A Brief Comment on the United States’ “Faith-Based Diplomacy” and China’s Cultural Security

A Brief Comment on the United States’ “Faith-Based Diplomacy” and China’s Cultural Security

简评美国的“信仰外交”与我国文化安全

Since the end of the Cold War, the revival of religion and religious conflict have become important social phenomena in the international strategic landscape. A careful analysis of these social phenomena shows that what is primarily at work is not spiritual-level theism, but rather the social character of religion being artificially elevated and intensified. Religious theism is used by certain countries and certain interest groups as a means to seek political power and economic gain. Examined from the perspective of scientific atheism, this phenomenon represents a regression of historical civilization, urgently requiring our research and the formulation of corresponding strategies.

冷战结束以来，在国际战略格局中，宗教的复兴和宗教的冲突，成为重要的社会现象。仔细分析这些社会现象，主要不是精神层面的有神论在起作用，而是宗教的社会性被人为的抬高和强化。宗教有神论被某些国家和某些利益集团，当作谋取政治势力和经济利益的手段。从科学无神论的视角考察，这种现象是历史文明的倒退，急需我们进行研究，提出对应战略。

I. From Missionary Diplomacy to Faith-Based Diplomacy

一、从传教士外交到信仰外交

A superpower legislating to regularly review the religious status of countries around the world is a major strategic shift on the international stage after the Cold War. This “faith-based diplomacy” has become the latest version of the historical “missionary diplomacy” and contemporary “human rights diplomacy.” Contemporary China’s “religious issues” have long been reviewed under the U.S. *International Religious Freedom Act of 1998*, serving as one important case in point.

一个超级大国立法，定期审查世界各国的宗教现状，这是冷战后国际舞台上的一个重要战略变化。这种“以信仰为基础的外交”（faith-based diplomacy），成为历史上“传教士外交”和当代“人权外交”的最新版本。而当代中国的“宗教问题”，长期被美国《1998年国际宗教自由法》审查，就是其中一个重要的案例。

Since the 1990s, the most important change in the international strategic landscape has been the attempt by U.S. neoconservative forces to establish a unipolar era of global dominance. Certain authoritative figures advocate unilateralist hegemonic policies and promote a strategy of new interventionism. This theory has two pillars: first, defending “universal human values,” asserting that Western “human rights,” “rule of law,” etc., are “universal values”; second, “human rights above sovereignty,” claiming that “human rights have no borders.” A key feature of the contemporary American-style human rights standard is treating “religious freedom” as the primary cornerstone of human rights. U.S. Christian neo-fundamentalist forces and political neoconservative forces have allied to push Congress to pass the *International Religious Freedom Act of 1998*, turning it into a tool for the global strategic expansion of Christianity through state power.

20世纪90年代以来，国际战略格局最重要的变化是，美国新保守主义势力企图建立独霸全球的单极时代。某些权威人士鼓吹单边主义的霸权政策，推行新干涉主义战略。这一理论有两个支点：一是捍卫“人类普遍的价值观”，提出西方的“人权”、“法治”等等都是“普世价值”；二是“人权高于主权”，提出“人权无国界”。而当代美式人权标准的一个重要特征是，将“宗教自由”视为人权的第一基石。美国基督教新基要主义势力和政治新保守主义势力结盟，共同推动国会通过《1998年国际宗教自由法案》，使其成为以国家力量进行基督教全球战略扩张的工具。

During the Cold War, Christianity was regarded as “an important foothold for the United States in opposing atheistic communism.” [1]1 Source not provided in the original text. After the Cold War, bipolar confrontation disappeared, geopolitical factors weakened, and religious factors in international relations became increasingly prominent. The so-called “international religious freedom” issue became a catchphrase for certain individuals.

在冷战期间，基督教被当作“美国反对无神论共产主义的重要立足点。” ① 冷战之后，两极对抗消失，地缘政治因素减弱，而国际关系中的宗教因素日益突出。所谓“国际宗教自由”的议题，成为某些人士的口头禅。

An American scholar annotated the rationale for this “faith-based diplomacy,” saying: “The struggle for the soul of the new world order has already occurred, and taking cultural and religious pluralism seriously has now become one of the most important foreign policy challenges of the 21st century.” [2]2 Source not provided in the original text. In his view, one of the most important foreign policy challenges of the 21st century is “the struggle for the soul of the new world order.” For those who conserve their national culture, certain countries, in order to “struggle for the soul of the new world order,” mobilize state administrative resources—such as diplomatic means, and even waging wars—to spread a particular religious belief culture. This is outright hegemonism.

有位美国学者为这种“信仰外交”的合理性注疏，他说：“争夺新世界秩序灵魂的斗争已经发生，认真看待文化和宗教多元主义，目前已经成为21世纪最重要的外交政策挑战之一。”② 在他看来，21世纪最重要的外交政策挑战之一是“争夺新世界秩序灵魂的斗争”。而在保守本土民族文化的人们看来，某些国家为“争夺新世界秩序灵魂”，动用国家行政资源，如：外交手段，甚至发动战争，传播某种宗教信仰文化，是十足的霸权主义。

The annual *International Religious Freedom Report* issued by the U.S. government consistently emphasizes its values. The introduction to the U.S. State Department’s *2001 Annual Report on International Religious Freedom* declares the intention to “make religious freedom the first freedom in the Constitution.” The U.S. authorities use state power to strengthen American values in the international human rights field. For example, the *2006 Report on International Religious Freedom* states:

历年美国政府发布的《国际宗教自由报告》，一再强调其价值观。美国国务院在《2001年度国际宗教自由报告》的导言中，宣称要“使宗教自由成为宪法中的第一自由”。美国当局运用国家力量，在国际人权领域里强化美国价值观。如：《2006年国际宗教自由报告》宣称：

“Religious faith as an individual choice and a fundamental freedom is a cornerstone of American identity, rooted in the ideals of our nation’s founders. From the founding of the nation to the present, religious freedom has been one of our foremost freedoms. The determination of the American people to defend religious freedom—not only at home, but throughout the world—is unwavering. As Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said: ‘For the United States, nothing is more fundamental than religious freedom and religious conscience. Our country is built on this foundation. Religious freedom is the core of democracy.’” [3]3 U.S. Department of State, *2006 Report on International Religious Freedom*, Introduction.

“宗教信仰作为个人选项和基本自由。是美国特征的立足点，根植于我国开国先贤的理想。从建国至今，宗教自由一直是我国最首要的自由之一。美国人民捍卫宗教自由的决心——不仅在国内，而且在全世界——始终不渝。正如康多莉扎·赖斯国务卿所说：‘对美国来说，没有比宗教自由和宗教良心更根本的东西。我们国家就建立在这一基础上。宗教自由是民主的核心。’”③

Now, the U.S. authorities have further elevated the strategic value of “international religious freedom,” advocating that “religious freedom promotes national security.” For instance, in 2008, Thomas F. Farr, Director of the Office of International Religious Freedom at the U.S. State Department, publicly called for U.S. diplomacy to “make protecting and expanding religious freedom one of its core elements,” and declared that “the central issue for U.S. national security is Islamic terrorism.” [4]4 Thomas F. Farr, “Diplomacy in an Age of Faith,” *Foreign Affairs*, March/April 2008. Currently, regarding the status of religious issues in international strategy, views within the U.S. political establishment and public opinion are increasingly converging. “Faith-based diplomacy” has become the latest version of contemporary “human rights diplomacy.” [5]5 See Douglas Johnston, ed., *Faith-Based Diplomacy: Trumping Realpolitik* (Oxford University Press, 2003).

现在，美国当局进一步提升“国际宗教自由”的战略价值，鼓吹“宗教自由即促进国家安全”。如：2008年，美国国务院国际宗教自由办公室主任托马斯·F．法尔（Thomas．F．Farr）公开呼吁美国外交应使“保护和扩展宗教自由成为其核心因素之一”，并宣称“美国国家安全的中心议题是伊斯兰恐怖主义。”④ 目前，关于宗教问题在国际战略中的地位，美国朝野看法日趋一致。“以信仰为基础的外交”（faith-based diplomacy），成为当代“人权外交”的最新版本。⑤

Republican strategist Karl Rove explained: “Reason may be good for studying and analyzing history and politics, but it is different for practicing and creating history and politics. Perceived and anticipated faith, which cannot be proven or demonstrated in the earthly realm, is now more effective in mobilizing people to create change.” [6]6 Karl Rove, quoted in various sources; the original context is a discussion of faith and political mobilization. American politicians using the Christian “universal values” to inspire the people to create history stems from a uniquely American political ecological environment. However, when certain U.S. rulers take this religious belief value system as the basis of diplomacy and forcefully promote it worldwide, how far can this hegemonic diplomacy go?

共和党的战略家卡尔·罗夫（Karl．Rove）的解释说：“理性对于研究、分析历史和政治也许是好的，但对于实践和创造历史和政治则不同。被感知和被期待的信仰，不能在尘世被证明和被演示，现在，则更为有效地动员人们去创造变化。”⑥ 美国的政治家用基督教的“普世价值”，激励民众创造历史，源于一种美国式的政治生态环境。可是，某些美国的执政者将这种宗教信仰的价值观，作为外交的基础，强力向全世界推广，这种霸权主义的外交能走多远呢?

It should be pointed out that the “international religious freedom” vigorously promoted by the U.S. government is measured by U.S. national interests. For example, the U.S. State Department’s “2002 Annual Report on International Religious Freedom” listed Myanmar, China, Iran, Iraq, North Korea, and Sudan as “Countries of Particular Concern.” The 2004 annual report removed Iraq from the list. Yet, in fact, in U.S.-occupied Iraq, killing and “jihad” continue unabated, and the safety of people’s lives is hardly guaranteed. Could it be that religious belief has instead gained greater freedom? From the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003 to the present, at least 660,000 Iraqi civilians have been killed or wounded in this war, criticized by international human rights organizations as “the greatest humanitarian disaster of the first decade of this century.” Recently, WikiLeaks revealed that among the total 109,000 deaths in the Iraq War, 66,000 were non-combatants. Another organization, “Iraq Body Count,” based in London, stated that the number of civilians killed in the war was as high as 122,000. [7]7 WikiLeaks and Iraq Body Count data, as cited in the original text.

应当指出，美国政府大力促进的“国际宗教信仰自由”，是以美国国家利益为标准的。例如：美国国务院发表的“2002年国际宗教自由年度报告”，将缅甸、中国、伊朗、伊拉克、朝鲜、苏丹列为“特别关注国家”。2004的年度报告又将伊拉克从名单上删除。而事实上，在美军占领的伊拉克，杀戮“圣战”不断，民众的生命安全都难以保障，难道宗教信仰反而获得更大的自由吗? 从2003年美军入侵伊拉克至今，在这场战争中死伤的伊拉克平民至少有66万人，被国际人权组织批评为“本世纪第一个十年最大的人道主义灾难”。最近，维基揭秘网公布，在伊拉克战争中，总计10．9万死亡人数中，有6．6万非作战人士。另一个总部设在伦敦的“伊拉克罹难人数统计”组织说，在战争中死亡的平民高达12．2万人。⑦

“Counterterrorism, counterterrorism—the more you counter, the more terror there is” has become an international catchphrase. According to research by scholars at the University of Chicago, in the 1980s, there were only 5 suicide attacks globally; by the 1990s, this rose to 50; and in 2009, the number of “human bomb” incidents worldwide reached 500. The most important reason is resistance to the occupation by foreign troops. [8]8 Robert Pape, *Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism* (Random House, 2005), updated with 2009 figures. The U.S. government vigorously implements the *International Religious Freedom Act*, claiming that “countries that respect religious freedom rarely pose security threats to others.” [9]9 U.S. Department of State, *2009 Report on International Religious Freedom*, Introduction. These self-righteous preachings, in the face of hard facts, are like the emperor’s new clothes—self-deceiving. It is obvious that this standard for examining international religious freedom is solely contingent on U.S. interests.

“反恐、反恐，越反越恐”，已经成为国际流行语。根据美国芝加哥大学的学者研究，20世纪80年代，全球仅有5起自杀式袭击事件，到90年代升至50起，而2009年，全球的“人体炸弹”事件高达500起。其中最重要的原因是反抗外国军队的占领。⑧ 美国政府大力实施《国际宗教信仰自由法案》，声称“尊重宗教自由的国家极少对他国造成安全威胁”。⑨ 这些惟我独尊说教，在铁的事实面前，如同皇帝的新衣，自欺欺人。显而易见，这种考察国际宗教自由的标准，是唯美国的利益为转移的。

I believe that since the end of the Cold War, the core discourse of Western powers has shifted to human rights “based on religious freedom as the cornerstone.” The Christian “universal values” have been continuously abstracted, becoming a totem of Western-style democratic systems, just as the former U.S. Secretary of State said: “Religious freedom is the core of democracy.” This symbolically coded “universal values” attempts to strip the core social value system from the basic social relations of each country, turning it into a weapon for “new interventionism” on the international stage. This tendency toward religious ideologization has affected the development of multiculturalism in international society, causing turmoil and instability in the world.

我认为，冷战结束以来，西方列强的核心话语，已经转向“以宗教自由为基石”的人权。基督教的“普世价值”不断被抽象化，成为西式民主制度的图腾，正如美国前国务卿所说的“宗教自由是民主的核心”。这种符号化的“普世价值”，企图将社会核心价值体系，从各国基本的社会关系中剥离出来，成为国际舞台上“新干涉主义”的武器。这种宗教意识形态化的倾向，影响了国际社会文化多元化的发展，造成世界的动荡不安。

The phenomenon of Christian faith being ideological reflects history advancing in a tortuous manner. The revival of contemporary religious neo-fundamentalism and its expansion into the political sphere have once again made the question of whether modern states can uphold the principle of separation of church and state a focus of attention. Since the 1970s, the revival of Christian neo-fundamentalism in the United States has allied with political conservatism, attempting to use state power to spread the Christian gospel worldwide, creating a new crisis of separation of church and state.

基督教信仰被意识形态化的现象，反映出历史在曲折中延伸。当代宗教新基要主义的复兴，向政治领域扩张，现代国家能否坚持政教分离的原则，再次成为人们关注的焦点。20世纪70年代以来，美国基督教新基要主义复兴，与政治保守主义联盟，企图以国家的力量，向全世界传播基督教的福音，造成新的政教分离的危机。

II. Religious Factors Affecting China’s National Security

二、影响中国国家安全的宗教因素

In December 2006, at the Fifth National Security Forum hosted by the China National Security Policy Committee, I wrote an article pointing out that after the end of the Cold War, there were three main religious factors affecting China’s national security: the Tibetan

2006年12月，在中国国家安全政策委员会举办的第五届国家安全论坛上，我曾撰文指出，冷战结束后，影响中国国家安全的宗教因素主要有三个：即以达赖集团为首的藏独分裂势力；打着伊斯兰教旗帜“东突”分裂势力；美国基督教新保守势力对华的扩张战略。在西方遏制中国的战略中，这些宗教因素将成为敌对势力利用的重要资源。

In recent years, a series of violent incidents have occurred one after another in China’s border regions: the March 14, 2008 violent incident in Lhasa, and the July 5, 2009 violent incident in Urumqi. Their scale and the brutality of the methods employed still leave people deeply shocked! A large body of facts shows that these ethnic separatist forces have a deep background in religious extremism, which has become one of the important factors inducing domestic terrorist activities. I believe that in the next ten years, these three factors will continue to exist and, with the support of the new interventionism of the Western powers, will still pose a considerable threat to China’s national security.

近几年，在我国边疆地区接连发生一系列暴力事件，2008年“3·14”拉萨暴力事件，2009年“7·5”乌鲁木齐暴力事件，其规模之大，手段之残忍，仍使人感到深深地震惊!大量事实表明，这些民族分裂势力有深厚的宗教极端主义背景，成为诱发国内恐怖活动的重要因素之一。我认为，在未来十年，这三种因素将继续存在，在西方列强新干涉主义的支持下，依然对我国的国家安全构成相当的威胁。

Certain international interest groups, led by the U.S. authorities, treat religion as a vehicle for Western values, using it as a political tool for exporting ideology and subverting other countries. From the Gulf War to the Iraq War, relevant interest groups have used religion as a means of mobilizing the masses, leading to religious unrest and sectarian warfare spreading across the globe. This has also draped ethnic issues in a sacred cloak, making them unprecedentedly acute and difficult to reconcile. This has already become an important feature of the world’s strategic configuration since the 21st century.

以美国当局为首的某些国际利益集团，将宗教当作西方价值观的负荷体，用于意识形态的输出和颠覆他国的政治工具；从海湾战争到伊拉克战争，相关利益集团都利用宗教作为动员民众的手段，由是导致宗教动乱和教派战争遍及全球，令民族问题也蒙上一层神圣外衣而变得空前尖锐，难以调和，这已经成为21世纪以来世界战略格局中的重要特征。

Hostile forces abroad use religious and ethnic factors to undermine socialist construction in the motherland’s border regions. Ethnic separatist forces, by exploiting religious extremist ideology, have become a dangerous cancerous tumor that splits the motherland. The March 14 violent incident in Lhasa, Tibet, and the July 5 violent incident in Urumqi, Xinjiang, have sounded the alarm for us. Ethnic separatist forces in regions such as Xinjiang and Tibet, echoing hostile forces overseas, are increasingly cloaking themselves in religious garb, possessing even more brutal destructiveness.

境外敌对势力利用宗教、民族因素，破坏祖国边疆地区的社会主义建设。民族分裂势力利用宗教极端思想，成为分裂祖国的危险毒瘤。西藏拉萨“3·14”暴力事件，新疆乌鲁木齐“7·5”暴力事件为我们敲响警钟。新疆、西藏等地区的民族分裂势力与海外敌对势力相呼应，越来越多地披上宗教的外衣，具有更残酷的破坏性。

Religion is not only a culture but also a very effective political means. Looking at the current world, there is hardly any place where bloody conflicts occur that are not connected to religion. For most regions and countries, without understanding the religious background of a war, it is impossible to understand the cultural causes of that war. Creating incidents under the banner of religion is already evident for all to see in our domestic issues concerning Tibet and Xinjiang. However, the greatest potential threat to our country is the global expansion strategy of American Christian neo-fundamentalism.

宗教不只是一种文化，而且也是一种非常有效的政治手段。就从当前世界看，凡发生血腥冲突的地方，几乎没有不与宗教相联系的；对大多数地区和国家言，不了解战争的宗教背景，就不可能了解战争的文化原因。打着宗教旗号制造事端，在我们国内的西藏问题、新疆问题上已是有目共睹，而对我国潜在威胁最大的，乃是美国基督教新基要主义的全球扩张战略。

If we say that the combination of ethnic separatist forces in the Tibet and Xinjiang regions with religious extremist ideology forms a terrorist violent threat to split the motherland’s territory, then the continuous penetration of international religious right-wing forces through legal channels into our country’s cultural and educational fields has already begun to form a soft power challenging socialist ideology. The violent threat is naked and bloody; the soft knife, however, is sweet talk and gentle affection. In the current world’s strategic game of “struggling without breaking,” the soft knife is the core force within “smart power.”

如果说，西藏、新疆地区的民族分裂势力与宗教极端思想相结合，形成分裂祖国领土的恐怖主义暴力威胁，那么，国际宗教右翼势力利用合法渠道，向我国的文化教育领域持续渗透，已经开始形成挑战社会主义意识形态的软实力。暴力威胁，赤裸裸，血淋淋；而软刀子，甜言蜜语，温情脉脉。在当今世界“斗而不破”的战略博弈中，软刀子是“巧实力”中的核心力量。

In August 2008, a well-known Chinese scholar asked a question during a visit to Europe: Please briefly explain what the United States’ strategy toward China is. The head of the “Transnational Threats and Political Risk” project at the British Institute for Strategic Studies replied: “If China’s ‘hard power’ rises, the United States will be very welcoming; if China’s ‘soft power’ rises, direct and comprehensive intense conflict may occur between the U.S. and China.”{10}

2008年8月，一位中国著名学者在欧洲访问时提问：请简要说明美国对中国的战略是什么? 英国国家战略研究所“跨国威胁和政治风险”项目负责人回答说：“中国若‘硬实力’崛起，美国则十分欢迎；中国若‘软实力’崛起，美中之间将可能发生直接全面的激烈冲突。”⑩

If “hard power” refers to economic strength, does the United States truly welcome China’s rise? That is a separate matter. “Soft power” should refer to political systems, social culture, value systems, etc., naturally including ideologies such as democracy, freedom, and human rights. The democratic system and the concept of human rights are the two main cards the West uses to promote “soft power” worldwide. After the end of the Cold War, the human rights card has become increasingly prominent in international strategy. And according to the interpretation of the U.S. authorities, “religious freedom has become the first cornerstone of human rights.” In August 2008, then-U.S. President George W. Bush stated in a speech: “I have told Chinese leaders in a clear, frank, and consistent manner that we are highly concerned about religious freedom and human rights.”{11} After the Obama administration took office, its top priority was dealing with the economic crisis. When promoting core American values, the U.S. government adjusted its strategy, adopting “more moderate, lower-key means.” We should clearly recognize that whether it is the Republican Party or the Democratic Party, the international strategic direction of U.S. rulers converges to the same goal through different paths.

如果说“硬实力”是指经济实力，美国真的欢迎中国崛起吗? 此另当别论。“软实力”应当是指政治制度、社会文化、价值体系等等，当然包括民主、自由、人权等意识形态。民主制度和人权理念是西方向全世界推广“软实力”的两张主牌。冷战结束后，在国际战略中，人权的牌日益显赫。而根据美国当局的诠释，“宗教自由成为人权的第一基石”。2008年8月，时任美国总统的小布什发表谈话说：“我已通过明确、坦率和一贯的方式告诉中国领导人，我们高度关注宗教自由和人权”。{11} 奥巴马政府上台后，当务之急是应对经济危机。在推广美国核心价值时，美国政府调整策略采用“更温和、更低调的手段”。我们应当清醒地认识到，无论是共和党，还是民主党，美国执政者的国际战略方向是殊途同归的。

The global expansion strategy of Christian neo-fundamentalism has become a tool of American hegemonism. China has become a key region for international religious right-wing forces to spread the Christian gospel. The establishment of the U.S. International Religious Freedom Act of 1998 was a landmark event in which U.S. religious forces influenced national foreign policy. As former U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said, “Religious freedom is the core of democracy.” This culture of religious belief is constantly being abstracted, becoming a totem of the Western-style democratic system and a strategic tool for the United States to pursue hegemonism.

基督教新基要主义的全球扩张战略，成为美国霸权主义的工具。中国成为国际宗教右翼势力传播基督教福音的重点地区。美国《1998年国际宗教自由法案》的确立，是美国宗教势力影响国家外交政策的标志性事件。正如美国前国务卿赖斯所说的“宗教自由是民主的核心”。这种宗教信仰文化不断被抽象化，成为西式民主制度的图腾，成为美国推行霸权主义的战略工具。

In the implementation of this Act, the United States uses state power to promote the global strategic expansion of Christianity, constantly attacking China in the fields of “human rights” and “religious freedom.” China has become one of the main targets of sanctions under this legislation. This “new interventionism,” in order to “fight for the soul of the new world order,” mobilizes state administrative resources. China has become a key region for international religious forces to spread the Christian gospel. It is already a well-known fact that a large number of Christian home fellowship gatherings in mainland China receive funding from overseas religious organizations.

在该法案实施中，美国以国家力量推动基督教全球战略扩张，不断在“人权”和“宗教自由”领域向中国发难。中国成为该项立法的主要制裁对象之一。这种“新干涉主义”，为“争夺新世界秩序灵魂”，动用国家行政资源。中国成为国际宗教势力传播基督教福音的重点地区。中国内地大量基督教家庭聚会点，接受海外宗教组织的资助，已经是众所周知的事实。

In assessing the situation of the American Christian strategic expansion toward China, a well-known scholar pointed out:

在评估美国基督教对华战略扩张的态势时，一位著名学者指出：

“It can mobilize the entire state apparatus, from the President, the State Department, Congress, and the National Security Council to operate in unison. Many church organizations and church-run schools coordinate and cooperate, forming a situation where the state, religion, and non-governmental organizations each use their different advantages to expand outward. Political threats, economic bribery, cultural propaganda, legal and illegal means advance simultaneously, to the point where they can create quite powerful public opinion in our country, where Christianity has historically been weak, and enter higher education lecture halls and academic research institutions. Underground churches dare to openly oppose national laws and regulations.”{12}

“它可以开动全部国家机器，从总统、国务院、国会、国家安全委员会统一运作，许多教会组织和教会院校协同配合，形成国家、宗教和非政府组织各以不同的优势对外扩张，政治威胁、经济收买、文化宣传、合法与非法手段齐头并进，以至于能够在基督教历来势微的我国，制造出相当强大的舆论，进入高等讲堂和学术研究机构。地下教会敢于与国家法规公开对立。”{12}

Western religious right-wing forces are particularly adept at using legal channels to penetrate deeply into our country’s cultural, educational, and academic research fronts, cultivating forces, propagating their worldview, values, and political views, and opposing our country’s mainstream ideology. They have powerful political backing, abundant funding, long-term strategies, and an educational system for fostering and training missionary cadres. Compared with this powerful array of religious cultural dissemination, the voice of our scientific atheism is too weak. If this situation is not changed in time, the consequences will be endless.

西方宗教右翼势力特别善于利用合法渠道，深入我国文化教育和学术研究阵地，培植力量，宣传他们的世界观、价值观和政治观，与我国主流意识形态对立。他们有强大的政治背景，雄厚的资金，长远的战略，以及为扶植和培训宣教骨干的教育体系。与这种强大的宗教文化传播阵势相比，我们科学无神论的声音过于微弱。这种形势若不及时改变，后患无穷。

Since reform and opening up, as the socio-economic structure and pattern of interests have undergone profound changes, people’s diversity of thought and differences have continuously increased. Among these, one notable social phenomenon is that the number of people believing in religion is growing day by day. “Religious studies” has gradually developed from a marginal discipline into what is called a “prominent discipline.”

改革开放以来，随着社会经济结构、利益格局发生深刻变化，人们思想的多变性和差异性不断增强。其中，引人瞩目的社会现象之一是，信仰宗教的民众日益增多。“宗教学”逐渐由边缘学科发展起来被称为“显学”。

With the rise of the “religious fever,” an academic tendency to “carefully nurture” religious culture has also gradually heated up. Some individuals strongly promote a certain religious culture, interpreting it as the “source of morality,” the “foundation of democracy,” and even the “prerequisite of science.” Some authoritative figures vigorously advocate for “cultural theology” and actively promote this “cultural theology” as the academic direction of national research institutions and institutions of higher learning. This trend of thought has already begun to influence policy-making and the direction of public opinion.

随着“宗教热”的兴起，一种“精心呵护”宗教文化的学术倾向也逐渐升温。有一些人士极力推崇某种宗教文化，将其诠释为“道德的源泉”、“民主的根基”、甚至是“科学的前提”。还有一些权威人士大力倡导“文化神学”，并积极推动这种“文化神学”成为国家研究机构和高等院校的学术方向。这种思潮已经开始影响政策制定和舆论导向。

The so-called “legal penetration” by overseas religious forces takes the form primarily of “cultural exchange” and “academic research.” Through the education system and research institutions, they propagate the superiority of Christianity among young intellectuals, attributing modern Western civilization to religious belief, while belittling or slandering China’s traditional culture and treating socialist values as nothing. To date, we have mounted no academic response; scientific atheism has almost no discursive power in articulating the truth about modern Western history and the decisive role played by secular humanism and scientific atheism.

海外宗教势力的所谓“合法渗透”，主要形式是“文化交流”、“学术研究”。他们通过教育系统和研究机构，在青年知识分子中宣传基督教优秀论，将西方近现代文明归功于宗教信仰，贬低或诋毁中国的传统文化，视社会主义价值观若无物。至今我们没有学术上的应对，科学无神论几乎没有话语权，表述西方近现代历史的真相，以及世俗人文主义和科学无神论发挥的决定性作用。

Religious penetration has already become the main content of foreign cultural penetration. Cultural issues, religious issues, and even ideological issues ultimately require an intellectual response. We should seize discursive power, we should cultivate our academic advantages, and we should not abandon the ideological battlefield.

宗教渗透已经成为国外文化渗透的主要内容。而文化问题，宗教问题，以至意识形态问题，毕竟需要思想上的应对。我们应该掌握话语权，应该培植我们的学术优势，我们不应该放弃意识形态阵地。

In the system of core socialist values, the atheist materialist worldview and positive outlook on life occupy an important position. The Party Central Committee has repeatedly pointed out: we must consolidate the guiding role of Marxism, we must enhance the appeal and cohesive power of socialist ideology, and the role of scientific atheism cannot be ignored. For some time now, there has been a current of opinion that seeks to expel scientific atheism from the Marxist view of religion and socialist ideology. This is dangerous; it is inconsistent both with the secularizing trend of human history and the contemporary era, and with China’s humanist tradition.

在社会主义核心价值体系中，无神论的唯物世界观和积极人生观，占有重要地位。党中央一再指出：要巩固马克思主义的指导地位，要增强社会主义意识形态的吸引力和凝聚力，科学无神论的作用不容忽视。一个时间以来，有种舆论，力图把科学无神论从马克思主义宗教观和社会主义意识形态中剔除出去，这是危险的，既不符合人类历史和当代的世俗化潮流，也与中国的人本主义传统相悖。

Notes:

注释：

① See Robert Bocock and Kenneth Thompson, eds., Gong Fangzhen and Chen Yaoting, trans., *Religion and Ideology* (Sichuan People’s Publishing House, 1992), pp. 318–319.

① 参见罗伯特·鲍柯克、肯尼斯·汤普森编，龚方震、陈耀廷等译：《宗教与意识形态》，四川人民出版社1992年版。第318-319页。

② Scott M. Thomas, *The Global Resurgence of Religion and the Transformation of International Relations: The Struggle for the Soul of the Twenty-First Century* (New York, 2005), p. 16.

② Scott．M．Thomas，The Global Resurgence of Religion and Transformation of International Relation：Struggle for Soul of the Twenty-first century．New York，2005．p．16．

③ *Annual Report of the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom*, 2006.

③Annual Report of the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom，2006．

④ *Foreign Affairs*, 2008, 3/4.

④ Foreign Affairs，2008．3／4．

⑤ See Xu Yihua, “Four ‘Crossings’ in the Study of Contemporary International Missionary Movements,” *World Religious Culture*, no. 1 (2010).

⑤ 参见徐以骅：《当代国际传教运动研究的“四个跨越”》， 《世界宗教文化》2010年第1期。

⑥ Xi Wuyi and Yang Feng, comps. and trans., “Religion in America and World History” (Scott Atran), *Science and Atheism*, no. 4 (2010).

⑥ 习五一、杨峰编译：《美国的宗教和世界历史》，（Scott．Atran，Religion in America and World History），见《科学与无神论》2010年第4期。

⑦ British *Independent* website, 23 October 2010, reprinted in *Reference News*, 24 October 2010.

⑦ 英国《独立报》网站2010年10月23日，转引自《参考消息》2010年10月24日。

⑧ Phoenix Satellite Television, *Ace Show*: “Obama and His Wars,” 20 March 2010. See www.Phoenixtv.com.cn or phtv.ifeng.com/program/zmdfs/…/0316_1655-1577914.shtml.

⑧ 凤凰卫视：《皇牌大放送》：《奥巴马和他的战争》2010年3月20日。参见：www.Phoenixtv．com．cn．或phtv．ofeng．com／program／zmdfs／…．／0316_1655-1577914：shtml．

⑨ “A Briefing by Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom John Hanford, Washington D.C., September 15, 2004,” www.state.gov/secretary/rm/36197.htm.

⑨“A Briefing by Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom John Hanford，Washington D．C．September 15，2004”www．state．gov／secretary／rm／36197．htm

⑩ Li Shenming, “Reflections on Democracy and Universal Democracy,” in Li Shenming, ed., *World Socialism Tracking Research Report (2009–2010)* (Social Sciences Academic Press, February 2010), p. 4.

⑩ 李慎明：《关于民主与普世民主的相关思考》，见：李慎明主编：《世界社会主义跟踪研究报告（2009—2010）》，社会科学文献出版社2010年2月版，第4页。

{11} “US President George W. Bush’s Speech in Bangkok, Thailand, August 7,” http://bbs.zxrs.net/dispbbs_61_115131_1.html.

{11}《美国总统布什8月7日在泰国曼谷的讲话》，http：／／bbs．zxrs．net／dispbbs_61_115131_1．html．

{12} Wen Ding, “A Look at ‘Religious Freedom’ in the *International Religious Freedom Act of 1998*,” *Science and Atheism*, no. 6 (2010).

{12} 文丁：《试看〈1998年国际宗教自由法案〉中的“宗教自由”》，《科学与无神论》2010年第6期。