，便构成了理论分歧的起点。

1. The “Pre-Capitalist Plunder Thesis”

1.“前资本主义式的掠夺论”

Scholars represented by Hugo Figueira Corrêa and Marcelo Dias Carcanholo argue that the phenomenon of “wages being chronically below the value of labor power” described by Marini should not be included within the rigorous economic category of “exploitation” but should instead be characterized as “plunder.” Citing Marx’s discussion of the working day in *Capital*, they explain the connotation of the concept of “super-exploitation” from the perspective of the unity of logic and history, elaborating on the relationship between the value of labor power and its accelerated depletion due to exceeding normal recovery levels. When capitalists excessively prolong working hours or drastically depress wages, causing the depletion of labor power to surpass the limits of its natural restoration, this behavior is no longer mere exploitation but a direct plunder of labor power itself.

以雨果·菲盖拉·科雷亚（Hugo Figueira Corrêa）和马塞洛·迪亚斯·卡尔坎霍洛（Marcelo Dias Carcanholo）为代表的学者认为，马里尼描述的“工资长期低于劳动力价值”现象不应被纳入“剥削”这一严谨的经济学范畴，而应被定性为“掠夺”。他们援引马克思在《资本论》中关于工作日的论述，从逻辑与历史相统一的角度，阐释了“超级剥削”概念的内涵，阐述了劳动力价值与其因超出正常恢复水平而加速损耗之间的关系。当资本家过度延长工时或极度压低工资，导致劳动力的损耗超过了其自然恢复的界限时，这种行为已不再是单纯的剥削，而是对劳动力本身的直接掠夺。

Proponents of this view hold that the operational logic of capitalism must presuppose the normal reproduction of labor power. Once wages are chronically insufficient to maintain the worker’s subsistence, it indicates that the capitalist has already breached the limits of surplus value, directly encroaching upon the worker’s necessary consumption fund. This practice directly undermines the sustainable foundation of production and bears the typical characteristics of pre-capitalist extra-economic coercion. Therefore, forcibly incorporating this irrational plunder into the core categories of capitalism is logically inconsistent; super-exploitation should be seen more as a product of insufficient capitalist development than as an internal mechanism of its mature form.

持此论者认为，资本主义的运行逻辑必须以劳动力的正常再生产为前提。一旦工资长期不足以维持工人的生存，就表明资本家已经突破了剩余价值的界限，直接侵蚀了工人的必要消费基金。这种做法直接破坏了生产的可持续基础，带有典型的前资本主义式超经济强制特征。因此，将这种非理性的掠夺强行纳入资本主义核心范畴，在逻辑上无法自洽；超级剥削更应被视为资本主义发展不充分的产物，而非成熟形态的内在机制。

2. The “Specific Exploitation under Dependent Conditions Thesis”

2.“依附条件下的特定剥削论”

In contrast to the above view, scholars represented by Jaime Osorio argue that “exploitation” and “plunder” should not be mechanically opposed; super-exploitation is the concretization of the Marxist theory of exploitation under conditions of dependence. Osorio contends that super-exploitation appears to violate the law of value on the surface, but is in fact a specific form of the law of value’s operation in dependent economies. This thesis both acknowledges the general law that labor power is sold as a commodity at its value and provides a conceptual tool for analyzing deviations from this law. In his view, the commodity labor power is not only a general commodity in the economic sense but also a special commodity that bears the worker’s life and reproductive capacity. Once the value of labor power is chronically and deliberately depressed, what is damaged is the most basic condition of the worker’s existence. When capitalist relations of production develop to the point where the value of labor power continuously fails to receive normal compensation, this so-called “value deviation” ceases to be an occasional or local phenomenon and evolves into an inherent structural characteristic of capitalism at a specific stage of development. Particularly on the periphery of the world system, the normalization of the depression of labor power’s value has become a necessary mechanism for maintaining the operation of the entire system.

与上述观点相对，以雅伊梅·奥索里奥（Jaime Osorio）为代表的学者则主张，不应机械地将“剥削”与“掠夺”对立起来，超级剥削是马克思主义剥削理论在依附条件下的具体化。奥索里奥认为，超级剥削表面上似乎违背了价值规律，实则是价值规律在依附型经济体中的特定表现形式。该论断既承认了劳动力作为商品按价值出售的一般规律，又为分析偏离这一规律的现象提供了概念工具。在他看来，劳动力商品不仅是经济学意义上的一般商品，更是承载着劳动者生命与再生产能力的特殊商品。一旦劳动力价值被长期刻意压低，受损的便是劳动者最基本的生存条件。当资本主义生产关系发展到使劳动力价值持续无法得到正常补偿时，所谓的“价值偏离”便脱离了偶然或局部的范畴，演变为资本主义在特定发展阶段的内在结构性特征。尤其在世界体系的边缘地带，对劳动力价值的常态化压低，已成为维持整个体系运行的必要机制。

Marx held that the value of labor power is determined by the socially necessary labor time required for the subsistence of the worker and his family, and that it includes not only the physiological elements for basic sustenance but also “a historical and moral element.” However, in dependent capitalism, this normal value composition is disrupted. Due to their weak position in the international market, peripheral countries face enormous external competitive pressure and systematic value transfers. To compensate for the profit losses resulting from insufficient technological competitiveness, peripheral countries are forced to transfer the pressure onto workers, maintaining accumulation by depressing wages below the normal value of labor power. This “violation” (i.e., plunder) has, through market mechanisms, been transformed into a stable means of profit-making (i.e., exploitation). In other words, to survive, peripheral countries must internalize “plunder” as the norm of the production process. Therefore, super-exploitation is a form of “predatory exploitation,” a necessary form of the law of value operating under specific spatial conditions.

马克思认为，劳动力价值由维持工人及其家庭生存所需的社会必要劳动时间决定，不仅包含满足基本温饱的生理要素，还“包含着一个历史的和道德的要素”。然而，在依附性资本主义中，这种正常的价值构成被破坏了。由于在国际市场中处于弱势地位，外围国家面临着巨大的外部竞争压力和系统性的价值转移。为了弥补技术竞争力不足带来的利润损失，外围国家被迫将压力转嫁给劳动者，通过将工资压低到劳动力正常价值以下来维持积累。这种“违背”（即掠夺）已经通过市场机制转化为一种稳定的获利手段（即剥削）。换言之，外围国家为了生存，必须将“掠夺”内化为生产过程的常态。因此，超级剥削是一种“掠夺性剥削”，是价值规律在特定空间条件下发挥作用的必然形式。

(B) A Debate on Universality: General Laws of Capitalism vs. Specific Forms

（二）普遍性之辩：资本主义的一般规律与特殊形态

The debate over the nature of super-exploitation further gives rise to the question: can the phenomenon of super-exploitation persist within the general law of capitalist accumulation? In other words, is super-exploitation a feature common to all stages of capitalism, or is it an exception that exists only in specific periods or specific forms?

由超级剥削性质之辩进一步衍生出的问题是，超级剥削现象在资本主义一般增殖规律中能否持续？换言之，超级剥削是资本主义各阶段共有的特征，还是仅存在于特定时期或特定形态的例外？

1. “Exceptionalism” and “Temporary Deviation”

1.“例外论”与“暂时性偏离”

Hugo Fiqueira Correa and Marcelo Dias Carcanholo argue that Marx’s discussion of the working day in Volume I of *Capital* was primarily intended to illustrate the struggle between capitalists and workers over the length of the working day; it was a description of a basic phenomenon, not a mature conceptual theoretical framework, and in the context of the time there was no need for such conceptualization. According to the logic of the production of relative surplus value in *Capital*, with the development of capitalism and technological progress, the value of labor power tends to fall, thereby creating conditions for a rise in wages and a shortening of the working day. Therefore, they believe that “wages below the value of labor power” can only be a feature of early capitalism (such as the stage of primitive accumulation) or a “temporary deviation” caused by imperfect market mechanisms in peripheral countries.

雨果·菲盖拉·科雷亚和马塞洛·迪亚斯·卡尔坎霍洛提出，马克思在《资本论》第一卷关于工作日的论述，主要目的是说明资本家与工人围绕工作日长短展开的斗争，属于对基本现象的描述，并未形成成熟的概念化理论框架，且在当时的语境下亦无概念化的必要。依据《资本论》相对剩余价值生产的逻辑，随着资本主义的发展和技术进步，劳动力价值会趋向下降，从而为工资的上升和工作日的缩短创造了条件。因此，他们认为，“工资低于劳动力价值”只能是资本主义发展早期的特征（如原始积累阶段），或者是外围国家市场机制不完善导致的“暂时性偏离”。

In the view of these scholars, Volume I of *Capital* is devoted to analyzing the essential determinations of the capitalist mode of production at the most general and abstract level; its core task is to reveal the universal laws of capitalist operation, such as the production of surplus value and capital accumulation, not to explain specific forms of exploitation in particular times and places. In light of this, directly incorporating the phenomenon of super-exploitation, which reflects the concrete historical experience of specific regions, into the highly abstract theoretical level of *Capital* is methodologically inappropriate; such phenomena should belong to a more concrete, historical level of analysis. Based on this methodological distinction, they argue that super-exploitation has no universal theoretical significance and that, as capitalism matures, this phenomenon, which cannot be sustained in the long term under the general law of accumulation, should gradually disappear.

在这些学者看来，《资本论》第一卷致力于在最一般和抽象的层面剖析资本主义生产方式的本质规定性，核心任务在于揭示如剩余价值生产、资本积累等资本主义运行的普遍规律，而非解释特定时空下的具体剥削形态。鉴于此，将反映特定地区具体历史经验的超级剥削现象直接纳入《资本论》高度抽象的理论层面，在方法论上显然欠妥，这类现象应属于更具体的、历史性的分析层次。基于这种方法论分野，他们认为超级剥削不具备普遍的理论意义，随着资本主义趋向成熟，这种无法在一般增殖规律中长期维持的现象理应逐渐消亡。

2. “Structural Normality” and the World-System Perspective

2.“结构常态论”与世界体系视角

Marini and his supporters counter the “exceptionalism” thesis. They point out that the experience of the core countries cannot be universalized. In the capitalist world-system, the core countries are able to maintain relatively mild labor-capital relations because they shift the contradictions to peripheral countries through unequal exchange. Against the backdrop of the deepening crisis of contemporary capitalism, the traditional class analysis framework bounded by the nation-state is increasingly inadequate for explaining the complex class relations under transnational production chains. The theory of super-exploitation reveals that imperialism is not an accidental product of capitalist development but an inevitable manifestation of the inherent contradictions of the capitalist mode of production, embodied in the conflict between the internal requirements of capital accumulation and the realization of the value of labor power.

马里尼及其支持者则对“例外论”提出反驳。他们指出，不能将中心国家的经验普遍化。在资本主义世界体系中，中心国家之所以能维持相对缓和的劳资关系，是因为它们通过不平等交换将矛盾转嫁给了外围国家。在当代资本主义危机日益深化的背景下，传统以民族国家为边界的阶级分析框架，已难以充分解释跨国生产链条下的复杂阶级关系。超级剥削理论揭示了帝国主义并非资本主义发展的偶然产物，而是内生于资本主义生产方式本质矛盾的必然表现，并体现为资本积累的内在要求与劳动力价值实现之间的冲突。

To offset the value transfer to the core countries, peripheral countries are forced to maintain super-exploitation over the long term, making it a structural norm in dependent capitalism. This shows that the general law of capitalist accumulation does not manifest as homogeneous progress on a world scale but is built on a structure of interdependence between “core-technological progress” and “periphery-excessive exploitation.” The existence of dependency relations itself means that this phenomenon, which violates the law of the value of labor power, will persist over the long term on the periphery of capitalism.

为了抵消向中心国家的价值输送，外围国家被迫长期维持超级剥削，使其成为依附型资本主义中的结构性常态。它表明，资本主义的一般增殖规律在世界范围内并不会表现为均质的进步，而是建立在“中心—技术进步”与“外围—过度剥削”相互依存的结构之上。依附关系的存在，本身即意味着这种违反劳动力价值规律的现象将在资本主义边缘地带长期延续。

(3) The Position of Super-Exploitation in Marxist Value Theory

（三）超级剥削在马克思主义价值理论中的定位

Academic debate on Marini’s theory of super-exploitation has long focused on issues such as the theoretical status of the concept, the universality of its mechanism, and the boundaries of its explanatory power — for example, whether super-exploitation constitutes a “third form of surplus value production,” whether super-exploitation is a phenomenon unique to peripheral countries or a universal feature of capitalism, and so on. However, after decades of theoretical controversy, a basic consensus has gradually emerged in the academic community. John Bellamy Foster and others point out that super-exploitation in the narrow sense refers to wages below the social reproduction cost of labor power, while a broader concept should also include “the creation of surplus value through subsistence wages in peripheral countries, which is then transferred to the imperial core through unequal exchange and value transfer”; David Harvey, in his later works, acknowledged the explanatory power of this theory, arguing that it has an inherent logical affinity with accumulation by dispossession; John Smith proposed the concept of “imperialist super-exploitation,” attempting to combine the theory of super-exploitation with Lenin’s theory of imperialism. These explorations indicate that, although specific formulations remain contested, the academic community has generally recognized that super-exploitation is not an occasional exception but a key to understanding the structural contradictions of contemporary capitalism.

学界关于马里尼超级剥削理论的讨论，长期聚焦于概念的理论地位、机制的普遍性以及解释力的适用边界等问题上，比如超级剥削能否构成“第三种剩余价值生产形式”，超级剥削是外围国家的特有现象还是资本主义的普遍特征等。然而，经过几十年的理论争议，学界逐渐形成了一些基本共识。约翰·贝拉米·福斯特（John Bellamy Foster）等指出，狭义的超级剥削是指工人工资低于其社会再生产成本的价值，而更广泛的概念还应包括“外围国家通过生存工资创造超额剩余价值，经不平等交换与价值转移向帝国中心输送资本盈余”；大卫·哈维（David Harvey）也在其后期著作中承认了该理论的解释力，认为其与剥夺性积累在逻辑上具有内在的相通性；约翰·史密斯（John Smith）则提出了“帝国主义超级剥削”概念，试图将超级剥削理论与列宁的帝国主义理论相结合。这些探索表明，尽管具体表述尚存分歧，但学界已普遍承认超级剥削并非一种偶发的例外，而是理解当代资本主义结构性矛盾的关键钥匙。

The theoretical debate on super-exploitation is essentially about how to handle the tension between the abstract logic of *Capital* and the concrete realities of the world market. Its position in Marxist value theory should be established from the following two dimensions. First, super-exploitation has both the character of “plunder” and the substance of “exploitation.” Admittedly, some scholars regard super-exploitation as “plunder” with some justification, because it directly encroaches on the consumption fund necessary for workers’ survival and disrupts the normal reproduction of labor power. However, this does not mean that super-exploitation falls outside the economic categories of capitalism. Unlike pre-capitalist direct violence, in dependent capitalism, the violation of the subsistence floor of labor power is no longer external to the production process but has been internalized as a necessary link in capital accumulation. Super-exploitation, through the legitimate form of wages and under the cover of ostensibly equal exchange, serves the production and realization of surplus value. Thus, although super-exploitation in degree represents a breach of the subsistence floor, in nature it still belongs to the category of capitalist exploitation relations.

关于超级剥削的理论争论，实质上是如何处理《资本论》抽象逻辑与世界市场具体现实之间的张力问题，应当从以下两个维度确立其在马克思主义价值理论中的地位。第一，超级剥削兼具“掠夺”的特征与“剥削”的实质。诚然，部分学者将超级剥削视为“掠夺”有一定道理，因为它直接侵蚀了工人维持生存必需的消费基金，阻断了劳动力的正常再生产，但这并不意味着超级剥削脱离了资本主义的经济范畴。与前资本主义式的直接暴力不同，在依附性资本主义中，对劳动力底线的破坏不再游离于生产过程之外，而是被内化为了资本积累的必要环节。超级剥削借由工资这一合法形式，在表面平等的交换掩盖下，服务于剩余价值的生产与实现。由此可见，超级剥削虽然在程度上表现为对生存底线的突破，但在性质上依然属于资本主义剥削关系的范畴。

Second, super-exploitation is a specific manifestation of the law of surplus value under the unequal conditions of the world market. In the real world-system, the positions of core and peripheral countries are not equal. The reason core countries can maintain relatively mild labor-capital relations and higher wage levels is, at root, that they shift contradictions to peripheral countries through unequal exchange. To offset this value transfer to the core, peripheral countries are forced to maintain super-exploitation systematically over the long term. Therefore, super-exploitation becomes an inevitable result of the spatial unfolding of the law of surplus value; it cannot be regarded as an exception to the general law of capitalist accumulation. Under the hierarchical structure of the world-system, super-exploitation, as a form of exploitation that functions through the regulation of the profit rate and the mechanism of value transfer, is destined to persist over the long term on the periphery, becoming an inherent feature of capital accumulation in that region.

第二，超级剥削是剩余价值规律在世界市场不平等条件下的特定表现。在现实的世界体系中，中心国家和外围国家的地位并不平等。中心国家之所以能维持相对缓和的劳资关系和较高的工资水平，究其根源，是因为它们通过不平等交换将矛盾转嫁给了外围国家。为了抵消这种向中心流动的价值输送，外围国家被迫长期、系统地维持超级剥削。因此，超级剥削成为剩余价值规律在空间上展开的必然结果，不能将其视为资本主义一般增殖规律之外的例外。在世界体系的等级结构下，超级剥削作为利润率调节和价值转移机制的剥削形式，注定将在边缘地带长期存在，成为该区域资本积累的固有特征。

2. The Main Contributions of Marini’s Theory of Super-Exploitation

二、马里尼超级剥削理论的主要贡献

The theory of super-exploitation is an important theoretical achievement of Marini in explaining the problem of capital accumulation in peripheral countries. This theory reveals the reasons for the long-term persistence of phenomena such as wages persistently below the value of labor power and the continuous impairment of conditions for the reproduction of labor power in peripheral countries, and how these phenomena are linked to capital accumulation, the international division of labor, and value transfer. Through an analysis of the development reality of peripheral countries, Marini elucidates the special mechanisms by which peripheral countries maintain capital accumulation, providing an important theoretical tool for analyzing the structural inequality of the capitalist system.

超级剥削理论是马里尼解释外围国家资本积累问题的重要理论成果。该理论揭示了外围国家工资长期低于劳动力价值、劳动力再生产条件持续受损等现象长期存续的原因，以及这些现象如何同资本积累、国际分工和价值转移相联系。通过对外围国家发展现实的分析，马里尼阐明了外围国家维持资本积累的特殊机制，为分析资本主义体系的结构性不平等提供了重要理论工具。

(1) Establishing Super-Exploitation as an Independent Theoretical Category

（一）将超级剥削确立为独立的理论范畴

Marini defines super-exploitation as a “third mode of producing surplus value,” characterized by “increasing labor intensity, extending the working day, and depriving workers of part of the necessary labor required to restore their labor power.” In Marini’s view, super-exploitation is neither a temporary nor an isolated phenomenon, nor simply a deepening of exploitation; rather, it is a long-standing mode of capital accumulation in dependent economies.

马里尼将超级剥削界定为“第三种剩余价值生产方式”，其特征表现为“增加劳动强度、延长工作日以及剥夺工人恢复劳动力所需的部分必要劳动”。在马里尼看来，超级剥削并非临时或个别的现象，也并非单纯的剥削程度加深，而是依附型经济体中长期存在的资本积累方式。

To understand the meaning of super-exploitation as an independent theoretical category, it is necessary to distinguish it from ordinary exploitation and from over-exploitation in the usual sense. Ordinary exploitation is primarily manifested as capital’s appropriation of surplus labour, that is, the new value created by the worker in the production process that exceeds the value of labour power, and this excess portion is appropriated by capital without compensation. Therefore, the basis of ordinary exploitation lies in the difference between the value of labour power and the new value created by the worker. Over-exploitation, in contrast, is manifested as a temporary intensification of the degree of exploitation, such as extending working hours, raising labour intensity or increasing labour expenditure. Compared with these two, the specificity of super-exploitation lies in the fact that capital permanently depresses wages below the value of labour power, encroaching on part of the value necessary for the worker to maintain their own reproduction and that of their family, thereby damaging the conditions for the reproduction of labour power while reducing labour costs in order to sustain capital accumulation.

要理解超级剥削作为独立理论范畴的含义，需要将其同一般剥削和通常意义上的过度剥削区分开来。一般剥削主要表现为资本对剩余劳动的占有，即劳动者在生产过程中创造的新价值超过劳动力价值，而这一超出部分被资本无偿占有。因此，一般剥削的基础在于劳动力价值与劳动者创造的新价值之间的差额。过度剥削则表现为剥削强度的临时加重，如延长劳动时间、提高劳动强度或增加劳动消耗。与二者相比，超级剥削的特殊性在于，资本长期将工资压低至劳动力价值以下，侵占劳动者维持自身及家庭再生产所必需的部分价值，在损害劳动力再生产条件的同时，降低劳动力成本以维持资本增殖。

Marini points out that when wages are depressed below the level required for normal reproduction, capital is able to “transform the worker’s necessary consumption fund into a fund for capital accumulation.” This means that super-exploitation involves not only capital’s appropriation of surplus labour, but also capital’s encroachment on necessary labour, depressing the value that should be used for the worker’s necessary consumption, so that the conditions for their livelihood maintenance, physical recovery and family reproduction are damaged. Thus, wages permanently below the value of labour power and the deterioration of conditions for the reproduction of labour power become a normalised compensatory mechanism for capital to maintain accumulation under the pressure of a falling rate of profit. It is in this sense that Marini establishes super-exploitation as an independent theoretical category distinct from ordinary exploitation and over-exploitation.

马里尼指出，当工资被压低到正常再生产所需水平以下时，资本便能够“把工人的必要消费基金转化为资本的积累基金”。这意味着超级剥削所涉及的不只是资本对剩余劳动的占有，还包括资本侵占必要劳动、压低本应用于劳动者必要消费的价值，使其生活维持、体力恢复和家庭再生产条件受到损害。由此，工资长期低于劳动力价值、劳动力再生产条件恶化便成为资本在利润率下降压力下维持积累的常态化补偿机制。正是在这一意义上，马里尼把超级剥削确立为区别于一般剥削和过度剥削的独立理论范畴。

(2) Elucidating the Special Mechanism by Which Peripheral Countries Maintain Capital Accumulation

（二）阐明外围国家维持资本积累的特殊机制

Super-exploitation is a general mechanism by which capitalism responds to a falling rate of profit, but this mechanism is particularly concentrated and prominent in dependent capitalism. Marini’s theory of super-exploitation places the compression of the cost of reproducing labour power within the analytical framework of capital accumulation, focusing on explaining the special way in which peripheral countries maintain accumulation within an unfavourable international division of labour. The capital accumulation of peripheral countries is simultaneously constrained by domestic production conditions and the structure of the international market. At the domestic level, peripheral countries have a relatively weak industrial base, insufficient technological capacity and limited capital scale, making it difficult to rely continuously on technological upgrading and productivity increases to expand the space for accumulation. At the level of the international system, the central countries hold advantages in technology, capital and market pricing power; peripheral countries are mostly situated in the production of primary products or low-value-added processing links, so the prices of their export commodities are low, while they must pay higher costs when importing technology, equipment and high-value-added commodities. The result is that although peripheral countries invest a large amount of labour and participate in world market exchange, it is difficult for them to retain the value created by that labour fully within their own national production system, and the surplus value available for reinvestment and expanded reproduction is significantly limited.

超级剥削是资本主义应对利润率下降的一般机制，但这一机制在依附性资本主义中表现得尤为集中和突出。马里尼的超级剥削理论将劳动力再生产成本的压缩置于资本积累分析框架，重点阐释了外围国家在不利国际分工格局中维持积累的特殊方式。外围国家的资本积累同时受到国内生产条件和国际市场结构的双重制约。从国内层面看，外围国家产业基础相对薄弱，技术能力不足，资本规模有限，难以持续依靠技术升级和生产率提升来扩大积累空间。从国际体系看，中心国家掌握技术、资本和市场定价优势；外围国家多处于初级产品生产或低附加值加工环节，出口商品价格偏低，而进口技术、设备和高附加值商品时又需支付较高成本。结果是外围国家虽然投入大量劳动并参与世界市场交换，却难以将劳动创造的价值充分留存在本国生产体系之内，可用于再投资和扩大再生产的剩余价值受到明显限制。

Under these conditions, reducing the cost of reproducing labour power becomes an important way for peripheral countries to maintain accumulation. When peripheral countries find it difficult to obtain higher profits by relying on technological advantages and monopoly rents, they tend instead to expand the scale of surplus value appropriation by depressing wages, extending working hours and raising labour intensity. As this process becomes long-term and systematic, the worker’s necessary consumption is continuously compressed, wages remain permanently below the level of normal labour power reproduction, and the conditions for physical recovery, family life and intergenerational reproduction are correspondingly damaged. What Marini calls super-exploitation refers precisely to this mechanism of sustaining capital accumulation at the cost of eroding the conditions for the reproduction of labour power. By means of super-exploitation, peripheral countries are able to participate in international competition with lower production costs and maintain a certain scale of capital accumulation even when the rate of profit is falling and surplus value is flowing out on a large scale.

在这种条件下，降低劳动力再生产成本便成为外围国家维持积累的重要方式。当外围国家难以凭借技术优势和垄断收益获得较高利润时，往往更倾向于通过压低工资、延长劳动时间和提高劳动强度来扩大剩余价值占有规模。随着这一过程长期化、系统化，劳动者的必要消费被不断压缩，工资长期低于劳动力正常再生产水平，体力恢复、家庭生活和代际再生产条件也随之受到损害。马里尼所说的超级剥削，正是指这种以侵蚀劳动力再生产条件为代价来支撑资本积累的机制。借助超级剥削，外围国家能够在利润率下降和剩余价值大规模外流的情况下，以较低生产成本参与国际竞争，并维持一定规模的资本积累。

On the basis of the above analysis, Marini links the labour process inside peripheral countries with the transfer of value in the world market, clarifying how unequal exchange in the external sphere is transformed into labour oppression within the internal relations of production. Central countries, relying on technological monopoly, capital advantages and market control capacity, appropriate a larger share of the revenue; peripheral countries, under the pressure of surplus value outflow, shift the burden of accumulation onto the workers, compensating for insufficient profit margins by depressing the cost of reproducing labour power. In this way, the unequal relations in the international division of labour are not limited to the transfer of value in the sphere of exchange but further enter the production process and the social reproduction process of peripheral countries, forming a continuous oppression of the workers.

基于上述分析，马里尼把外围国家内部劳动过程与世界市场中的价值转移联系起来，阐明了外部不平等交换如何转化为内部生产关系中的劳动压迫。中心国家凭借技术垄断、资本优势和市场控制能力占有更多收益；外围国家则在剩余价值外流的压力下，将积累压力转嫁给劳动者，通过压低劳动力再生产成本弥补利润空间不足。这样，国际分工中的不平等关系不只表现为交换领域的价值转移，还进一步进入外围国家的生产过程和社会再生产过程，形成对劳动者的持续性压迫。

(3) Revealing the Structural Inequality of the Capitalist System from the Perspective of Dependency

（三）从依附视角揭示资本主义体系的结构性不平等

By constructing the category of “super-exploitation,” Marini further reveals the internal contradictions of the dependent capitalist mode of production. Starting from the observable phenomena of wage compression, consumption restriction and increased labour intensity in peripheral countries, he clarifies the deep-seated reasons for their long-term subordinate position in the global division of labour. Super-exploitation, by lowering the wage level and limiting workers’ consumption capacity, compresses the cost of reproducing labour power, so that part of the value originally intended for the worker’s livelihood maintenance is transformed into a source of capital accumulation, thereby increasing the proportion of surplus labour and raising the rate of surplus value. At the same time, the lower cost of reproducing labour power enables peripheral countries to supply raw materials, food and primary industrial goods to the world market at low prices. After these cheap commodities enter the central countries, they lower the cost of their means of production and means of subsistence, providing conditions for industrial expansion and the production of relative surplus value.

马里尼通过构建“超级剥削”范畴，进一步揭示了依附性资本主义生产方式的内在矛盾。他从外围国家工资压缩、消费受限和劳动强度提高等现实现象出发，阐明了其在全球分工中长期处于从属地位的深层原因。超级剥削通过降低工资水平和限制工人消费能力，压缩劳动力再生产成本，使原本用于劳动者生活维持的部分价值转化为资本积累来源，从而扩大剩余劳动比重，提高剩余价值率。同时，较低的劳动力再生产成本使外围国家能够以低价向世界市场提供原料、食品和初级工业品。这些廉价商品进入中心国家后，降低了其生产资料和生活资料成本，为工业化扩张和相对剩余价值生产提供了条件。

It can thus be seen that the “backwardness” of peripheral countries cannot be regarded merely as a lag in the stage of development; it must also be examined within the unequal relations of the international division of labour. The accumulation advantages of the central countries derive not only from technological progress and increased productivity but are also closely related to the continuous supply of low-cost resources, products and labour power from peripheral countries. The cost of impaired reproduction borne by the workers of peripheral countries is, through the international division of labour and the world market, transformed into an important foundation for the capital accumulation of the central countries. The developmental advantages of the central countries and the poverty of the peripheral countries are incorporated into the same capitalist world system, and the differentiated development trajectories of the two together constitute the structural conditions that allow the “centre–periphery” dependency relationship to persist.

由此可见，外围国家的“落后”不能仅被视为发展阶段上的滞后，还应将其放在不平等的国际分工关系中进行考察。中心国家的积累优势既来自技术进步和生产效率提高，也与外围国家持续提供低成本资源、产品和劳动力密切相关。外围国家劳动者承担的再生产受损代价，经由国际分工和世界市场转化为中心国家资本积累的重要基础。中心国家的发展优势与外围国家的贫困处境被纳入同一资本主义世界体系之中，二者的差异化发展态势共同构成“中心—外围”依附关系得以延续的结构条件。

Placed within the macro perspective of dependency theory, super-exploitation goes beyond the merely technical level of raising the rate of surplus value and becomes a key mechanism for maintaining the unequal structure of global capitalism. By means of super-exploitation, peripheral countries depress the production costs of commodities, continuously supplying cheap means of subsistence and means of production, effectively lowering the cost of reproducing labour power in the central countries and thereby laying the material precondition for the central countries to obtain relative surplus value. Consequently, the process by which peripheral countries participate in the world market is often difficult to translate directly into autonomous development capacity; on the contrary, it may further entrench their dependent position through low-cost competition. On the basis of the historical experience of the peripheral working class, Marini reveals how capitalism, through differentiated relations of exploitation within the global division of labour, maintains and expands the production of surplus value, deepening our understanding of the structural inequality of the capitalist system.

置于依附理论的宏观视野中，超级剥削已超出单纯提高剩余价值率的技术层面，成为维系全球资本主义不平等结构的关键机制。外围国家通过超级剥削压低商品生产成本，持续提供廉价生活资料和生产资料，有效降低了中心国家的劳动力再生产成本，为中心国家获取相对剩余价值奠定了物质前提。因此，外围国家参与世界市场的过程，往往难以直接转化为自主发展能力，反而可能在低成本竞争中进一步巩固其依附地位。马里尼以外围工人阶级的历史经验为基础，揭示了资本主义如何借助全球劳动分工中的差异化剥削关系维持并扩大剩余价值生产，深化了我们对资本主义体系结构性不平等的理解。

3. The Contemporary Value of the Theory of Super-Exploitation

三、超级剥削理论的当代价值

Against the background of the deepening crisis of contemporary global capitalism, Marini’s theory of super-exploitation, as a core legacy of dependency theory, demonstrates an explanatory power that transcends its era. From the self-consistency of its theoretical logic to the pertinence of its critical force and the guidance it offers for practical strategy, the multi-dimensional value of this theory deserves in-depth exploration and re-examination.

在当代全球资本主义危机深化的背景下，马里尼的超级剥削理论作为依附论的核心遗产，展现出超越时代的解释效力。从理论逻辑的自洽性到现实批判的针对性，再到实践战略的指导性，该理论的多维价值值得深入挖掘与重新审视。

(1) The Deepening and Development of the Marxist Theory of Exploitation

（一）马克思主义剥削理论的深化与发展

The contribution of the theory of super-exploitation to the Marxist theoretical system is not a simple supplementation of the forms of exploitation; it requires an accurate political-economic characterisation within the logical framework of Marx’s classical texts. Through his investigation of the reality of dependent development in Latin America, Marini reveals the specific form of operation of the law of value under the unequal conditions of the world market, introducing a new dimension of spatialisation and hierarchisation into the analysis of the mechanisms of capitalist exploitation.

超级剥削理论对马克思主义理论体系的贡献，并非表现为剥削形式的简单补充，需要在马克思经典文本的逻辑框架内，给予其准确的政治经济学定性。马里尼通过对拉美依附发展现实的考察，揭示了价值规律在世界市场不平等条件下的特定作用形式，为资本主义剥削机制的分析引入了空间化与等级化的新维度。

First, the theory of super-exploitation is a further elaboration of Marx’s discussion of the “counteracting influences on the tendency of the rate of profit to fall.” In Volume III of *Capital*, Marx clearly states that “depressing wages below the value of labour-power” is one of the significant factors counteracting the fall in the rate of profit, but at the time he regarded it as an incidental fluctuation “having no bearing on the general analysis of capital.” Marini’s innovation lies in his departure from the lessons of the failure of import-substitution industrialisation in mid-20th-century Latin America, particularly in light of the reality in Brazil, where the introduction of modern machinery systems led to a sharp increase in labour productivity while real wages stagnated or even declined. He points out that in dependent economies, this incidental fluctuation has solidified into a normal state.

首先，超级剥削理论是对马克思关于“利润率下降趋势抵消因素”论述的进一步展开。马克思在《资本论》第三卷中明确指出，“把工资压低到劳动力的价值以下”是阻碍利润率下降的显著因素之一，但他当时将其视为“与资本的一般分析无关”的偶然波动。马里尼的创新在于，他从20世纪中叶拉美地区进口替代工业化失败的教训出发，特别是结合巴西引进现代机器体系后劳动生产率大幅提高、实际工资却停滞甚至下降的现实，指出在依附型经济体中，这种偶然波动已经固化为一种常态。

Second, in essence, super-exploitation can be seen as a compensatory mechanism established by peripheral capital to offset value loss. Faced with the accumulation pressure created by unequal international exchange, peripheral capitalists find it difficult to rely solely on technological progress to absorb costs and are forced to direct the spearhead of exploitation at the value of labour-power itself. In this context, the phenomenon of violating the law of the value of labour-power no longer signifies the failure of the law of value, but rather a specific form of maintaining profit distribution through the excessive extraction of workers’ necessary labour within the structure of dependent accumulation.

其次，从本质上讲，超级剥削可视为外围资本为对冲价值流失而建立的补偿机制。面对国际不平等交换造成的积累压力，外围资本家难以单纯依赖技术进步消化成本，只能将剥削矛头指向劳动力价值本身。在这种语境下，违背劳动力价值规律的现象，不再意味着价值规律的失效，而是在依附性积累结构中，通过过度攫取工人必要劳动来维持利润分配的特定形式。

Finally, the theory of super-exploitation achieves a spatio-temporal shift in the Marxist analytical dimension of exploitation. Classical surplus-value theory focuses primarily on the temporal dimension of the production process (e.g., the lengthening of the working day, the intensification of labour). Marini extends this to the spatial dimension of the global division of labour. He points out that as capitalism enters the imperialist stage, faced with the pressure of a falling rate of profit due to a rising organic composition of capital, super-exploitation evolves into a key means for capital to implement a spatial fix. By depriving peripheral workers of their necessary consumption, capital alleviates the accumulation crisis while simultaneously transferring surplus profits to the centre countries via global value chains. In this sense, super-exploitation has transformed from a marginal phenomenon of early capitalism into the micro-foundation sustaining the operation of the contemporary global capital accumulation system.

最后，超级剥削理论实现了马克思主义剥削分析维度的时空转向。经典的剩余价值理论主要聚焦于生产过程的时间维度（如工作日的延长、劳动强度的提高）。马里尼则将其扩展到全球分工的空间维度。他指出，随着资本主义进入帝国主义阶段，面对资本有机构成提高带来的利润率下降压力，超级剥削演变为资本实施空间修复的关键手段。资本借由剥夺外围工人的必要消费，在缓解积累危机的同时，依托全球价值链实现了向中心国家的超额利润转移。在此意义上，超级剥削已从资本主义早期的边缘现象，转化为维持当代全球资本积累体系运行的微观基础。

(II) An Analytical Tool for Understanding 21st-Century Imperialism

（二）分析21世纪新帝国主义的理论工具

Since the beginning of the 21st century, Marini’s theory of super-exploitation has demonstrated powerful explanatory force, providing an important analytical framework for understanding the new features of imperialism in the context of economic globalisation. By controlling the high-end segments of value chains, multinational corporations in centre countries relocate labour-intensive production stages to peripheral countries, achieving a complete spatial separation of value creation and value appropriation. Under the new international division of labour, workers in the Global South suffer from super-exploitation, mired at the bottom of the value chain with little opportunity for industrial upgrading or technological progress. Particularly with the rise of the gig economy, super-exploitation has transcended mere geographical boundaries and begun to spread universally across the globe. Even temporary workers, migrant workers, and ordinary labourers within centre countries increasingly face the predicament of wages being depressed below the value of labour-power.

进入21世纪以来，马里尼的超级剥削理论展现出强大的解释力，为理解经济全球化背景下帝国主义新特征提供了重要的分析框架。中心国家的跨国公司通过掌控价值链的高端环节，将劳动密集型的生产环节转移到外围国家，彻底实现了价值创造与价值占有在空间上的分离。在新型国际分工体系下，全球南方的工人饱受超级剥削之苦，深陷价值链底端的泥潭，难以获得产业升级和技术进步的机会，尤其是随着零工经济的兴起，超级剥削已经超越了单纯的地理边界，开始在全球范围内普遍蔓延。中心国家内部的临时工、移民工人乃至普通劳动者，也日益面临工资被压低到劳动力价值以下的困境。

Within Marini’s analytical framework, super-exploitation is an inherent characteristic of capitalism in the imperialist stage and an inescapable phenomenon in capitalist development. In the process of global expansion, capitalism necessarily relies on the super-exploitation of labour in peripheral countries to maintain high profit rates and relative stability in the centre. This provides a key explanation for how imperialist countries can sustain economic advantages even while undergoing deindustrialisation. From export-processing plants on the Mexican border to soybean plantations in Brazil, from copper mines in the Chilean Andes to garment workshops in Central America, seemingly scattered production activities in fact constitute a systematic system of super-exploitation. The excessively long working hours, appalling labour conditions, and extremely low wages endured by workers in the Global South are rooted in an exploitation mechanism deliberately designed by global value chains. What is called the “necessary price of development” is nothing more than an ideological packaging. At the same time, new phenomena such as the expansion of financial capital, the strengthening of technological monopoly, and the rise of the digital platform economy can all be explained through this analytical framework; these phenomena are essentially new means by which centre countries intensify their appropriation of global surplus value.

在马里尼的分析框架中，超级剥削是帝国主义阶段资本主义的内在特征，也是资本主义发展中不可忽视的现象。资本主义在全球扩张过程中，必然要通过对外围国家劳动力的超级剥削来维持中心地区的高利润率和相对稳定，这为理解帝国主义国家在去工业化的同时仍能保持经济优势提供了关键解释。从墨西哥边境的出口加工厂到巴西的大豆种植园，从智利安第斯山脉的铜矿到中美洲的成衣车间，看似分散的生产活动实际上构成了系统性的超级剥削体系。全球南方工人承受的超长工时、恶劣劳动条件和极低工资，植根于全球价值链有意设计的剥削机制。所谓“发展的必然代价”，不过是一种意识形态包装。与此同时，金融资本扩张、技术垄断加强以及数字平台经济兴起等新现象，都可以通过这一分析框架加以解释，这些现象本质上都是中心国家强化对全球剩余价值占有的新手段。

The contemporary value of Marini’s theory of super-exploitation is also reflected in its elucidation of the mechanism of global value transfer. By controlling the core nodes of global value chains and the key points of the financial system, centre countries can continuously extract enormous wealth from the Global South without resorting to direct colonisation. Market exchanges and technological barriers that ostensibly follow the principle of free trade in fact constitute tools of neo-colonialist plunder, maintaining even more unequal relations of exploitation in a more concealed manner.

马里尼超级剥削理论的当代价值还体现在对全球价值转移机制的阐释上。通过控制全球价值链的核心环节和金融体系的关键节点，中心国家能够在不进行直接殖民的情况下，持续地从全球南方攫取巨额财富。看似遵循自由贸易原则的市场交换与技术壁垒，实质上构成了新殖民主义掠夺的工具，以更隐蔽的方式维持着更加不平等的剥削关系。

(III) A Theoretical Weapon for the Solidarity of Workers in the Global South

（三）全球南方工人团结的理论武器

According to Marini’s theory of super-exploitation, the division of the global working class is not a natural formation but a deliberate product of the capitalist world system. Taking Brazil’s “economic miracle” of the 1960s and 1970s as an example, during this period Brazil’s industrial output grew substantially, but statistical data show that workers’ real wages did not rise in tandem with productivity. On the contrary, between 1964 and 1974, the real purchasing power of Brazilian workers declined markedly, while labour intensity increased sharply due to the introduction of assembly lines. The brutal reality of “high intensity, low returns” in Brazil confirms Marini’s assertion: through the mechanism of super-exploitation, capitalism, while squeezing labour, internally dismembers the integrity of the working class. Workers in centre countries enjoy relatively high wages and living standards, obtaining a share of the benefits of capitalist global expansion, while workers in the Global South endure super-exploitation that depresses wages to the brink of subsistence, serving as a “reservoir” for sustaining global capital accumulation. Marini points out that super-exploitation is the core of the world’s dependent structure and the contradictory movement of peripheral capitalism. The exploited status of workers in the Global South and the relative “privilege” of workers in the North are two sides of the same coin; the latter’s so-called “aristocratisation” is built precisely upon the sacrifice of the former.

根据马里尼的超级剥削理论，全球工人阶级的分化并非自然形成，而是资本主义世界体系有意制造的结果。以巴西在20世纪六七十年代的“经济奇迹”为例，这一时期巴西工业产值大幅增长，但统计数据显示，工人的实际工资水平并未随生产率同步提高。相反，在1964年至1974年间，巴西工人的实际购买力出现了显著下降，而劳动强度却因流水线的引入而急剧提升。巴西“高强度、低回报”的残酷现实印证了马里尼的论断，借助超级剥削机制，资本主义在压榨劳动的同时，从内部肢解了工人阶级的整体性。中心国家工人享受相对较高的工资和生活水平，获得了资本主义全球扩张的部分收益，而全球南方工人则承受着工资被压低至生存边缘的超级剥削，成为维持全球资本积累的“蓄水池”。马里尼指出，超级剥削是世界依附结构和边缘资本主义矛盾运动的核心，全球南方工人的被剥削地位与北方工人的相对“特权”是同一枚硬币的两面，后者所谓的“贵族化”恰恰建立在前者的牺牲之上。

The current world system is undergoing a period of intense adjustment, and workers in the Global South play an exceptionally dual role within it. On the one hand, they endure the most severe super-exploitation; on the other, they are the main force of global value creation. Occupying such a central position, the awakening and resistance of Southern workers are no longer confined to their own interests but carry the historical mission of driving the transformation of the capitalist system. Marini’s theory of super-exploitation provides a solid basis for genuine unity of the international working class and also demonstrates that the only path to the common liberation of the global working class lies in fundamentally changing the capitalist mode of production and distribution, completely breaking the system of global unequal development maintained by the mechanism of super-exploitation, and achieving the common liberation of the global working class. To this end, global left-wing forces must transcend geographical and national boundaries and form a genuine internationalist alliance in the common struggle against imperialism and neo-colonialism.

当前世界体系正处于剧烈调整之中，全球南方工人在其中扮演着极为特殊的双重角色。他们一方面承受着最为严酷的超级剥削，另一方面又是全球价值创造的主力军。身处这样的核心位置，南方工人的觉醒和反抗就不再局限于自身利益，而是肩负着推动资本主义体系变革的历史使命。马里尼超级剥削理论为国际工人阶级的真正团结提供了坚实的依据，也表明实现全球工人阶级共同解放的必由之路，在于从根本上改变资本主义的生产方式和分配模式，彻底打破超级剥削机制所维系的全球不平等发展体系，实现全球工人阶级的共同解放。为此，全球左翼力量必须超越地域和民族界限，在反对帝国主义和新殖民主义的共同斗争中形成真正的国际主义联合。