New Characteristics of Religious Activities in Border Ethnic Regions and Their Impact on Rural Primary-Level Party Organizations and Primary-Level Political Power Construction — A Case Study of Wuding County, Yunnan Province

New Characteristics of Religious Activities in Border Ethnic Regions and Their Impact on Rural Primary-Level Party Organizations and Primary-Level Political Power Building

边疆民族地区宗教活动新特征及其对农村基层党组织与基层政权建设的影响

— A Case Study of Wuding County, Yunnan Province

——以云南省武定县为例

The construction of a harmonious society in ethnic and religious regions is a systemic issue. Many concrete, practical problems are amplified in power under the background of ethnicity and religion, while primary-level Party organizations and primary-level political power construction are diluted and obscured under the spotlight of certain concrete affairs. In fact, in the context of the New Era, primary-level Party organization construction plays a key role in the construction of a harmonious society in ethnic and religious regions. This is because primary-level organizations are the foundation of all the Party’s work and combat effectiveness, bearing the important responsibility of implementing the Scientific Outlook on Development among the masses. Primary-level political power is the foundation of all the Party’s line, principles, policies and executive capacity, bearing the direct interface of providing public services, social governance, and implementing and resolving various contradictions and problems in actual operations. For border ethnic regions, deeply studying and practicing the Scientific Outlook on Development requires consistently placing the work of consolidating the grassroots and laying a solid foundation in a more prominent position, fully leveraging the role of primary-level Party organizations in promoting development, serving the masses, uniting people’s hearts, and fostering harmony, and vigorously advancing innovation in primary-level organization work and innovation in public services of primary-level political power. It requires persisting in improving the forms of primary-level Party organization setup, forming a widely distributed, thorough and tight, strong and resilient primary-level Party organization network system in border areas, and building a Great Wall of ethnic unity, social harmony, and national security with popular support. It requires persisting in strengthening the functions of primary-level Party organizations, identifying the integration points between primary-level Party building work and primary-level political power work, raising the work level of primary-level Party organizations, and enhancing the governance and administrative capacity of primary-level political power.

民族宗教地区和谐社会的建设是一个系统性问题，很多具体事务性问题在民族与宗教的背景下会被功率放大，而基层党组织和基层政权建设则会在一些具体事务的高光作用下被淡化和模糊。而事实上，在新时代背景中，基层党组织建设在民族宗教地区的和谐社会建设中却具有关键性作用。因为，基层组织是党的全部工作和战斗力的基础，承担着把科学发展观贯彻落实到群众的重要责任。基层政权是党的全部路线方针政策和执行力的基础，承担着提供公共服务、社会治理和执行解决现实操作中各类矛盾问题的直接界面。对于边疆民族地区，深入学习实践科学发展观，需要始终把抓基层打基础摆在更加突出的位置，充分发挥基层党组织推动发展、服务群众、凝聚人心、促进和谐的作用，大力推进基层组织工作创新和基层政权公共服务创新；需要坚持完善基层党组织设置形式，形成分布广泛、完善严密、坚强有力的基层党组织边疆网络体系，用民心构建民族团结、社会和谐、国家安全的长城；需要坚持强化基层党组织功能，找准基层党建工作与基层政权工作的结合点，提高基层党组织工作水平、提高基层政权执政行政能力。

I. Basic Situation of Religious Propagation in Wuding County

一、武定县宗教传播的基本情况

Wuding County is under the jurisdiction of the Chuxiong Yi Autonomous Prefecture in Yunnan Province, located in the northern part of the central Yunnan Plateau, 78 kilometers from the provincial capital Kunming and 164 kilometers from the prefectural capital Chuxiong. The county covers an area of 3,322 square kilometers, governs 11 townships (towns), 130 village (neighborhood) committees, and 1,569 villager groups, with a total population of 262,000. It is a typical agricultural county integrating mountainous terrain, ethnicity, religion, and poverty. The county’s characteristics are: first, a large mountainous area, accounting for 97% of the total area; second, numerous ethnic minorities, with 20 ethnic minorities including Yi, Miao, Hui, Lisu, and Dai residing in the county, an ethnic minority population of 129,587, accounting for 52% of the total population, of which the Yi account for 29%; third, prominent religious issues, with the main religions in the county being Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity, a religious population of 23,334, accounting for 8.9% of the total population, religious families numbering 7,189, accounting for 11.9% of all families, covering 824 villager groups, accounting for 52.5% of all villager groups, and 227 existing religious activity sites, among which Christianity has a deep historical spread and wide distribution of believers; fourth, a large poverty-stricken area, deep poverty, and a large number of impoverished people. In 1986, it was listed as a key poverty-stricken county supported by the state. By the end of 2006, the county had 166,600 impoverished people, accounting for 66.46% of the agricultural population, of which 78,000 were in absolute poverty.

武定县隶属云南省楚雄彝族自治州，位于滇中高原北部，距省会昆明78公里，距州府楚雄164公里。县域国土面积3322平方公里，全县辖11个乡（镇）、130个村（居）委会，1569个村民小组，总人口26．2万，是一个集山区、民族、宗教、贫困四位一体的典型农业县。县域特征一是山区面积大，占总面积的97%；二是少数民族众多，县域内居住着彝、苗、回、傈僳、傣等20种少数民族，少数民族人口129587人，占总人口的52％，其中彝族占29％；三是宗教问题突出，县域内宗教主要有佛教、伊斯兰教和基督教三种，信教群众达23334人，占总人口的8．9％，信教家庭达7189户，占家庭总数的11．9％，覆盖了824个村民小组，占村民小组总数的52．5％，现有宗教活动场所227处，其中基督教的传播历史深远、信众分布广泛；四是贫困面大、贫困程度深、贫困人数多。1986年被国家列为重点扶持的贫困县，2006年末，全县有贫困人口16．66万人，占农业人口的66．46％，其中，绝对贫困人口7．8万人。

Due to poor natural conditions, economic backwardness, a large poverty-stricken area, deep poverty, and historically underdeveloped transportation, religion was able to take root and spread in Wuding County. As early as 1905, the British missionary Samuel Pollard began spreading Christianity in the Miao-inhabited areas of Wuding County. In 1906, a church was established and a chapel built in Wuding County, and Christianity began to spread on a large scale. By 1950, there were over 13,000 Christian believers in Wuding County alone. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, religious activities decreased. During the “Cultural Revolution” [1]1 The Chinese term 蛊惑 (gǔhuò) means to bewitch, delude, or incite through deceptive means, often carrying connotations of poisoning the mind., religious activities were semi-public. After the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the CPC [2]2 “Minority churches” (小众教) refers to small, often independent Christian congregations that emerged in some ethnic minority areas of Yunnan, sometimes characterized by separatist tendencies and resistance to state-sanctioned religious bodies., Party and government organizations at all levels earnestly implemented policies, redressed unjust, false and wrong cases, and normal religious activities were restored. However, some people who had been severely persecuted during the “Cultural Revolution” and harbored resentment refused to implement the Party’s and state’s policies, laws and regulations, forming the “small sect” (小众教), which at its peak numbered over 3,000 people and quickly spread to some religious villages in Wuding and Luquan, becoming a long-term, volatile source of instability.

由于自然条件差、经济落后，贫困面大，贫困程度深，以及历史上交通不发达，宗教在武定县得以立足和传播。早在1905年，英国牧师柏格理就在武定县的苗族聚居地区开始传播基督教。1906年，在武定县创办了教会，修建了教堂，开始大规模传播基督教。到了1950年，武定县仅基督教就有教徒13000余人。中华人民共和国成立后，宗教活动有所减少，“文革”期间宗教活动处于半公开状况。党的十一届三中全会后，各级党政组织认真落实政策，平反冤假错案，正常宗教活动得到了恢复。但一部分在“文革”中受迫害较重、有怨恨情绪的人，却拒绝执行党和国家的政策和法律法规，形成了“小众教”，人数最多时达到3000多人，并很快蔓延到武定、禄劝的一些信教的乡村，形成一种长期的、一触即发的不安定因素。

After 2000, some cult organizations from other regions and even other provinces, under the banner of Christianity, infiltrated various rural areas of Wuding County to conduct networking activities. Some members of the “small sect” subsequently joined cult activities such as the “All-Church” (

2000年以后，外地乃至外省一些打着基督教旗号的邪教组织先后窜入武定各乡农村，进行串联活动，一些“小众教”成员转而参加“全范围教会”等邪教活动。目前，信教群众比较集中的地区有发窝、万德、己衣、环州、东坡、田心、白路和近城8个乡、镇。

In Wuding County, in addition to their general characteristics, religious activities also possess two features unique to the county itself. First, the influence of religious issues on society, the economy, and culture is very far-reaching. Second, the problem of abnormal religions (such as "minority sects," "the Actual God," "artificial filling with the Holy Spirit," etc.) is prominent. Historically, a small number of religious believers, incited by others, refused to implement the Party's rural policies, engaged in collective petitions and disturbances, and interfered with government office work. In some remote and impoverished mountainous areas, this trend even showed signs of expansion for a time. Religious issues have persistently plagued the county's economic development and social stability, drawing considerable attention from the provincial and prefectural Party committees and governments, and even from the central authorities. This religious historical background has brought considerable difficulties to the construction of a harmonious local society.

在武定县，宗教活动除了具有一般特性之外，还具有两个县域内自身所独有的特点，一是宗教问题对社会、经济、文化的影响非常深远；二是非正常宗教（如“小众教”、“实际神”、“人为圣灵充满”等）问题突出。在历史上，曾有少数信教群众受人煽动拒绝执行党在农村的有关政策，集体上访闹事、干扰机关办公，有些边远贫困山区甚至有一度扩大的趋势，宗教问题一直困扰着全县经济发展和社会稳定，引起省、州党委政府乃至中央的相当关注。这种的宗教历史背景，对当地和谐社会建设带来相当大的困难。

II. The Impact of New Characteristics of Religious Propagation on Primary-Level Organizations and Primary-Level Political Power

二、宗教传播的新特征对基层组织和基层政权的影响

Because of poverty and backwardness, in the process of spreading Christianity in Wuding County, in order to make the foreign religion more easily accepted by the local population, it inevitably caters to some local cultural customs and habits, and to the psychological expectations of local groups seeking to escape difficulties when facing them. It often incorporates some doctrines of local indigenous religions and the customs of local feudal superstitions. Coupled with the very limited cultural knowledge of the local population, who basically have no correct understanding or ability to discern religious content, this gives the propagation and development of religion a tendency toward religious "localization" and "abnormalization," as well as a receptive soil. The manifestations of religious "localization" and "abnormalization" mainly take two forms: first, the formation of organized, large-scale "abnormal religions" (such as "minority sects," "the Actual God," "artificial filling with the Holy Spirit," etc.); second, incorrect understanding and propagation of doctrine within normal church organizations, abnormal behavioral patterns, and unhealthy cultural influences and religious expectations among religious believers. This is specifically manifested in two aspects:

由于贫困及落后，基督教在武定县的传播过程中为了使外来宗教更容易为当地群众接受，必然迎合一些本地文化风俗习惯、迎合当地群体面临困境时摆脱困境的心理期望，往往会结合一些本地原始宗教的教义和当地封建迷信的习俗。加上本地群众的文化知识十分有限，对宗教内容基本没有什么正确的认识和辨别力，使得宗教的传播和发展具有宗教“本土化”和“非正常化”的倾向和接受的土壤。宗教“本土化”、“非正常化”的表现形式主要有两种：一是形成有组织、有规模的“非正常宗教”（如“小众教”、“实际神”、“人为圣灵充满”等）；二是正常教会组织中不正确的教义理解和传播、不正常的行为模式和信教群众不健康的文化影响和宗教期待。具体表现在两方面：

First, normal religions, after undergoing "localization," gradually evolve into "abnormal religions," which is detrimental to social harmony and stability and to the implementation of the Party's and government's policies. The formation of "minority sects" results from some Christians with fundamentalist tendencies who harbor antagonistic emotions toward the Party's and state's policies. They study the Bible on their own and then arbitrarily interpret and elaborate on certain concepts and discourses within it. They consider themselves a new sect, forming a loose group that rejects the church, rejects clergy, does not hold worship services, and does not want church buildings. Their activities mainly consist of family gatherings and prayer. Because they have long harbored strong antagonistic emotions toward the Party and government, they resist Party and government policies and even refuse government assistance. Whenever an incident occurs, their core members go everywhere to network and gather to create disturbances. Some members of "minority sects," under the蛊惑 [n] of foreign cults, often transform into cult members themselves, forming a threat to social stability.

一是正常宗教经过“本土化”，逐渐演化形成“非正常宗教”，不利于社会的和谐稳定及党和政府的方针政策的贯彻执行。“小众教”的形成，就是由一些对党和国家政策带有对立情绪的原教旨主义倾向的基督徒，通过自学《圣经》然后对《圣经》中的一些概念和论述随心所欲地加以解释和发挥所成，他们自认为是一个新的教派，形成一个松散的群体，不要教会、不要教牧人员，不举行礼拜，也不要教堂。其活动以家庭聚会和祈祷为主。由于对党和政府长期带有强烈的对立情绪，抵制党和政府的政策甚至拒绝政府的帮扶。大凡遇事，其骨干就四处串联，聚集滋事。一些“小众教”成员在外来邪教的蛊惑下往往又会转变成为邪教成员，形成对社会稳定的危害。

Second, incorrect doctrinal understanding and dissemination within normal church organizations, along with unhealthy religious expectations among believers, cause the masses’ normal religious belief activities to often take on the color of superstitious activities, becoming a hidden danger to social stability and harmony. For example, when local people join a church and believe in Christianity, besides normally seeking spiritual belonging and escaping isolation and helplessness, many do so because of long-term illness, believing that they will recover after converting. This moves from religious belief to superstition from the perspective of the masses’ convictions. In specific periods, this superstitious tendency easily creates soil for the spread of cults and “abnormal religion” locally, posing a serious threat to the stability of social life. For instance, in the mid-to-late 1980s, the widespread “doomsday theory” in Wuding and Luquan counties, and the sudden increase in the number of “minority churches” [2]2 “Minority churches” (小众教) refers to small, often independent Christian congregations that emerged in some ethnic minority areas of Yunnan, sometimes characterized by separatist tendencies and resistance to state-sanctioned religious bodies., are one example.

二是正常教会组织中不正确的教义理解和传播及信教群众不健康的宗教期待，使得群众正常的宗教信仰活动往往带有迷信活动的色彩，成为社会稳定和谐的隐患。比如当地群众在加入教会、信仰基督教的时候，除了正常的寻求精神寄托走出孤立无助之外，有很多是出于长期生病，认为信教以后就可以康复，这是从群众信念的角度由宗教信仰走向了迷信。在特定时期，这种迷信倾向很容易在当地形成邪教及“非正常宗教”蔓延的土壤，对社会生活的稳定形成严重威胁。比如在20世纪80年代中后期，关于“世界末日论”在武定、禄劝两县的大面积蔓延，以及“小众教”人数骤然增多，就是一例。

Apart from the abnormal behavioral patterns brought about by the “localization” and “abnormalization” of religion, in daily life the normal activities and strategies of Christian propagation also exert a certain impact and influence on rural grassroots organizations and grassroots political power in impoverished and backward areas. This is mainly reflected in two aspects:

除了宗教“本土化”、“非正常化”所带来的不正常行为模式之外，在日常生活中，基督教传播中正常的活动与策略，在贫困落后地区也会对农村基层组织、基层政权形成一定的冲击和影响，主要体现在两个方面：

First, the impact brought about by the extension of cultural and educational activities into the rural public service system. Historically, “literary evangelism” [3]3 “Literary evangelism” (文字布道) is a missionary strategy that uses written materials, including translated scriptures and literacy education, to spread Christianity. was an effective means of Christian propagation in China’s ethnic minority regions. To this end, based on the “Pollard script” Miao script [4]4 The “Pollard script” (坡拉字母) is a writing system for the Miao language, created by the British missionary Samuel Pollard (1864–1915) around 1905, based on a modified Latin alphabet and shorthand symbols. created by Samuel Pollard, they further created a “Lisu script” [5]5 The “Lisu script” (傈僳文) here refers to a script created by missionaries for the Lisu language, distinct from the later official pinyin-based script. and a “Yi script” for the Black Yi branch. With the emergence of these three scripts, corresponding versions of the Bible and Hymnal in Miao, Yi, and Lisu appeared one after another, thereby also promoting the spread and development of Christianity in these ethnic minority regions. In implementing the “literary evangelism” propagation strategy, the most basic step was to establish church schools. After Guo Xiufeng [6]6 Guo Xiufeng (郭秀峰) is likely a Chinese Christian evangelist or missionary active in the Sapu Mountain area of Wuding County; the name may refer to a local figure or a transliteration of a foreign missionary’s Chinese name. came to Sapu Mountain to establish the church, he first set up schools to train local ethnic evangelists. With the establishment of churches for various ethnic groups (and branches) in central Yunnan, church-affiliated schools from primary schools to seminaries were gradually opened. By around 1950, “all branch churches ran primary schools” [7]7 This quotation is from an unspecified historical source, likely a local gazetteer or missionary record.. Through running schools, the ethnic scripts created by missionaries were promoted among those ethnic groups, allowing the masses to learn the ethnic scripts and have the Bible, Hymnal, and even Western Christian culture instilled into more of the masses. This was the fastest method of Christian propagation. On the other hand, by widely establishing primary schools and using ethnic scripts as a vehicle, ethnic minority children were instilled with Christian culture from their initial education, grafting the children’s vague ethnic culture onto clear Christian culture. When these children grew up, they would inevitably become Christians with corresponding positions. This was undoubtedly a strategic propagation strategy. In the process of propagation, missionaries also recognized the simplicity and enthusiasm of ethnic minorities; once they accepted the Christian faith, and after training in schools, they immediately became the most loyal evangelists. [8]8 This footnote refers to the original text’s note ①, which is not provided in the input; the translation retains the reference as a superscript number.

一是由文化教育活动延伸至农村公共服务体系所带来的影响。历史上，“文字布道”就是基督教在中国少数民族地区传教的一种有效手段。为达此目的，他们根据柏格理创制的“坡拉字母”苗文，分别用此字母再创制出“傈僳文”① 和黑彝族支系的“彝文”。随着上述三种文字的出现，与之相应的苗文、彝文、傈僳文版本的《圣经》和《赞美诗》相继出现，从而也促进了基督教在这些少数民族地区的传播与发展。在实施“文字布道”的传教策略中，最基础的就是创办教会学校。郭秀峰到洒普山开办教会之后，首先就开办学校，培养当地本民族的传道员。随着滇中地区各民族（支系）教会的开办，教会附属的学校从初小到神学院便陆续开办起来。到1950年前后，“各地支堂均办有初级小学”②。通过办学，将传教士创制的民族文字推广到该民族当中，让该民族群众通过学习民族文字，将《圣经》、《赞美诗》乃至西方基督教文化灌输到该民族更多的群众中去，这是基督教传播最快捷的方式。另一方面，广泛开办初级小学，以民族文字为载体，将少数民族的子女从启蒙教育就开始灌输基督教文化，将孩子们朦胧的民族文化与清晰的基督教文化嫁接，待这些入学的孩子们长大成人，必然成为有相应立场的基督徒，这无疑是一种战略性的传教策略。在传教的过程中，传教士们也认识到少数民族的淳朴和热情，一旦接受了基督教信仰，再通过学校的培训，就立即成为最忠实的传道员。③

To this day, the propagation strategies of churches have further developed. Church organizations provide services such as medical care, education, and cultural activity facilities to people in the region. The churches’ medical assistance and basic education are also provided to non-believers. These basic public goods have historically often been lacking or imperfect in many border impoverished areas. In townships with a relatively high concentration of Christian believers, such as Taogu and Fawo in Wuding County, the author has also seen or heard many positive aspects. In the current process of building a new socialist countryside, for some public welfare labor such as road building and ditch digging, as long as the elder or church leader calls out, the believers act faster than ordinary non-believers, and each household has a higher labor participation rate. However, it must be seen that when basic public services are inadequate, such normal religious organizations’ public welfare activities often influence the sentiments of the local ethnic masses, posing a challenge to rural grassroots political power in frontier ethnic regions.

时至今日，教会的传播策略进一步发展。教会组织为区域内群众提供了医疗卫生、教育、文化活动设施场所等服务，教会的医疗救助、基础教育等对于非信徒也同样提供。而这些基本公共物品对于许多边境贫困地区来说，在历史上是经常缺失的，或者不完善的。在武定县的滔谷、发窝等一些基督教信徒较为集中的乡镇，笔者也看到或听到很多积极的一面，在当前建设社会主义新农村的进程中，一些公益劳动如修路、挖沟等义务劳动，只要长老或教堂负责人号召一声，信徒们的行动比一般非信徒还快，每户的出工率更高。但是，必须看到，这种正常宗教组织的公益性活动在基本公共服务不到位的条件下，往往影响当地民族群众的人心向背，构成对边疆民族地区农村基层政权的一项挑战。

Second, once a religious cultural atmosphere forms in a certain area, it is detrimental to the healthy growth of local youth. Human growth is influenced by the environment. Rural religious areas have historically formed a religious cultural environment within a certain area, which inevitably has a great impact on shaping the cultural values of local youth growing up in that environment. In stark contrast to the weakening or absence of the rural spiritual and cultural front, in religious areas the church holds enormous cultural advantage resources in the spiritual and cultural domain. In many mountainous villages in Wuding County, there were almost no public activity venues (a situation that persisted until around 2006) and a lack of modern communication equipment, while the church was clearly the only public activity venue and public space, and most had certain broadcasting and audio facilities. At the same time, due to the poverty of rural cultural life, religious activities have relatively rich forms of cultural activity, exerting considerable attraction on people of all ages. Although the government implemented the “village-to-village” project [9]9 The “village-to-village” project (村村通) is a Chinese government initiative to extend broadcast television and radio coverage to all rural villages. hoping every household could watch television, in some economically underdeveloped township seats, apart from a few business households and a minority of salaried cadres who had televisions, many ordinary families could not afford them, let alone in remote impoverished mountain villages. Conversely, in some villages, the church’s broadcasting equipment was the best in the township; when the township held large meetings, they had to borrow it from the church. The church’s cultural and recreational activities were very attractive to young people. The negative impact of this situation is that the Party’s grassroots organizations have lost their position in the ideological consciousness of youth. In the consciousness of youth in these areas, what they most identify with is religious culture, not scientific and cultural concepts, let alone the core socialist values system.

二是一定区域内的宗教文化氛围形成后，不利于当地青少年健康成长。人的成长是受环境影响的，农村信教地区从历史上就形成一定区域内的宗教文化环境，对在这种环境中长大的当地青少年，在塑造其文化价值观念时必然产生极大的影响。与农村精神文化阵地的弱化或空缺形成强烈对比的是，在信教地区的精神文化领域，教会掌握着极大的文化优势资源。在武定县的许多山区农村，几乎没有什么公共活动场所（这种状况一直持续到2006年左右）也缺乏现代通讯设备，而教堂显然就是唯一的公共活动场所、公共空间，并且大多拥有一定的广播音响设施条件；同时，由于农村文化生活贫乏，而宗教活动具有相对丰富的文化活动形式，对所有年龄段的人都具有相当大的吸引力。虽然政府搞了“村村通”工程，希望每户人家都能看上电视，但是，在一些经济欠发达的乡镇所在地，除了个别做生意的人家和少数领工资的干部家有电视外，普通人家买不起电视的还很多，更何况偏僻的贫困山村。相反，在一些乡村，教堂的广播设备是全乡最好的，乡上开大会还要去向教会借，教堂的文化娱乐活动对年轻人的吸引力很大。这种状况所带来的负面影响是，党的基层组织对青少年的思想意识阵地旁落。在这些地区的青少年的意识中，最有认同感的是宗教文化，而不是科学文化观念，更不会是社会主义核心价值体系。

Christian evangelists often say that spreading the gospel is to save “souls,” depicting an ideal spiritual other shore for those who are troubled or disappointed in real life. The church has also made great investments for this purpose, such as building churches, training evangelists, and organizing activities. In worship activities, the church also preaches “offering” to its believers, asking them to voluntarily give money to the church. But in impoverished areas, the offerings of believers are far from enough to cover the church’s expenses. Therefore, for a long time, a large part of the construction funds for rapidly built new churches in impoverished areas came from abroad (from this we can also see the hidden danger of religious infiltration in border areas). Consequently, excessive enthusiasm for foreign aid and projects, in stark contrast to the deliberate neglect, disregard, and downplaying of the Party and government’s aid and investment, has already taken on a certain degree of ideological orientation. In terms of the value tendencies and value judgments of the local masses, this has caused a subtle shift in the masses’ sentiments toward the Party and government.

基督教传道人常说：传播福音是为了拯救“灵魂”，为现实生活中困难、失望者描绘理想中的精神彼岸。教会为此亦作了很大的投入，比如兴建教堂，培训传道人，组织活动。在礼拜活动中，教会也向其教徒们鼓吹“奉献”，要教徒给教会自愿交钱。但在贫困地区，教徒的奉献远远不够教会的开支，所以，很长一段时间内贫困地区快速新建起来的教堂，其建筑资金很大一部分来自境外（由此我们也可以看到边疆地区宗教渗透存在的隐患）。于是，对境外援助和项目的过分热情，与有意忽视、漠视和淡化党和政府的援助投入形成极大的反差，已经具有了一定程度的意识形态针对性。在当地群众的价值倾向和价值判断上，使得群众对党和政府的民心向背发生了微妙的倾向性变化。

Because churches can receive substantial donations from believers and funding from abroad, they possess abundant economic resources. At the same time, in areas where Christian propagation is widespread, they have numerous believers. Therefore, in parts of Wuding County, the church holds resource advantages in human, financial, and material terms, making the most influential organization locally not the grassroots government, nor the grassroots Party organization, but the church. Consequently, this type of highly organized religious activity often leads to the hollowing out of grassroots organizations and grassroots political power in localized areas (this phenomenon is most prominent in Fugong County, Nujiang Prefecture). Although local churches generally cooperate with the work of the two committees [10]10 The “two committees” (两委) refers to the village Party branch committee and the village committee (村民委员会), the two main grassroots governance bodies in rural China. and actively participate in collective public welfare activities, if the implementation and promotion of public affairs, public welfare activities, and public services in rural areas must rely on the cooperation and support of the church, the emergence and existence of such a situation is a structural distortion for the Party’s grassroots organizations and grassroots political power. For Party committees and governments at all levels, it is a hidden danger to social harmony, ethnic unity, and border stability.

由于教会能够得到信徒的大力捐献及境外的资助，拥有大量的经济资源，同时，在基督教传播较大的地区拥有众多的信徒。所以，在武定县的部分地区，教会拥有人财物三方面的资源优势，使得在当地最有号召力的组织不是基层政府，也不是基层党组织，而是教会。因此，这种组织化程度较高的宗教活动，在局部地区往往形成基层组织、基层政权的空壳化（这种现象最为突出的是在怒江州的福贡县）。虽然当地教会在一般情况下能配合两委的工作，积极参加集体公益活动。但是，如果我们在农村的公共事务、公益活动、公共服务的实施与推动到了必须依靠教会的配合与支持的地步，这种情形的出现与存在，对于党的基层组织和基层政权来说，都是一种结构性的扭曲；对于各级党委和政府来说，则是社会和谐、民族团结、边疆稳定的隐患。

III. Exploration of Strengthening Grassroots Organizations and Grassroots Political Power Construction in Ethnic Religious Regions

三、民族宗教地区强化基层组织与基层政权建设的探索

Marxism has always held that declaring war on religion is a foolish act [11]11 The phrase “declaring war on religion is a foolish act” is a reference to a statement by Friedrich Engels, often cited in Marxist discussions on religious policy., and Lenin also proposed that the practice of proclaiming “Down with religion, long live atheism, spreading atheist views is our task” is a kind of “superficial, bourgeois, narrow culturalist viewpoint.” [12]12 The quotation is from Lenin’s work “On the Attitude of the Workers’ Party to Religion” (1909), criticizing a simplistic, militant atheism. The scientific nature of this can be seen from the spread of Christianity in Wuding County and from certain mistaken practices in our historical religious policies. So, what are the correct methods and paths for governance in ethnic and religious regions?

马克思主义从来认为，对宗教宣战是一种愚蠢的举动④，列宁也提出宣称“打倒宗教，无神论万岁，宣传无神论观点是我们的任务”的做法是一种“肤浅的、资产阶级的狭隘的文化主义观点”。⑤ 从基督教在武定县的传播和我们在历史上宗教政策的一些失误做法可以看出其科学性。那么，什么是民族宗教地区正确的治理方法和路径呢?

Marx said: “The abolition of religion as the illusory happiness of the people is the demand for their real happiness. The demand to give up the illusions about their condition is the demand to give up a condition which needs illusions.” [13]13 This quotation is from Marx’s “Contribution to the Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right: Introduction” (1844). In carrying out the building of primary-level Party organizations and primary-level political power in ethnic and religious regions, the primary task is development, and the core is to implement the people-oriented scientific outlook on development. For primary-level Party building work, the requirement of the CPC Chuxiong Prefectural Committee is “grasp models, build positions, govern laxity and disorganization.” The Wuding County Party Committee has also always attached great importance to the building of primary-level organizations and primary-level political power. Starting in 1999, Wuding County has mainly used the “three-level joint creation” [14]14 “Three-level joint creation” (三级联创) refers to a Party-building campaign initiated in the late 1990s to jointly create “five-good” village Party organizations, “five-good” township/town Party committees, and “rural grassroots organization building advanced counties” across the three levels of county, township, and village. activities, the implementation of the “Yunnan Vanguard” project [15]15 The “Yunnan Vanguard” project (云岭先锋工程) was a Party-building initiative launched by the Yunnan Provincial Party Committee starting in 2003 to strengthen primary-level Party organizations., and the creation of the “Yi Prefecture Vanguard Corridor” [16]16 The “Yi Prefecture Vanguard Corridor” (彝州先锋走廊) was a local Party-building campaign in the Chuxiong Yi Autonomous Prefecture (known as “Yi Prefecture”), Yunnan Province, aiming to create a corridor of exemplary Party organizations. as vehicles, with a focus on deeply studying and practicing the scientific outlook on development, continuously exploring effective pathways to combine the building of rural primary-level Party organizations in ethnic and religious areas with the building of rural primary-level political power, and with the building of a harmonious society for rural reform, development, and stability. After the Fourth Plenary Session of the 17th CPC Central Committee [17]17 The Fourth Plenary Session of the 17th CPC Central Committee was held in September 2009, focusing on strengthening and improving Party building under new conditions., Wuding County established a strategy of “building vibrant Party branches,” and in accordance with the requirement of “placing greater emphasis on strengthening the grassroots,” it promoted the new Party building model of Xicun Village in Shishan Town: “a vibrant branch secretary leads a vibrant leadership team, a vibrant leadership team devises vibrant ideas, and vibrant ideas blaze a path to prosperity,” fully leveraging the core role of Party members in promoting economic development, maintaining ethnic unity, serving the masses, and fostering rural stability.

马克思说：“废除作为人民幻想的幸福的宗教，也就是要求实现人民的现实的幸福。要求抛弃关于自己处境的幻想，也就是要求抛弃那需要幻想的处境。” ⑥ 在民族宗教地区开展基层党组织和基层政权建设，首要的任务是发展，并且核心是贯彻落实以人为本的科学发展观。对于基层党建工作，中共楚雄州委的要求是“抓典型，建阵地，治软散”。武定县委历来也高度重视基层组织和基层政权的建设工作。从1999年起，武定县主要以“三级联创”活动、实施“云岭先锋”工程和创建“彝州先锋走廊”为载体，以深入学习实践科学发展观活动为重点，不断探索把民族信教地区农村基层党组织建设与农村基层政权建设相结合、与农村改革发展稳定的和谐社会建设相结合的有效途径。党的十七届四中全会以后，武定县确立了“建设活力支部”的策略，按照“更加注重强化基层”的要求，推广狮山镇西和村“活力支书带出活力班子，活力班子谋出活力思路，活力思路闯出致富路”的党建新模式，充分发挥党员在推动经济发展、维护民族团结、服务人民群众、促进农村稳定中的核心作用。

First, the distribution of “fixed subsidies” to rural veteran Party members advances the building of a sense of pride among rural Party members. By 2006, Wuding County had a total of 20 primary-level Party committees (including 6 county-affiliated committees and 14 township/town committees), 15 general Party branches (14 county-affiliated and 1 township/town), 397 Party branches, and 837 Party groups. There were 11,165 Party members. Among them: 1,769 were women Party members, accounting for 15.84%; 5,476 were ethnic minority Party members, accounting for 49%; and 6,656 were peasant Party members, accounting for 59.6%. The primary-level Party organizations in Wuding County have two main characteristics: first, poverty—the funding for primary-level organizations is extremely scarce; second, a high proportion of veteran Party members, most of whom live in difficulty due to declining labor capacity. In Wuding County, Party members under 35 years old account for 27.78% of the total, less than one-third; Party members under 45 total 5,822, accounting for 53.8% of the total; while Party members over 46 account for 46.2%, nearly half; among them, 2,209 are veteran Party members over 60, accounting for 20.4% of the total. In the early period of implementing the household contract responsibility system, a considerable number of rural Communist Party members set an example; village-level cadres at all levels took the initiative to let others first claim the better land, while they themselves contracted remote, leftover land, which later led to complaints from their families. It was precisely because of these silently dedicated veteran Communist Party members that the rural household contract responsibility system in Wuding County was able to proceed smoothly. Starting in 2004, the Wuding County Party Committee granted a “fixed subsidy” of 15 yuan per person per month to these rural Party members aged 70 and above, to alleviate their economic and living difficulties. This was accomplished through the collective effort of all Party members in the county, because the main source of the fixed subsidy was voluntary donations from the monthly wages of all county-level cadres (and some prefectural-level cadres).

首先是以农村老党员“定补”的发放推进农村党员自豪感的建设。至2006年，武定全县共有20个基层党委（其中县属党委6个、乡镇党委14个），党总支15个（县属14个、乡镇1个），党支部397个，党小组837个。党员11165名。其中：妇女党员1769名，占15．84％；少数民族党员5476名，占49％；农民党员6656名，占59．6％。武定县基层党组织最大的特点有二：一是穷，基层组织经费极其困乏；二是老党员比例多，由于劳动能力衰退，大多生活困难。在武定县，35岁以下的党员占全体党员总数的27．78%，不到三分之一；45岁以下的党员共计5822人，占全体党员总数的53．8％；而46岁以上党员占46．2%，接近半数；其中60岁以上老党员2209人，占全体党员总数的20．4%。土地承包责任制落实初期，相当一部分农村共产党员做出了表率作用，各级村干部主动让别人先认定条件好的土地，自己承包的是边远、剩余的土地，以至于后来受到家人的抱怨。正是因为有了这些默默奉献的老共产党员，武定县农村土地承包责任制得以顺利进行。武定县委从2004年起，对这些农村年满70岁的老党员，给予每人每月15元人民币的“定补”，以解决他们经济困难和生活困难。这是倾一县全体党员之力而为之，因为定补的主要来源都是全县机关干部（也有部分州里的干部）每个人从自己每个月的工资中自愿捐献出来的。

In terms of site construction, starting in 2005, the county began building activity positions for Party organization activity sites in 130 villages (communities). By mid-2006, Party member activity rooms had been established in 70 villages (communities), 39 demonstration villages for Party member audio-visual education in science, technology, and economic development had been built, and 65 demonstration households for Party member audio-visual education in science and technology had been cultivated. Since 2006, the County Party Committee has carried out large-scale construction of “activity sites” for Party branches in established villages (former administrative villages). Higher-level organizations allocated over 3.6 million yuan in special funds, and additional funds were raised, totaling 6.27 million yuan, which was used in batches to construct activity sites for 130 villages (communities), continuously improving facilities and achieving full coverage of distance education, ensuring the “four haves,” i.e., “have a fixed activity site, have study materials, have a bulletin board, and have a unified logo.” In the past, a Party branch only had a simple office, and there were not even chairs for a branch general meeting; now, not only have activity rooms been newly built, but they are also equipped with the necessary tables, chairs, and benches. In response to the widespread spread of religion in the county, flagpoles were erected in front of the activity sites, equipped with the national flag, and a unified emblem for the activity sites was made, forming a clear contrast with the crosses on churches. Starting in November 2008, each activity site was equipped with audio-visual equipment, including televisions, DVD players, and satellite ground receivers. The original “four haves” activity sites were expanded to “six haves,” adding “have audio-visual equipment, and have a Party flag hung indoors.” The activity sites were built into positions for science and technology policy propaganda, platforms for displaying advanced culture, venues for mass recreational activities, and bases for ideal and belief education, becoming important places for “multiple uses in one room” such as deliberation, activities, training, services, and entertainment. A stone tablet was erected in front of each activity site, recording the hard-won nature of the site’s construction, to constantly educate future generations.

场所建设方面，从2005年起开始对全县130个村（社区）党组织活动阵地进行阵地建设。至2006年中，已经建立了70个村（社区）的党员活动室，建成党员电化教育科技经济开发示范村39个，培植党员电教科技示范户65户。2006年以来，县委对建制村（原行政村）党支部进行大规模的“活动场所”建设。上级组织拨给了360余万元专款，另外筹集部分资金，共整合资金627万元分期分批对130个村（社区）组织活动场所进行建设，不断完善设施，实现远程教育的全覆盖，做到“四有”，即“有固定的活动场所，有学习的资料，有宣传栏，有统一的标识”。过去，党支部仅有个简陋的办公室，开个支部大会都没有椅子坐，现在不仅新建了活动室，而且配备了应有的桌椅板凳。针对县里宗教传播广泛的特点，活动场所前都竖立了旗杆，并配备了国旗，还做了活动场所的统一徽记，与教堂的十字架形成明显的对比。2008年11月起，在每个活动场所配备电教设备，包括电视机、DVD机、卫星地面接收器。原“四有”活动场所增加为“六有”，增加了“有电教设备，室内悬挂有党旗”。将活动场所建成科技政策宣传的阵地、先进文化展示的平台、群众娱乐活动的场所、理想信念教育的基地，成为议事、活动、培训、服务、娱乐等“一室多用”的重要场所。每个活动场所前都刻石立碑，记录下活动场所建设的来之不易，以时刻教育后人。

In terms of organizational layout, in accordance with the spirit of primary-level organization building put forward by the 17th National Congress of the CPC [18]18 The 17th National Congress of the CPC was held in October 2007.—“optimize organizational settings, expand organizational coverage”—the County Party Committee adjusted all primary-level Party branches in the county. For original established village (administrative village) Party branches with more than 50 Party members, several “village small-group Party branches” were reorganized based on the characteristics of the industrial structure and the professional needs of Party members. The original established village Party branches were expanded into “village general Party branches.” By the end of 2009, the county had expanded 130 established village (community) Party branches into general Party branches, established 1,103 “village small-group Party branches,” and each Party branch also built an activity site, further expanding organizational coverage.

组织布局方面，根据党的十七大会议提出的“优化组织设置，扩大组织覆盖”的基层组织建设精神，县委对全县的基层党支部做了调整。凡党员人数在50人以上的原建制村（行政村）党支部，按照产业构架特点和党员的专业需求，再组建成若干个“村民小组党支部”。原建制村党支部扩建为“村党总支”。截至2009年年底，全县已有130个建制村（社区）党支部扩编为党总支，设立了1103个“村民小组党支部”，每个党支部又都建立一个活动场所，进一步扩大了组织覆盖。

In terms of funding guarantees, while completing the construction of activity sites for primary-level Party branches, the County Party Committee also solved the problem of insufficient activity funds for primary-level Party branches. Starting in 2008, the County Party Committee included an annual activity fund of 50 yuan per rural Party member in the national fiscal budget; the office expenses for each established village (administrative village) were increased from the original 1,800 yuan to 5,000 yuan. At the same time, since 2006, the County Party Committee made further revisions to the “fixed subsidy” originally issued to rural veteran Party members aged 70 and above without a fixed income, expanding its scope and increasing the amount. The original regulation of 15 yuan per person per month for those aged 70 and above was adjusted so that, starting in 2006, all rural veteran Party members without a fixed income who are aged 60 and above and have a Party standing of 10 years or more receive a fixed subsidy: those aged 60 to 70 receive 15 yuan per person per month; those aged 70 to 80 receive 20 yuan per person per month; and those aged 81 and above receive 30 yuan per person per month. The donations from cadres at the prefectural and county levels have also been consistently maintained, never interrupted.

经费保障方面，在完成基层党支部活动场所建设的同时，县委还解决了基层党支部活动经费短缺的问题。从2008年起，县委对每一个农村党员按年活动经费50元计算列入国家财政预算；对每一个建制村（行政村）的办公经费，由原来的1800元增加到5000元拨付。同时，自2006年以后，县委对原先发放给70岁以上农村无固定收入老党员的“定补”做了扩大范围、增加金额的进一步修改。从原规定年龄在70岁以上每人每月15元，调整为自2006年起凡年满60周岁以上，有10年党龄以上的农村无固定收入的老党员，都发给定补；60岁至70岁者，每人每月15元；70岁至80岁者，每人每月20元；81岁以上者，每人每月30元。州、县各级机关干部每人的捐款亦一直坚持，从未间断。

In terms of institutional construction, the implementation of the “dual management of the three rural assets” [19]19 The “three rural assets” (农村三资) refer to rural collective funds, assets, and resources. “Dual management” (双代管) means that these are managed on behalf of the village collective by the township government. and the “three duals” system [20]20 The “three duals” system (三双制) refers to “dual management, dual responsibilities, and dual leadership” (双管、双责、双带) for Party members working in township organs who are also assigned to village-level Party organizations. for Party members in township organs has enhanced the sense of responsibility among rural Party members and the cohesion of primary-level organizations. In Wuding County, the management of rural funds, assets, and resources at the township level was piloted in Shishan Township, and after successful experience was gained, this practice was universally promoted across the county. It became a new platform for innovating primary-level Party building work, establishing the core role of primary-level Party organizations and the primary decision-making role of rural Party members. This realized collective management by Party branches, with Party members managing finances and affairs for the masses, further strengthening the sense of responsibility and honor among Party members, further exerting the leading core role of Party branches, and further enhancing the cohesion and appeal of Party organizations. Since the implementation of the “dual management of the three rural assets,” rural finances have been standardized, violations have been eliminated, the supervisory role of Party branches has been brought into play, the safety of fund use, asset management, and resource development has been ensured, the relationship between cadres and the masses has further improved, rural society has become more harmonious and stable, collective assets have been prevented from being lost, state resources have been developed in an orderly manner, and limited collective funds have achieved maximum social benefits. At the same time, the “three duals” system of “dual management, dual responsibilities, and dual leadership” [21]21 “Dual leadership” (双带) means Party members are expected to take the lead (带头) in playing an exemplary role in both their township organ Party organization and their village-level Party organization. for Party members in township organs was implemented to solve new difficulties at the primary level. Party members from township organs were incorporated into the Party organizations of villagers’ groups within their own townships. These Party members thus accepted management from both the township organ Party organization and the villagers’ group Party organization, achieving dual management; they were required to fulfill the duties of an organ Party member within the organ Party organization and also the duties of a rural Party member within the villagers’ group Party organization, fulfilling dual responsibilities; they were expected to take the lead in playing the exemplary vanguard role of Party members within the organ Party organization and also play the exemplary leading role of Party members within the villagers’ group Party organization, promoting joint development of the village and township. The implementation of the “three duals” system solved five problems faced by rural primary-level Party organizations: difficulty in carrying out activities, difficulty in completing work, difficulty in playing a role, difficulty in developing Party members, and difficulty in discussing and making decisions. This made organizational activities more standardized, the relationship between cadres and the masses closer, the work style of cadres more pragmatic, and Party building work more dynamic. It achieved multiple coverage of the Party’s organization, work, and social influence, enhanced the cohesion, combat effectiveness, and centripetal force of rural primary-level Party organizations, promoted rural development, and advanced social harmony.

在制度建设方面，推行农村“三资双代管”以及乡镇机关党员的“三双”制，增强了农村党员的责任感、基层组织的凝聚力。武定县农村资金、资产、资源实行乡（镇）代管工作，在狮山镇试点取得成功经验的基础上，在全县普遍推行了这一做法，成为创新基层党建工作、搭建基层党组织发挥核心作用和农村党员发挥首议决策作用的新平台，实现了党支部集体当家，党员为群众理财、理事，党员的责任感、荣誉感进一步增强，党支部的领导核心作用进一步发挥，党组织的凝聚力、吸引力进一步增强。推行农村“三资双代管”以来，规范了农村财务，杜绝了违规行为，发挥了党支部的监督作用，保障了资金使用、资产管理、资源开发的安全，干群关系进一步改善，农村社会进一步和谐稳定，确保了集体资产不流失，国家资源得到有序开发，有限的集体资金发挥了最大的社会效益。同时，实施乡镇机关党员“双管、双责、双带”的“三双”制，解决基层新难题。把乡镇机关的党员编入本乡镇的村民小组党组织，机关党员既接受乡镇机关党组织的管理，又接受村民小组党组织的管理，实现双重管理；党员既要在机关党组织中履行一名机关党员的职责，又要在村民小组党组织中履行一名农村党员的职责，履行双向职责；既要在机关党组织中带头发挥党员的先锋模范作用，又要在村民小组党组织中发挥党员的示范带头作用，推进乡村共同发展。“三双”制的实施，破解了农村基层党组织开展活动难、完成工作难、发挥作用难、发展党员难、议事决策难的五方面问题，使组织活动更加规范，干群关系更加密切，干部作风更加务实，党建工作更具活力，实现了党的组织、工作和社会影响力的多重覆盖，增强了农村基层党组织的凝聚力、战斗力和向心力，促进了农村发展，推动了社会和谐。

Problems such as the scattered residence of rural Party members, the lack of appropriate activity venues and necessary activity funds for Party branches, the lack of authority and cohesion in rural primary-level organizations, and the challenge to rural primary-level political power from churches in ethnic and religious regions were addressed through a series of measures. These included expanding organizational coverage, constructing activity venues for primary-level Party branches, solving and increasing activity funds, increasing fixed subsidies for elderly Party members, and implementing the “dual management of the three rural assets” system. As a result, the activities of rural primary-level Party organizations gradually became more vibrant, and the cohesion, appeal, and combat effectiveness of primary-level Party branches began to stand out. At the same time, the concepts of “Party member” and “Party organization” were re-strengthened, enhancing the sense of honor among Communist Party members, as well as their sense of responsibility and mission. In the process of primary-level Party building work, many young people felt they had organizational support and, with the help of the organization, saw hope for economic development, which prompted them to actively draw closer to the Party organization. Through intensive efforts in primary-level Party building, in 2007, the Shishan Village Party Branch in Shishan Township, Wuding County, was awarded the title of “National Advanced Primary-Level Party Organization” by the Central Committee of the CPC. At the same time, the Hexi Village Party Branch in Shishan Township, Wuding County, was awarded the title of “Yunnan Province Advanced Primary-Level Party Organization” by the Organization Department of the Yunnan Provincial Committee of the CPC. Currently, Wuding County has completely changed the phenomenon of rural grain shortages that existed 20 years ago. In 2003, the per capita net income of farmers was 1,557 yuan; by 2009, the per capita net income of farmers had reached 2,858 yuan.

农村党员居住分散、党支部没有适当的活动场所和所需的活动经费、农村基层组织没有事权缺乏凝聚力、民族宗教地区农村基层政权受到教会挑战等问题，通过实施扩大组织覆盖、基层党支部活动场所的建设、活动经费的解决和增加、老党员定补的增加、“三资双代管”制等一系列措施实施后，使得农村基层党组织活动逐渐活跃，开始凸显出基层党支部的凝聚力、号召力和战斗力。同时，“党员”、“党组织”的概念重新得以强化，增强了共产党员的荣誉感，同时亦增强了他们的责任感、使命感。在基层党建工作的进程中，很多年轻人感到有组织的依靠，在组织的帮助下发展经济有盼头，从而使他们积极向党组织靠拢。通过紧抓基层党建工作，2007年，武定县狮山镇狮山村党支部，被中央组织部授予“全国先进基层党组织”。与此同时，武定县狮山镇和西村党支部，被中共云南省委组织部授予“云南省先进基层党组织”。目前，武定县已经彻底改变了20年前的农村缺粮现象，2003年农民人均纯收入1557元；2009年，农民人均纯收入已经达到2858元。

Notes:

注释：

① To distinguish it from the Lisu language of the Nu River, the Lisu language in this area is also called “Eastern Lisu,” while the script for “Western Lisu” was created almost simultaneously by the missionary James O. Fraser [22]22 James O. Fraser (1886–1938) was a British missionary of the China Inland Mission who worked among the Lisu people in Yunnan and developed the Fraser alphabet for the Lisu language. stationed in Baoshan and others, but the alphabets of the two Lisu languages are completely different.

① 为区别于怒江的傈僳族语，此地傈僳族语又称“东傈僳语”，而“西傈僳语”的文字也几乎同时由驻保山的传教士傅能仁等人创制成功，但两种傈僳语的字母却完全不同。

② Yunnan Province Editorial Group. *Central Visiting Group Second Sub-Group: Collection of Yunnan Ethnic Situations (Part 2)* [M] Kunming: Yunnan Nationalities Publishing House, 1986, p. 17.

② 云南省编辑组．中央访问团第二分团： 《云南民族情况汇集》（下）[M]昆明：云南民族出版社，1986年，p17．

③ A missionary of the time wrote: “The indigenous inhabitants have a rare characteristic: when they themselves believe the gospel, they diligently teach it to others. The expansion of the Christian mass movement in Yunnan and Guizhou provinces is mainly due not to the itinerant preaching of missionaries, but to the enthusiastic propagation by indigenous people. Through this method, the gospel has spread from one county to another, covering a vast area of the Southwest. But a warning must be issued here: based on past experience, for a mass movement to be stable and lasting, the masses must receive clear and regular Christian training.” See: Special Committee of the China Continuation Committee Investigation Commission, ed. *The Christian Occupation of China — Statistics of Christian Work in China (1901–1920)* [M] Beijing: China Social Sciences Press (internal distribution), 1987, p. 718.

③ 一位当年的传教士这样写道：“土著居民有一个难得的特性，当他们自己信了福音的时候，他们就勤勤恳恳地去教给别人。基督教群众运动在云、贵两省的扩展，主要原因不是由于宣教师们的旅行布道，而是由于土著人士的热诚传播。通过这种方法，福音已经从一个县传到另一个县，传遍了西南相当广大的地区。但是这里必须提出预告：根据过去的经验，一个群众运动如要稳定持久，必须对群众进行明确而经常的基督教训练。”参见：中华续行委办会调查特委会编．中华归主——中国基督教事业统计（190l～1920）[M]北京：中国社会科学出版社（内部发行），1987年，p718．

④ See: Engels. *Anti-Dühring*. *Marx and Engels Selected Works* (Vol. 3) [M] Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1995, pp. 664–671.

④ 参见：恩格斯．反杜林论．马克思恩格斯选集（第3卷） [M]北京：人民出版社，1995年，p664～671．

⑤ Lenin. “On the Attitude of the Workers’ Party to Religion.” *Lenin Selected Works* (Vol. 2) [M] Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1995, pp. 376–379.

⑤ 列宁. 论工人政党对宗教的态度. 列宁选集（第2卷） [M]北京：人民出版社，1995年，pp376～379．

⑥ Marx. “Introduction to *A Contribution to the Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right*.” *Marx and Engels Selected Works* (Vol. 1) [M] Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1972, p. 2.

⑥ 马克思．《黑格尔法哲学批判》导言. 马克思恩格斯选集（第1卷） [M]北京：人民出版社，1972年，p2．

Author’s biography: Xiao Sa, Director of the Institute of Philosophy, Yunnan Academy of Social Sciences, Distinguished Research Fellow of the Yunnan Provincial Center for the Theoretical System of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics.

作者简介：肖飒，云南省社会科学院哲学研究所所长，云南省中国特色社会主义理论体系中心特约研究员