Anti-Cult Efforts Are an Act of Civilization, and the Intellectual Circle Must Shoulder Responsibility — Commemorating the Tenth Anniversary of the Founding of the China Anti-Cult Association

To date, China’s anti-cult struggle, marked by the

迄今为止，以取缔“法轮功”为标志的中国反邪教斗争已经走过了10多年历程，有很多值得总结的经验和需要思考的问题。从我国历史及其思想文化传承角度看，反邪教是文明之举；就现代社会发展而言，防范邪教滋生无论是对于政治稳定、经济发展、国家安全，还是对于社会和谐、文化进步，都有其实际的意义。思想界应该关注那些容易滋生邪教的思想观点和舆论，承担起推进社会文明进步的社会责任来。

I. Cults Are Rooted in the Shamanic Cultural Tradition, and the Struggle Against Cults Has a Long Historical Record

一、邪教植根在巫文化传统，反邪教有很长的历史记录

“Cult” (邪教) is a term unique to the Chinese linguistic system. It corresponds to “orthodox religion” (正教) and is its antithesis. However, in different historical periods and within different social entities, the objects and actual content to which it refers vary greatly. For example, in the antagonism between different sects, the label “cult” is often used to designate or denigrate the opposing side. But at the state level, “cult” mostly refers to secret organizations that engage in sorcery and trickery, spread fallacies to confuse the people, and harm society and the populace through gatherings and associations; some refer to groups that, under the banner of religion, engage in illegal and criminal activities. Therefore, in contemporary China, cults belong to the category of jurisprudence and are objects directly prohibited by law. They are not the same concept as the lawful religions in our country, which enjoy the freedom of religious belief stipulated in the Constitution. Some people, both domestically and internationally, deliberately conflate these two concepts, either using the name of religion to engage in cult activities or affixing the label of religion to cults. As a result, foreign hostile forces equate our country’s cults with religions, support them in causing trouble within our country, harbor defected cult leaders, and use them as tools of anti-China propaganda, thereby becoming a major scourge threatening social stability and national security. But as a phenomenon of ideology and culture, cults embody ignorance and backwardness, running counter to the historical process of science and civilization. They harm people’s physical and mental health and destroy the happiness and harmony of families. For this reason, they have drawn the attention of our ancestors throughout the ages, and up to the present day, people of ideals and integrity have continued the struggle against them without interruption.

“邪教”是汉语系统中特有的一个名词，它与“正教”对应，是“正教”的反面。但在不同的历史时期和不同的社会实体中，指谓的对象和实际内容差别极大，例如在不同宗派之间的对立中，往往即以邪教名目称谓或贬斥对方。但就国家层面言，“邪教”多指装神弄鬼，妖言惑众，以聚会结社危害社会和民众的秘密组织；有些是指打着宗教旗号，从事违法犯罪活动的社团。因此，在当代中国，邪教属于法学范畴，是法律直接禁止的对象，与我国的合法宗教，享有《宪法》规定的宗教信仰自由，不是一个概念。国内外有些人特别把这两个概念混为一谈，或者用宗教的名义做邪教的事，或者给邪教贴上宗教的标签，以至于国外敌对势力把我国的邪教等同于宗教，支持它们在我们国内捣乱，收容那些叛逃的邪教领袖，充当反华的工具，从而成为威胁社会稳定、国家安全的一大祸害。但就作为一种思想文化现象，邪教体现的是愚昧落后，与科学文明的历史进程是相背的；它对人的身心健康造成危害，破坏家庭的幸福和谐，所以曾经引起我们历代先辈的关注，一直到今天，与之斗争的志士仁人持续不断。

The belief forms of most cults are very similar to those of traditional folk beliefs. Folk beliefs have deep historical积淀 and a broad mass base. Once a cult forms within them, its spread is often extremely rapid. For instance, the emergence and outbreak of recent cults is a pernicious result of the mystification and organization of traditional qigong, leading to malignant expansion and ultimately taking the path of crime. Folk beliefs are a component of national culture, rich and diverse but intermingled with good and bad, requiring careful handling. How to achieve a lively national form and healthy life content, continuously transforming customs and creating the new out of the old, is a mass cultural work. However, in summary, most of them can be traced back to the origin of shamanism (巫).

多数邪教的信仰形式与传统上的民间信仰十分相近。民间信仰有深厚的历史积淀和广泛的群众基础，一旦在其中形成邪教，传播的速度往往风快。像近期邪教的生成和爆发，就是将传统气功神异化、组织化，以致恶性膨胀、走上犯罪道路的一个恶果。民间信仰是民族文化的组成部分，丰富多样而良莠交错，需要慎重对待；如何达到活泼的民族形式、健康的生活内容，不断地移风易俗、推陈出新，是一项群众性文化工作。然而总括起来，它们大都能追溯到“巫”的本源上。

Regarding the origin of Chinese culture, many scholars attribute it to shamanism. The characteristics of “shamanic” culture have two levels: First, the spirit of shamanism, which regards human initiative as a force capable of determining everything and driving everything. This gives rise to a national character of “relying on the self rather than others” and “man can conquer nature,” resulting in the absence of “creationism” and a “sole god” in religious concepts. All deities must submit to and serve human needs, making the creation, canonization, and even destruction of gods a cultural norm. Spontaneous atheism permeates all practical spheres of life. This is the primitive form of our country’s humanism, which holds that “people are the foundation” and “the people are the most precious.” Second, the magic arts of shamanism, which strive to use various artificial means to probe into various areas yet unknown, including foreseeing the future, controlling disasters, and achieving well-being—so-called seeking good fortune and avoiding misfortune, turning bad luck into good, even determining life and death, influencing national destiny, and reversing the course of events. This has given rise to divination, physiognomy, astrology, geomancy (feng shui), the analysis of birth dates and the eight characters, yin-yang and the five elements, incantations and curses, spirit possession and exorcism, and many other practices, endlessly proliferating.

关于中国文化的起源，不少学者归结为巫。“巫”文化的特质有两个层面：一是巫的精神，即把人的能动性视为可以决定一切、驱使一切的力量，由此形成“依自不依他”、“人定胜天”的民族性格，致使在宗教观念上没有“神创论”和“唯一神”的地位，一切神祇都需要服从和服务于人的需要，从而将造神、封神以至毁神当作文化的常态，自发的无神论贯彻于一切实际的生活领域，这是我国“人为本”、“民为贵”的人本主义的原始形态。二是巫的法术，力图采用各种人为的手段，探测种种尚未认识的领域，包括预见未来，控制灾难，实现福祉，所谓趋福避祸、逢凶化吉，以至决定生死、左右国运、扭转乾坤，由此造就了占卜、相面，望星象、看风水，讲生辰八字、阴阳五行，蛊惑诅咒、降神驱魔之类，种类繁多，层出不穷。

The spirit of shamanism is valuable, but it cannot infinitely magnify the energy of the human body, still less mystify it. The magic arts of shamanism are ignorant, yet they occupy a very large proportion of folk beliefs. Starting from the pre-Qin period, the mystification of the human body and the worship of magic arts merged into one, forming a unique method of seeking immortality and becoming immortals, prevalent among the powerful and wealthy classes. Concurrently, voices and forces questioning and opposing this method never ceased. This gave rise to two opposing currents of thought, profoundly influencing the direction of Chinese culture. In the long history of feudal society, there are at least two periods worth mentioning:

巫的精神是宝贵的，但不能把人体的能量无限放大，更不能神秘化。巫的法术是愚昧的，但在民间信仰中占有极大的比重。从先秦开始，对人体的神秘化和对法术的崇拜合二为一，形成一种求仙和成仙的独特法门，在权势和富有阶层中流行；与之并行，质疑和反对这种法门的声音和势力，也从未间断。由此形成两种对立的思潮，相当深刻地影响着中国文化的走向。在长期封建主义社会的历史上，至少有二次值得一说：

The first period can be traced back from the Warring States period to the Qin and Han dynasties, the inception of the “immortal arts.” Among them, King Wei of Qi, King Xuan of Qi, and King Zhao of Yan all sent people by sea to search for the three “fairy mountains” of Penglai, Fangzhang, and Yingzhou, as described by the fangshi (masters of esoteric arts). Qin Shi Huang trusted the fangshi and even sent several thousand boys and girls into the sea to seek immortals; heeding the words of the Confucian scholar Lu Sheng, he searched everywhere for magic mushrooms, rare medicines, and immortals, seeking the elixir of immortality. In the end, he discovered that all this was nothing but a series of deceptions, so he suppressed them resolutely, creating the historically famous “burning of books and burying of Confucian scholars alive” incident. [1]1 The “burning of books and burying of Confucian scholars alive” (焚书坑儒) refers to the suppression of intellectual dissent ordered by Qin Shi Huang in 213–212 BCE, in which historical records and philosophical texts were burned and 460 scholars were reportedly executed. Emperor Wu of Han himself was superstitious about various magic arts, keeping a large number of fangshi such as Li Shaojun, Dong Zhongjun, Shao Weng, and Luan Da. He used the methods of worshipping the stove god and the “grain-avoidance” technique to pray for blessings and longevity; he invented soul-summoning techniques to summon souls and restore forms; he built the Ganquan Palace, erected altars, and painted portraits of immortals, waiting for their descent. Of course, these many new tricks could only be deceptions; and the fangshi’s fates were no better—they were either killed or forced to flee.

第一次，可以上溯战国而至秦汉，是“神仙术”的发端期。其中齐威王、齐宣王、燕昭王都曾派人乘船出海寻找方士们所说的蓬莱、方丈、瀛洲这三座“仙山”。秦始皇信任方士，更发童男女数千人，入海求仙；听信儒生卢生之言，四处求芝奇药仙，寻找长生不死药。最后发现这一切不过是一场场骗局，于是就以坚决镇压了事，制造了历史上著名的“焚书坑儒”事件。汉武帝本人迷信各种巫术，豢养李少君、董仲君、少翁、栾大等一大批方士，用祠灶神、辟谷术，祈福增寿；发明招魂术，招魂返形；修建甘泉宫，设立祭台、绘制神仙画像，等待神仙降临。当然，这许多新增的花样，也只能是骗局；而方士们的下场也好不到哪里去，不是被杀，就得逃窜。

Sima Qian, in his Records of the Grand Historian, recorded the great achievements of Qin Shi Huang and Emperor Wu of Han for the development of our Chinese nation, while expressing extreme disdain for their superstitious pursuit of immortals and gods. However, he did not provide a summary from a cognitive perspective; apart from recording that the shamans were physically eliminated by administrative means, it seems that no one at the time stepped forward to explain the absurdity of the magic arts from a rational standpoint.

司马迁在《史记》里记述了秦皇、汉武为我中华民族发展立下的赫赫功勋，同时对他们迷信神仙，立志求仙成神的行径表示极度的不齿，但并没有从认识层面进行总结；除了记巫师们被行政手段加以肉体的消灭之外，似乎当时也没有人站出来对方术的荒诞从道理上说不。

The second period was at the end of the Eastern Han Dynasty and during the Three Kingdoms period. Its characteristic was the transformation of shamanic arts into “Daoist arts,” and the individual behavior between emperors and fangshi turned into a social movement. The famous Yellow Turban Uprising and peasant rebellions first raised the banner of “Dao” to rally and organize the people; various warlords also used the name of “Dao” to rise up in separatist wars. Thus, shamanic arts, i.e., Daoist arts, were also considered factors of social unrest. This understanding was particularly shared within the Cao Wei group, which strengthened its vigilance; but the strategy adopted was completely different from the single-minded killing of the Qin and Han dynasties.

第二次是在东汉末年三国时期：特色是巫术化为“道术”，帝王与方士之间的个人行为，转变一种社会运动。著名的黄巾起义、农民造反，首先打起“道”的旗号，用以号召和组织民众；各路诸侯也用“道”的名义纷起割据混战，于是巫术即道术也被认为是社会动荡不安的因素。这种认识特别在曹魏集团中有了共识，并对之加强了戒备；但采取的策略，与秦汉的单一诛杀完全不同。

According to the commentary on the “Biography of Hua Tuo” in the Records of the Three Kingdoms, Book of Wei, appended to Cao Pi’s Dianlun (Classical Discourses):

据《三国志•魏书•华佗传》注附曹丕《典论》中说：

“Xi Jian of Yingchuan could practice grain-avoidance and eat poria cocos. Gan Shi of Ganling was also skilled in breath control, appearing old but with a youthful complexion. Zuo Ci of Lujiang knew the techniques of replenishment and guidance. They all served as military officers. At first, when Xi Jian arrived, the market price of poria cocos suddenly increased several times. Li Tan, a court gentleman from Anping, studied his grain-avoidance, ate poria cocos, and drank cold water, resulting in severe diarrhea, nearly losing his life. Later, when Gan Shi came, everyone, without exception, craned their necks and looked around like owls and wolves, inhaling and exhaling. Dong Fen, a military advisor from Hongnong, practiced it excessively, causing his breath to stop, and it was a long time before he revived. When Zuo Ci arrived, they competed to receive his replenishment and guidance techniques, to the point that the eunuch Yan Jun went to learn from him—truly, eunuchs had no use for such arts. People’s following of the crowd reached such an extent.

“颍川郤俭能辟谷，饵茯苓。甘陵甘始亦善行气，老有少容。庐江左慈知补导之术。并为军吏。初，俭之至，市茯苓价暴数倍。议郎安平李覃学其辟谷，餐茯苓，饮寒水中泄痢，殆至殒命。后始来，众人无不鸱视狼顾，呼吸吐纳。军谋祭酒弘农董芬为之过差，气闭不通，良久乃苏。左慈到，又竞受其补导之术，至寺人严峻往从问受，阉竖真无事于斯术也。人之逐声，乃至于是。

During the Guanghe era, King Heping of Beihai also loved Daoist arts, believing himself to be an immortal. Sun Yong of Jinan studied under him as a youth and followed him to the capital. When King Heping died of illness, Sun Yong buried him in Dongtao, and presented him with over a hundred volumes of books and several bags of medicine. Later, a disciple named Xia Rong claimed that he had achieved ‘corpse liberation.’ Sun Yong regretted to this day not having taken his precious books and immortal medicine. Liu Xiang was deluded by the theories of the Hongbao, and Jun You was dazzled by the words of Zi Zheng. How could there be only one person in ancient and modern times who was foolish and mistaken!”

光和中，北海王和平亦好道术，自以当仙。济南孙邕少师之，从至京师。会和平病死，邕因葬之东陶，有书百余卷，药数囊，悉以送之。后弟子夏荣言其尸解。邕至今恨不取其宝书仙药。刘向惑于《鸿宝》之说，君游眩于子政之言，古今愚谬，岂唯一人哉!”

Cao Zhi also recorded this matter in his “Discourse on Debating the Dao.”

曹植在《辩道论》中也记载了这件事情。

From their records, it can be seen that the focus of these Daoist arts at that time was no longer seeking immortality from the external world, such as from high mountains and distant seas, or relying on external forces like immortals to achieve transcendence. The so-called three major methods—"abstaining from grains," "circulating breath," and "supplementing and guiding"—were all aimed at finding the path to "long life" within the human body itself, asserting that through one's own actions one could achieve the goals of dispelling illness, prolonging life, and attaining immortality. "Abstaining from grains" did not mean completely refraining from eating, but rather replacing grain consumption with "taking Poria cocos." "Circulating breath," or "guiding breath circulation," is quite similar to today's qigong. "Supplementing and guiding" refers to "the arts of the bedchamber." These three methods were precisely components of the earlier qigong craze, showing how ancient their origins are. So what were the actual effects? Cao Pi and his brothers personally conducted close observations, revealing that these alchemists indeed possessed a high capacity for deception, to the point that they could make deceived officials and literati become obsessed to an unreasonable degree. First, they "appeared youthful despite old age"; Cao Zhi also said they "all claimed to be three hundred years old," which established an extraordinary and divine image for themselves, inevitably inspiring reverence and awe. Second, the goals they proposed were extremely seductive, causing followers to blindly follow: "abstaining from grains" caused the market price of Poria cocos to skyrocket several times over, and improper consumption led to "some nearly losing their lives"; "circulating breath" had the highest rate of popularization, with "everyone craning their necks and puffing and panting," leading some to deviate from the correct practice, resulting in "blocked breath and inability to circulate"; and the appeal of "the arts of the bedchamber" was so great that even eunuchs and others with sexual dysfunction "went to seek instruction." Thus Cao Pi lamented: "People following the crowd—it goes this far." He specifically noted that if people indulged in such arts, they would lose their reason even in the face of the most blatant nonsense: Wang Heping of Beihai believed he was destined to become an immortal, "possessing over a hundred volumes of books and several bags of medicine"; Sun Yong of Jinan served him as a teacher; when Wang died of illness, Sun buried these books and medicine together with him; and one of Wang's disciples said that his teacher had not truly died but had undergone "corpse liberation," at which Sun deeply regretted: why had he not kept those precious books and immortal medicine for his own use?—A burial object that could not even save its owner's life, yet one still hoped to use them to become immortal. No wonder Cao Pi said: "Foolish and absurd, past and present—how could there be only one such person?"—Believing whatever one hears, foolish and absurd—this was the conclusion the Cao clan drew regarding the trend of superstitious Daoist arts becoming prevalent, and rational inference combined with actual investigation served as the basis for this judgment.

从他们的记载中可知，当时道术的重点，已经不是向高山远海等外界求仙或借仙人等外力成仙，此中所谓辟谷、行气、补导三大法门，都是着眼于从人体自身寻找“长生”的门路，认定通过人自身的作为就可以达到祛病延年、长寿成仙的目的。“辟谷”不是完全不吃东西，而是以“饵茯苓”取代吃谷物。“行气”或曰“行气导引”，相当今天的气功。“补导”即“房中之术”。此三者，正是我们前期气功热中的组成部分，可见其渊源何等久远。那么实际效果如何?曹丕兄弟亲自做了近距离的观察，揭示这类方士的确有很高的欺骗能力，以至能使受骗的官吏和文人痴迷到不可理喻的程度。首先是“老有少容”，曹植还说他们“悉号三百岁”，这就为他们自己树起了不同寻常的神异形象，由不得不叫人匍匐敬畏。复次，他们提出的上述目标具有极强的诱惑力，能致追随者盲目跟进：“辟谷”促使茯苓的市价暴涨数倍，食用不当者“殆至殒命”；“行气”的普及率最高，“众人无不鸱视狼顾，呼吸吐纳”，致使有人出偏，“气闭不通”；而“房中术”的吸引力竟使宦官阉人等性无能者也“往从问受”。于是曹丕感叹：“人之逐声，乃至于是”。他特别提到，人们若沉溺于此类法术，即使在最露骨的鬼话面前也会失去理智：北海王和平自以为当仙，“有书百余卷，药数囊”，济南孙邕师事之；及其病死，孙邕将这些书和药与之一起埋葬了；而和平的一位弟子，说其师不是真死，而是“尸解”，孙即异常后悔：当时为什么不把那些宝书和仙药留给自己用呢?——一个连自己的命都救不了的殉葬物，还想藉它们成仙，难怪曹丕要说：“古今愚谬，岂唯一人哉!”——听什么信什么，愚蠢而荒谬，这是曹氏集团对迷信道术能够成风的结论，而情理推断与实际考察则是作这一批语的依据。

Cao Zhi focused on explaining Cao Cao's policy for dealing with such "Daoist arts" from a political perspective: "There were alchemists in the world, and our king gathered them all... The reason he ultimately assembled them in the state of Wei was truly out of fear that such people would collude with villains to deceive the masses and practice evil to delude the people—how could it be that he wished to observe immortals on Yingzhou or seek Anqi on an island in the sea..." From such "minor matters," one can also see why Cao Cao was able to become an outstanding politician rather than a foolish ruler. As literati, the Cao clan regarded the alchemists' boasts with the attitude that "our family king, the crown prince, and my brothers and I all took them as jokes and did not believe them." As politicians, the Cao clan remained clear-headed: not only did they themselves never fall for it, but they also firmly isolated these alchemists from contact with the common people, preventing them from "deceiving the masses" and "deluding the people."

曹植侧重从政治视角对曹操应对此类“道术”的政策进行解释：“世有方士，吾王悉所招致……卒所以集之于魏国者，诚恐斯人之徒接奸宄以欺众，行妖慝以惑民，岂夫欲观神仙于瀛洲，求安期于海岛……”从这等“小事”也可以见到曹操之所以能成为杰出的政治家而非昏王的原因。作为文人的曹氏集团，对方士们的吹嘘，所谓“自家王与太子及余兄弟咸以为调笑，不信之矣。”而作为政治家的曹氏集团，则头脑冷静：不但自己绝不上当，而且坚决隔离他们与基层大众的接触，使其无法“欺众”“惑民”。

Mr. Lu Xun said: "China was originally a land of shamanic belief; since the Qin and Han dynasties, the doctrine of immortals and spirits flourished, and at the end of the Han, shamanic customs greatly expanded, and the way of ghosts grew ever more intense." [2]2 Lu Xun (1881–1936) was a leading Chinese writer and intellectual of the early 20th century, often regarded as the founder of modern Chinese literature. His *A Brief History of Chinese Fiction* is a foundational scholarly work on the development of Chinese fiction. How great a proportion this shamanic custom occupied in our traditional culture, and how it transformed from superstition or "jokes" into magnificent myths and legends, can be roughly seen by reading Mr. Lu Xun's *A Brief History of Chinese Fiction*.

鲁迅先生说：“中国本信巫，秦汉以来，神仙之说盛行，汉末又大畅巫风，而鬼道愈炽。”这种巫风曾经在我们的传统文化中占有多大比重，又如何由迷信或“调笑”而于其中转化成瑰丽的神话传说，读读先生的《中国小说史略》可见个大概。

After the Wei and Jin dynasties, the three teachings of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism stood in tripartite coexistence, but shamanic arts did not disappear as a result. They maintained inextricable links with Daoism and folk beliefs. The ruling groups of the state generally adopted two approaches toward them: if they did not seriously affect social order and regime stability, they were basically left alone and allowed to take their own course; once they endangered society and regime security, they would be banned and suppressed. Since the Song and Ming dynasties, this contradiction most notably transformed into a form of organization and struggle for oppressed peasants to resist the ruling group, thereby changing the nature of the struggle between shamanic arts and anti-shamanic arts and the criteria for evaluating them, although the ignorant nature of shamanic arts was fundamentally unchanged.

魏晋以后，儒释道三教鼎立共行，但巫术并未因此消失。它与道教和民间信仰仍保持着千丝万缕的联系。国家统治集团对它们大体采取两手：如果不严重影响社会秩序和政权稳定，基本上不闻不问，任其自流；一旦危害社会和政权安全，就会加以取缔和镇压。两宋以来，这种矛盾最显著地转化成被压迫的农民反抗统治集团的一种组织和斗争形式，从而使巫术和反巫术的斗争性质以及评价它们的尺度有了不同，尽管从根本上并未改变巫术的愚昧性质。

II. The "Psychical Research" Form of Modern Shamanic Arts and the "Science and Democracy" Connotation of Anti-Shamanic Arts

二、近代巫术的“灵学”形式和反巫术的“科学与民主”内涵

During the late Qing and early Republic periods, the state political system underwent drastic changes, and shamanic arts also flourished greatly. In intellectual circles, they took the form of "psychical research," reflecting the thoughts, sentiments, and political tendencies of feudal remnants, while anti-psychical research embodied the spirit of "science and democracy," connecting with the new cultural trend initiated by the May Fourth Movement. [3]3 The May Fourth Movement (1919) was an anti-imperialist, cultural, and political movement that sought to modernize China through the promotion of science, democracy, and vernacular literature, often seen as a watershed in modern Chinese history.

清末民初国家政体剧烈变化，巫术也随着大盛起来。它在知识界形成为“灵学”，反映着封建余孽的思想情绪和政治倾向，反灵学则蕴含着“科学与民主”精神，与“五四运动”开辟的新文化思潮相衔接。

"Psychical research" was a product of the combination of Western spiritualism and Chinese shamanic arts; spiritualism elevated the reputation of shamanic arts, while shamanic arts gave spiritualism a Chinese traditional form. This ideological struggle originated from an accidental event in 1916. That year, a book titled *Illustrated Explanation of the Three Thousand Great Thousand Worlds* by a ten-year-old child called a "child prodigy" was published, with the intention of denouncing the "materialists who created the theory of no Heaven, no God, no ghosts" and the trend that had "become widespread," making people "understand the great harm it causes, which will bring all living things on the globe to common destruction," and causing "all people under Heaven to revere and fear Heaven"—this child prodigy was vigorously promoted by the American Gilbert Reid, [4]4 Gilbert Reid (1857–1927) was an American missionary and sinologist who founded the International Institute of China in Shanghai and was known for his conservative and pro-monarchist views. and his fame spread across the country in no time; here, "Heaven" implied the meaning of God. In October 1917, Yu Fu and Lu Feikui of Zhonghua Book Company, along with other cultural figures, established the "Shengde Altar" and organized the "Psychical Research Society"; early the following year, the Shanghai Psychical Research Society was formally founded and published the *Psychical Research Journal*. In the same year, a Western "psychical research" group introduced from Japan also entered Shanghai. In Beijing, with royalist loyalists as the backbone, the "Wushan Society" was established, the "Guangshan Altar" was built, and the *Psychical Research Essentials* was published. This spurred a nationwide revival of sectarian societies, which to a considerable extent influenced the social and cultural atmosphere of the time.

“灵学”是西方唯灵论和中国巫术相结合的产物；唯灵论提升了巫术的声誉，巫术令唯灵论具备了中国传统的形式。这场思想斗争发端于1916年一个偶然事件。这年一个被称作“神童”的10岁孩童所著《三千大千世界图说》出版，用意在斥责“物质家创无天帝、鬼神之说”及其“靡然成风”的形势，让人们“知其贻害之大，将有使全球民物同归于尽者”，而令“天下人莫不敬天畏天”——这位神童由美国人李佳白大力吹捧，一时声遍全国，而此处的“天”即隐含God之意。1917年10月，中华书局的俞复与陆费逵等文化人设“胜德坛”，组织“灵学会”，次年初，上海灵学会正式成立，发刊《灵学丛志》。同年，由日本引进的西方“心灵学”团体也输入上海。北京则以皇党遗老为骨干，成立“悟善社”，建“广善坛”，出版《灵学要志》。由此带动了全国性会道门的振兴，在相当程度上左右着当时的社会和文化风气。

Among the techniques used this time, three were relatively novel: first, a "technology" introduced from the West: "spirit photography"; second, a "tradition" dating back to the Song dynasty: "planchette writing"; third, the ancient practice of "quiet sitting." These, combined with the newly imported "psychical research (including hypnotism)," together became the main forms of psychical research. As a result, psychical research's attitude toward science appeared quite bizarre: on the one hand, it waved the banner of science to highlight its fashionability and reliability, with the result that "science was dragged in here and there, mixed with ghost talk, making right and wrong unclear, and even science took on an air of the demonic"; on the fundamental side, it "hated science the most, because science can make principles clear, can make people's thinking clear, and does not allow muddling through, so it naturally became the enemy of those who talk about ghosts." ( *The Complete Works of Lu Xun* , Vol. 1, p. 298)

这次使用的法术，比较新颖的是三种，一是西方传入的“技术”：“灵魂摄影”；二是自宋代开始的“传统”：“扶乩”；三是古老的“静坐”。它们与新输入的“心灵学（包括催眠术）”联姻，共同成为灵学的主要形态。如此一来，灵学在对待科学的态度上就显得十分怪异：一方面打科学的旗，彰显它的时髦和可靠，结果是“把科学东拉西扯，羼进鬼话，弄得是非不明，连科学也带了妖气”；而根本方面，是“最恨科学，因为科学能教道理明白，能教人思路清楚，不许鬼混，所以自然而然的成了讲鬼话人的对头。”（《鲁迅全集》卷一第298页）

The representative figures who initiated and participated in this psychical research movement also fell into three categories: the first were new-style literati, such as Yu Fu, Lu Feikui, and Ding Fubao of the recently established Zhonghua Book Company; the second were bureaucrats and celebrities, such as former President Li Yuanhong and the British tutor of Puyi, Reginald Johnston; [5]5 Reginald Johnston (1874–1938) was a British diplomat and scholar who served as tutor to Puyi, the last emperor of China, from 1919 to 1924, and later wrote about his experiences. the third were leaders of sectarian societies, such as Peng Ruzun of the "Gate of Rites" of the "Tongshan Society." [6]6 The Tongshan Society was a major religious sectarian society in early 20th-century China, blending Confucian, Buddhist, Daoist, and folk elements, often associated with conservative and monarchist politics. Thus, the composition was complex, with followers spread across the country, often numbering in the millions. Among them, Yan Fu's support was particularly unexpected. Yan Fu was one of the early advanced figures who sought the truth of national salvation from the West; his translation and introduction of Thomas Huxley's *Evolution and Ethics* made outstanding contributions to enlightening the people's wisdom, but in his later years he became conservative. In 1915, he participated in the "Chou'an Society," [7]7 The Chou'an Society was a political organization founded in 1915 to support Yuan Shikai's attempt to restore the monarchy in China, with Yan Fu as one of its prominent members. supporting Yuan Shikai's restoration of the monarchy. Ideologically, he used his Western knowledge to prove that people could "leave the body and separate the soul," that the soul was immortal, and that "the great use of the human mind" meant thought was omnipotent, thereby providing support for the feudal superstition—the ignorant activities serving the restoration of the monarchy.

发起和参与这次灵学运动的代表人物，也有三类：一类是新式文人，如成立不久的中华书局老板俞复和陆费逵、丁福保等；一类是官僚名流，如曾任大总统的黎元洪和溥仪的师父英国人庄士敦等；第三类是会道门首领，如“同善社”的会首“礼门”彭汝尊等。因此成分复杂，信徒遍布全国，动辄以数百万计。其中严复的支持令人尤为意外。严复是最早向西方寻求救国真理的先进人物之一，译介赫胥黎的《天演论》，对启发民智功勋卓著，但晚年趋向保守，1915年参加“筹安会”，拥护袁世凯称帝，在思想上则用他的西方知识，证明人能“出神离魂”，灵魂不死；“人心大用”，意念万能，对当时的封建迷信——为复辟帝制效力的愚昧活动起了支撑作用。

From this, it can be seen that the commonality of psychical research was its hostility to science, its support for restoring the monarchy, and its subversion of the newly established Republic. The core concept was "saving the nation through ghosts and gods"; the slogan that best embodied the essence of psychical research was what Yu Fu said in the *Psychical Research Journal*: "If the doctrine of ghosts and gods is not promoted, the fate of the nation will be cut short." Advocating the "doctrine of ghosts and gods" became the most prominent hallmark of this cultural phenomenon.

据此可见灵学的共性，是仇视科学，复辟帝制，颠覆新建的民国。核心理念是“鬼神救国”，最能体现灵学精髓的口号是俞复在《灵学丛志》内说的：“鬼神之说不张，国家之命遂促”。鼓吹“鬼神之说”就成为这一文化现象最显著的标志。

As soon as spiritualism emerged, it was met with direct criticism from the pioneers of the May Fourth Movement. [8]8 Dazu County is located in Chongqing Municipality. The "child capable of distinguishing characters with his ears" refers to a reported case of "ear reading" (耳朵认字), a claimed paranormal ability that sparked a nationwide craze for "exceptional functions" (特异功能) in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Chen Duxiu, Li Dazhao, Lu Xun, Qian Xuantong, Chen Daqi, and others all published articles on the subject. Lu Xun, primarily from the standpoint of defending science, pointed out that the Confucian and Taoist gentlemen “have directly shifted all the evil consequences of their historical habit of simply making mischief and neglecting human affairs onto science, without asking what morality is or what science is, merely talking irresponsibly, spreading rumors and creating incidents; this makes the people even more confused and shrouds society in an atmosphere of evil.” Liu Bannong directly denounced the members of the Spiritualism Society as “wicked people” and “monsters.” Qian Xuantong called on young people to rise up and eliminate these nonsense-spouting demons. Chen Duxiu, in an article supporting the struggle of the *Xiangtan Daily* against the Tongshan Society, [9]9 The Fourth Research Institute of the Air Force was a research unit under the People's Liberation Army Air Force. called spiritualism “heretical teachings,” and exposed it politically, stating: “Those who believe in these heretical teachings are mostly the most corrupt and rotten elements in political and military circles,” and “these hetical teachings contain a restorationist function.” [10]10 "Ear-reading characters" (耳朵认字) refers to the claimed ability to identify characters or colors using the ears or other body parts, a prominent example of "extraordinary human body functions" promoted in the late 1970s and early 1980s in China. Relevant materials have been compiled by Professor Yu Guangyuan in his book *A Critique of the So-Called Human Body Extraordinary Functions*, allowing us to see more concentratedly the unambiguous and clear-cut stance of the May Fourth figures in defending the scientific spirit and the democratic system, as well as the enlightening role they played in promoting the progress of social civilization.

灵学一出笼，就遭到“五四运动”先驱们的直面抨击。陈独秀、李大钊、鲁迅、钱玄同、陈大齐等人都有文章发表。鲁迅主要从捍卫科学的角度指出，现在儒道诸公“径把历史上一味捣鬼、不治人事的恶果，都移到科学身上，也不问什么叫道德，怎样是科学，只是信口开河，造谣生事；使国人格外惑乱，社会上罩满了妖气”。刘半农直斥灵学会成员是“奸民”“妖孽”。钱玄同呼吁青年们起来，消灭这班胡说八道的妖魔。陈独秀则撰文支持《湘潭日报》与同善社的斗争，称灵学为“邪说”，特别从政治上揭露他们：“信奉邪说的大都是政界、军界极腐败不堪的分子”，“这些邪说——含有复辟作用。”有关材料，于光远教授汇集在他的《评所谓人体特异功能》一书中，让我们能够比较集中地看到“五四”人物在捍卫科学精神和民主体制上毫不含糊的鲜明立场和推动社会文明进步所起到的启蒙作用。

This wave of spiritualism, along with the accompanying activities of secret societies and religious sects, was severely dealt with during the Northern Expedition of the Great Revolution, [11]11 The Four Modernizations (四个现代化) were a set of national goals announced by Zhou Enlai in 1964 and revived by Deng Xiaoping in 1978, targeting the modernization of agriculture, industry, national defense, and science and technology. but its cleansing as a cultural phenomenon was far from sufficient. The New Culture movement’s denunciation and rejection of it involved more scorn than ideological analysis; the subsequent “Science and Metaphysics” debate [12]12 The "Three Nos" policy (三不方针) was an internal directive that prohibited introducing, promoting, or publishing either supportive or critical articles about "extraordinary functions" in the media, effectively silencing public debate. raised for the first time the important position of science in the outlook on life and moral construction, but its influence was very limited. Therefore, neither resolved the root problem of why sorcery and ghost theories possess such tenacious vitality. As late as 1931, when Xu Dishan wrote *A Study of Planchette Superstition*, he still lamented with pain: “In the past few decades, there have been many people who have received higher education, and one would think they should adopt a scientific attitude toward things. Yet there are quite a few such people who believe in planchette. This can only be a deep sigh for the future of scholarship.”

这次灵学以及伴同的会道门活动，在大革命北伐中受到严厉的打击，但作为一种文化现象的清理远远不够。新文化对它的斥责、唾弃多于思想分析；继之发生的“科学与玄学”论战，首次提出了科学在人生观和道德建设上的重要地位，但影响范围很小，所以都没有解决巫术—鬼神论为什么会具有如此顽强生命力的根源问题。直到1931年许地山撰《扶箕迷信的研究》仍痛心指出：“数十年来受过高等教育的人很多，对于事物好像应当持点科学态度，而此种人信扶箕底却很不少，可为学术前途发一浩叹”。

III. The Scientific Disguise of Traditional Sorcery and the Promotion of the Scientific Spirit — From the Great Tide of Human Body Science and Deified Qigong to the Formation and Collapse of the Cult “Falun

三、传统巫术的科学伪装和科学精神的张扬——从人体科学—神化气功大潮到邪教—“法轮功”的形成与溃败

History repeats itself in a striking manner. The latest upsurge of sorcery emerged in the early period of reform and opening up, and it also began with a child. In March 1979, a newspaper reported: "A child capable of distinguishing characters with his ears has been discovered in Dazu County." [8]8 Dazu County is located in Chongqing Municipality. The "child capable of distinguishing characters with his ears" refers to a reported case of "ear reading" (耳朵认字), a claimed paranormal ability that sparked a nationwide craze for "exceptional functions" (特异功能) in the late 1970s and early 1980s. As soon as the news broke, it spread like wildfire across the divine land, shaking all strata and all professions. First came the political circle: support and endorsement came from provincial- and ministerial-level Party and government officials, followed by theoretical authorities in the study of Marxism and Mao Zedong Thought, while the scientific community, viewing it as the latest "scientific revolution," played the greatest role in promoting it. What differed from previous instances was that it also proliferated within the science and technology system, the sports management system, and the cultural and educational system through state institutions and administrative staffing, with the mass media almost unanimously hyping it. Its activities also had their own characteristics of the times: first, it had a guiding theory, the so-called "Marxist view of man and heaven"; at the same time, it claimed to be a discipline that transcended and opposed modern science, naming it "human body science"; and because it asserted that the human body itself possesses infinite supernatural and miraculous powers, it was called "human body exceptional functions"; it was believed that its discovery and application would usher in a "second Renaissance" and mark humanity's entry into a "New Era." Second, it took traditional "qigong" as its vehicle, with the practical goals of dispelling illness, strengthening the body, achieving longevity, and becoming immortal, thus enjoying broad mass participation, ease of operation, and rapid, low-cost effectiveness without the need for medical treatment or medication. Third, its power was infinitely vast, capable of directly remotely controlling and influencing any object, whether human or thing; it could be used for military purposes, to resist natural disasters, foresee the future, and subdue enemies, thus also exerting influence in China's urgently needed scientific research and experimental fields, including military science. Fourth, it also claimed to be a mode of thinking beyond logical thinking, dialectical thinking, and imagistic thinking, dubbed "exceptional thinking," whereby wherever "intention" reached, "wishes would immediately come true." It therefore demanded that the existing education system must adapt to the need to develop "exceptional thinking," and thus campuses became experimental bases for exceptional functions, with children becoming the primary experimental subjects. According to statistics, by 1982, in less than three years, over a thousand "exceptional persons" had emerged nationwide, the vast majority being adolescents; 68 universities and over 30 research institutes were involved in developing and researching them. The earliest and most shocking case was that of a certain department head and professor at Peking University who conducted "universal experiments" on over 40 children of faculty and staff to develop "exceptional function" children, published in Shanghai's *Nature Magazine* around 1979 and 1980, followed by more than 10 universities nationwide. Based on this, the founder of human body science said: "The development of human potential will bring about enormous reforms to China's education system and methods"; "For China to establish itself as a nation, it must take the lead in intellectual development, which is linked to human body science, exceptional functions, and qigong"; "If the achievements of human body science are applied to the cultivation of people, we can find patterns from human exceptional functions and tap into human potential—not only can everyone become a sage, but everyone can become an 'immortal.'" A university teacher and writer outlined a "talent strategy" for our country: "Using exceptional function training for education and talent cultivation will produce a large number of highly intelligent and knowledgeable talents for the 21st century. By then, China will stand at the pinnacle of the world's intellectual forest."

历史出奇的重复，最新一次巫术的兴盛出现在改革开放初期，也是从一个孩子那里开端的。1979年3月某报报道：“大足县发现一个能用耳朵辨字的儿童”。消息一出，立即飞满神州大地，震动各个阶层、各种行业。首先是政界，扶植和支持之声来自省部级党政要员、接着是马克思主义毛泽东思想研究的理论权威，而科学界目之以最新的“科学革命”发挥的推广作用最大。与此前不同的，是它还以国家机构、行政编制的方式在科技系统、体育管理系统以及文化教育系统泛滥，大众媒体几乎一边倒地予以吹嘘。它的活动也有自己的时代特点：一是有指导性的理论，所谓“马克思主义人天观”；同时宣称这是一门超越和对立于近现代科学的学科，名之为“人体科学”；又因为它断定人体本身具备无穷无尽的超自然的神奇能力，所以称作“人体特异功能”；据认为，它的发现和运用将迎来“第二次文艺复兴”，是人类走入“新时代”的标志。二是以传统“气功”为载体，以祛病健身和长寿成仙为实用目的，所以具有很广泛的群众参与性、方便操作的易行性和无需看病吃药等快速廉价的有效性。三是它的威力无限广大，可以直接遥控和左右任何客体，不管是人或物；既可用之于军事、又能抗御自然灾害，预见未来，制服敌人，因此在我国急需的科学、包括军事科学在内的研究和实验领域也产生了影响。四，它还宣称，它是在逻辑思维、辩证思维和形象思维之外的另一种思维方式，号称“特异思维”，只要“意念”所至，立马“心想事成”，因此要求现行的教育制度必须适应开发“特异思维”的需要，于是校园就成了特异功能的实验基地，孩子则成了最主要的实验对象。据统计，迄于1982年，在不到三年时间里，全国涌现出的“特异人”就有上千个，绝大多数是青少年；卷入其中进行开发和研究的大学68所，科研院所30多个。最早带头，也最具震撼力的是北京大学某处长教授对40多名教职员工子女开发“特异功能”儿童作“普遍性实验”，在上海《自然杂志》的1979年和1980年前后发表，随之全国有10余所高校跟进。据此，人体科学创建者说：“人体潜力的开发，将对中国的教育制度，教育方法，带来巨大的改革”；“中国要立国，就要在智力开发上领先，这就联系到人体科学和特异功能、气功”；“如果把人体科学的成果运用到培养人的方面，就能从人体特异功能中找出规律，把人的潜力发掘出来——不仅是人皆可为圣贤，而是人人皆为‘神仙’了。”一位大学老师和作家为我们国家规划的“人才战略”是：“把特异功能训练用于教育和培养人才，将为21世纪培养出大量具有高度智慧和知识的人才，到那时，中国将立于世界智慧之林的巅峰。”

Similarly, this movement of "deified qigong" driven by "exceptional functions" faced skepticism from various quarters as soon as it emerged. The first to speak out were two scholars—educator Ye Shengtao and popular science writer Zhou Jianren. In May 1979, Ye Shengtao published an article criticizing "ear reading," stating: "The seriousness of the problem lies in the fact that some schools are actually having primary school students conduct experiments one by one to find those who can read with their ears. Please think about what kind of education such experiments are for primary school students! Yesterday I met Comrade Zhou Jianren, who is also concerned about this matter. He said that in the midst of the Four Modernizations, having such things happen is simply a disgrace to China—I earnestly implore the relevant comrades and units, as well as comrades and units engaged in similar work unrelated to this matter, to learn a lesson from this incident and be convinced that such reckless behavior is unacceptable. At the very least, one must learn some scientific knowledge and some materialism in order to do one's own work earnestly and solidly and contribute to the Four Modernizations."

同样，这一由“特异功能”带动起来的“神化气功”运动刚一露头就遭到各界的质疑。最早站出来说话的是两位学者——教育家叶圣陶和科普作家周建人。叶圣陶在1979年5月发表文章批评“耳朵认字”，说：“问题的严重还在于有的学校竟叫小学生一个个作实验，要从中找出能用耳朵听字的。请想想，这样的试验对小学生是什么样的教育!昨天遇见周建人同志，他也关注这件事。他说，在搞四化的今天却有这样的事，简直是丢中国的脸——我恳切祈求有关的同志和单位，以及虽与此事无关而干同类工作的同志和单位，能从这件事取得教训，确信这样胡搞是不行的，至少要学一点科学知识，学一点唯物主义，才能切切实实做好各自的本职工作，对四化有所贡献。”

A researcher at the Wuhan Institute of Physics of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, speaking as a mother, appealed to "save the children." In May 1979, addressing the testing of "exceptional children" also being conducted in Hubei, she said: "What distresses me is that this method is used to teach children to be deceitful. As a mother, I appeal, for the sake of protecting children's physical health, no longer place the spiritual shackles of 'ear reading' on these innocent children."

中国科学院武汉物理所一位科研人员以母亲的身份呼吁“救救孩子”，她于1979年5月针对湖北也在对“特异儿童”进行测试的做法说：“叫我难过的是，通过这种办法来教育孩子弄虚作假，作为一个母亲，我呼吁，为了保护儿童的身体健康，不要再给这些天真的孩子套上‘耳朵认字’的精神枷锁了”。

Thereafter, as exceptional functions rapidly expanded into the realms of science and education, more scholars publicly expressed opposition. Comrade Li Chang, then Chairman of the Presidium of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and concurrently Vice President of the University of Science and Technology of China (USTC), noting that USTC teachers had brought papers discussing "invisible persons" and "invisible worlds" as the university's representatives to the "Second National Symposium on Human Body Exceptional Functions" held in 1981, wrote a letter together with President Yan Jici, pointing out: "So-called 'human body exceptional functions' are entirely unscientific, and we at USTC should not have anyone engaging in them. However, not only are some people now engaging in them, but I hear that relevant university departments have even allocated funds to support them—in order to rectify academic conduct and uphold the university's reputation—we hope that USTC faculty, staff, and students will not conduct so-called 'human body exceptional functions' activities in the name of USTC. We hope—to defend USTC's fine academic tradition and, based on the principles of dialectical materialism, guide the entire university in conducting practical and realistic scientific research work."

此后，随着特异功能向科学与教育领地的急剧膨胀，有更多的学者公开表示反对。时任中国科学院主席团主席兼任中国科技大学副校长的李昌同志，有鉴于中国科技大学教师携带论述“无形人”、“无形世界”的论文作为该大学代表参加1981年召开的“全国第二届人体特异功能科学讨论会”，乃与校长严济慈一起写信指出：“所谓‘人体特异功能’完全是违反科学的，我们科技大学不要有人去搞。然而，现在不仅有人在搞，听说学校有关部门还拨款支持——为端正学风，维护校誉——希望科大的教师职工和同学不要以科大的名义搞所谓‘人体特异功能’的活动。希望——捍卫科大的优良学风，根据辩证唯物主义的原理，指导全校开展实事求是的科学研究工作。”

Zhou Peiyuan, President of Peking University, also publicly expressed his disapproval of universities and research institutes engaging in "extraordinary human body functions." He said: "I have seen some demonstrations of extraordinary functions — I do not believe in them; they violate the laws of nature. As for so-called mind-over-matter feats, I also doubt them. Some say these things can cure cancer, which is even more impossible. Because the mind is subjective, while the laws of nature are objective." As the then-President of the China Association for Science and Technology, he rejected the application of the "Research Association for Extraordinary Human Body Functions" to join the organization.

北京大学校长周培源对于大学和科研院所搞“人体特异功能”也公开表态不赞成。他说：“我看过一些特异功能表演——我是不相信的，这是违反自然规律的。还有什么意念作功，我也怀疑。有人说那些东西可以治癌，更是不可能的。因为意念是主观的，规律是客观的。”作为当时的中国科协主席，他拒绝了“人体特异功能研究会”入会的要求。

Psychologist Pan Shu, Director of the Institute of Psychology of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, said: "The Institute of Psychology of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, through rigorous experiments, has exposed that so-called extraordinary functions are pure fraud. The Fourth Research Institute of the Air Force [9]9 The Fourth Research Institute of the Air Force was a research unit under the People's Liberation Army Air Force. also, through their own repeated experiments and tests, convincingly pointed out that the so-called extraordinary functions of several well-known children in Beijing are nothing more than a kind of 'low-grade magic trick' involving peeking. It is evident that this kind of so-called extraordinary function is not a scientific fact and has no scientific basis."

心理学家、中科院心理所所长潘菽说：“中科院心理所曾通过周密的实验揭露了——所谓特异功能纯属弄虚作假。空军四所——也以他们自己的多次实验、测试令人信服地指出，北京几个有名的儿童的所谓特异功能都不过是一种偷看的‘低级魔术’。可见，这类所谓的特异功能并不是什么科学事实，也没有科学依据。”

Academician of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and physicist Ma Dayou said: "Things like 'ear-reading characters' [10]10 "Ear-reading characters" (耳朵认字) refers to the claimed ability to identify characters or colors using the ears or other body parts, a prominent example of "extraordinary human body functions" promoted in the late 1970s and early 1980s in China. were already being promoted over a hundred years ago. Engels abroad and Lu Xun in China both criticized them. I think the scientific community and scientists should not get involved in this matter. Some comrades who lead the direction of science have played a role, even vigorously promoting it, thus fueling this trend. I think we should now pay more attention to undertakings that have a direct impact on our country's Four Modernizations [11]11 The Four Modernizations (四个现代化) were a set of national goals announced by Zhou Enlai in 1964 and revived by Deng Xiaoping in 1978, targeting the modernization of agriculture, industry, national defense, and science and technology. and guide everyone's energy toward these; that is more important."

中科院院士、物理学家马大猷说：“‘耳朵认字’这类东西，一百多年前就有人搞了，外国的恩格斯，中国的鲁迅都批评过。我看科学界和科学家都不要介入这个事情。一些领导科学方向的同志起作用，甚至大力宣传，因而助长了这股风。我想现在应该更关心一些对我国四化建设有直接影响的事业，把大家的精力引导到这上面来，是更重要的。”

Nobel laureate Samuel C.C. Ting, at the "First International Chinese Physics Conference" held in Guangzhou in August 1995, expressed congratulations three times to Academician He Zuoxiu for his struggle against pseudoscience. He also said to overseas friends attending the conference: "Mr. He Zuoxiu has done something very meaningful, much more important than researching high-energy physics. High-energy physics studies localized problems, while opposing pseudoscience concerns the development of science and technology and relates to the issue of improving the quality of the nation."

诺贝尔奖金获得者丁肇中1995年8月在广州召开的“第一届国际华人物理大会”上，曾对何祚庥院士反对伪科学的斗争，三次表示祝贺。并对与会的海外朋友说：“何祚庥先生做了一件非常有意义的事，比研究高能物理重要得多。高能物理研究的是局部问题，反对伪科学涉及科学技术的发展，关系到提高民族素质的问题。”

Among these pertinent opinions, many were not publicly published, but they played an important role in curbing the harm caused by the development of "extraordinary functions" to young people and in upholding the correct direction of scientific and educational development.

在这类中肯的意见中，没有得到公开发表的更多，其对于抑制开发“特异功能”对青少年的伤害以及坚持科学和教育发展的正确方向，发挥了重要作用。

The initial response from the relevant Party and government departments was also timely and clear. As early as April 1979, the State Science and Technology Commission and the Chinese Academy of Sciences, using the "Letters and Visits Bulletin" format, published an investigation report from the Institute of Psychology of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and Sichuan Medical College on the fraud of ear-reading characters. Hu Yaobang, then head of the Propaganda Department of the CPC Central Committee, made two instructions: "All children performing such ugly tricks are not guilty. That the prefectural and county Party committees actually believed them, that the Party newspaper actually published it, that in the march towards the Four Modernizations such an absurd joke should actually appear, and from this one can infer that there must be things comparable to this joke on all fronts — how vigilant we must be! How hard we must work to connect with reality and solve some problems!" "Promoting such things is of no use or benefit to the Four Modernizations. China is still a backward country; promoting such things can only increase people's superstition and ideological confusion." The Propaganda Department's "Propaganda Trends" also issued a notice stating that "strange events that have not been scientifically verified should not be promoted," and, in response to the phenomenon of various localities competing to recommend and report on "extraordinary people," pointed out: "Some of our comrades love to seek novelty, even believing absurd and unfounded things to be true, and through their mouths and hands, they spread them to each other. This style of work is very bad. Let us jointly learn from this lesson and put an end to this kind of baseless propaganda." The People's Daily also, shortly after "ear-reading characters" emerged, published a series of signed articles criticizing the promotion of "extraordinary functions."

有关党政部门的最初反应也是及时的、鲜明的。就在1979年4月，国家科委、中国科学院用《信访简报》的方式，发表了中国科学院心理所和四川医学院的有关耳朵识字弄虚作假的调查报告，当时的中宣部部长胡耀邦分别做了两次批示：“所有表演这类丑戏的小孩都没有罪。地委、县委居然轻信，党报居然发表，在向四个现代化进军声中，居然出现这样荒谬绝伦的笑话，并由此推想各条战线上必然存在的能同这种笑话相媲美的事情，我们该要多么警惕啊!该要多么努力联系实际解决一些问题啊!”“宣传这类事情对四化没有一点用处、好处。中国还是一个落后的国家，宣传这类事只能增加人们的迷信和思想混乱。”中宣部《宣传动态》也发出了“未经科学鉴定的奇事不宜宣传”的通知，针对各地竞相推荐和报道“特异人”的现象指出：“我们有些同志爱好猎奇，哪怕是荒诞不经的事，也信以为真，而且通过他们的口、手，使之互相流传。这种作风很不好。让我们共同总结教训，杜绝这类的无稽宣传。”《人民日报》也在“耳朵认字”出笼不久，连续发表署名文章批评“特异功能”的宣传。

Yu Guangyuan, a senior Marxist theorist and then Vice-Chairman of the State Science and Technology Commission, became the standard-bearer in systematically opposing extraordinary functions. He not only organized follow-up investigations of "extraordinary people" but also criticized them from a philosophical perspective; this triggered a public debate with the founders of "human body science" and their theoretical representatives. The debate centered on whether extraordinary functions were real or fake, and whether the advocates relied on the "theory of practice" or subjective "empiricism." Such academic debate should have been beneficial for clarifying the truth and distinguishing right from wrong. However, after the Propaganda Department of the CPC Central Committee issued two notices in the first half of 1982 stating that "'ear-reading characters' and the like are not our research direction, and should not be introduced or promoted in newspapers and periodicals, nor should critical articles or news be published" — that is, after the so-called "Three Nos" policy [12]12 The "Three Nos" policy (三不方针) was an internal directive that prohibited introducing, promoting, or publishing either supportive or critical articles about "extraordinary functions" in the media, effectively silencing public debate. was handed down, the situation changed dramatically. In actual implementation, open critical voices were indeed suppressed, while, based on the theory of human body science, the deification of qigong accelerated rapidly. Replacing the children's wave, various "grandmasters" of different schools "emerged from the mountains," setting up schools, establishing their reputations, taking on disciples, and gathering followers, forming associations named after their "methods" across the north and south of the country. From small schools and government offices to cross-regional and cross-border organizations, they both inherited China's traditional form of secret societies (master-apprentice structure, patriarchal management) and adopted the model of Western new religious movements (cult leader autocracy, so-called charismatic groups), maintaining a sustained high incidence rate. Meanwhile, questioners and opponents could only exist in a semi-underground state, but there were those who conducted in-depth investigations and research, and those who confronted "high-skill masters" face-to-face. Although their voices were weak, they persisted unbroken.

资深的马克思主义理论家、时任国家科委副主任的于光远，则成了系统反对特异功能的旗手。他不仅组织了对“特异人”的跟踪考察，而且从哲学上做了批判；由此引发了与人体科学创建者及其理论代表的公开论辩。论辩集中在特异功能是真还是伪，倡导者依据的是“实践论”还是主观“经验论”?如此等等，这种学术性争辩对于搞清事情的真相、辨明是非应该说是有益的。但在1982年上半年中宣部两次发出通知：“‘耳朵认字’之类，不是我们的科研方向，在报刊上不要介绍和宣传，也不要发表批评文章和消息”，即被称为“三不”的方针下达之后，情况有了急剧的变化——在实际贯彻上，公开的批评声音当真是被压制下去了，而以人体科学之说为根据，神化气功则迅猛加速，替代儿童潮的各路“大师”纷纷“出山”，设点立万，收徒聚众，各自组成以“功法”为名的社团，遍布南北大地；小至学校、机关，大至跨地区、跨国界，既承接我国传统上会道门的组织形式（师徒结构，家长式管理），又接纳西方新宗教运动的模式（教主专断，所谓膜拜团体），一直呈持续的高发态势。而质疑者和反对者只能处在半地下状态，但深入调查研究者有之，直面“高功夫师”与之对质者有之，虽然声微，却始终延绵未断。

In 1988, at the initiative of the famous nuclear physicist Qian Sanqiang, the "Special Committee for Promoting the Alliance between Natural Sciences and Social Sciences" (abbreviated as the Two Sciences Alliance) was established within the China Association for Science and Technology. For the first time, it brought together scholars from the two sciences on a common platform, intending to exchange views on major academic and theoretical issues related to social development. This should be regarded as a far-sighted measure. It was subsequently chaired by Gong Yuzhi, Vice-President of the Central Party School of the CPC Central Committee, and Pan Jiazheng, an expert in water conservancy and hydropower and an academician of both the Chinese Academy of Sciences and the Chinese Academy of Engineering. In December 1994, the CPC Central Committee and the State Council issued the "Several Opinions on Strengthening the Popularization of Science and Technology." In response, the Two Sciences Alliance organized a forum on "Defending the Dignity of Science, Opposing Ignorance and Superstition," which became the main venue for ideological struggle against anti-science, pseudoscience, and various superstitions including the deification of qigong, as well as an important link connecting scholars from the two sciences. Although its membership was small, it played a pivotal role at the time. However, because its scope was too narrow, it could not curb the continued malignant expansion of the deification of qigong. Many people from academia, journalism, and the medical field raised differing opinions or even criticisms regarding the scientific nature of human body science and the efficacy of deified qigong. One newspaper even risked opening a special column to publish such views, but it immediately received a serious warning and had to stop and fold immediately.

1988年在著名的核物理学家钱三强倡议下，于中国科协内成立了“促进自然科学和社会科学联盟专门委员会”（简称两科联盟），首次将两科的一些学者联结在一个共同的平台上，拟就涉及社会发展的重大学术理论问题交换意见。应该说这是一项富有远见的举措；此后由中共中央党校副校长龚育之，水利水电专家、两院院士潘家铮先后主持。1994年12月，中共中央、国务院发布了《关于加强科学技术普及工作若干意见》，与之相应，“两科联盟”组织了“捍卫科学尊严，反对愚昧迷信”的论坛，成了同反科学、伪科学和包括神化气功在内的各色迷信进行思想斗争的主要场合，也是联系“两科”相关学者的重要纽带。尽管人数不多，在当时却起了中流砥柱的作用；也因为被范围得太小，并不能抵制住神化气功的继续恶性膨胀。有不少学术界和新闻界、医学界人士对人体科学的科学性和神化气功的功效性提出不同意见甚或批评，某报还一度冒险开辟专栏发表此等观点，但立即受到严重警告，不得不马上打住，偃旗息鼓。

Yet the vile and serious consequences finally erupted. The earliest "qigong masters" operated under the banner of the latest "science", most notably when *Guangming Daily* published in January 1987 a report on Tsinghua University's successful experiment showing that long-distance "external qi" had "produced an effect on the substances that constitute cells", and when in 1992 a certain master used the "remote viewing" technique from "a thousand li away" to command the successful launch of China's "Aoxing" satellite, thereby receiving a donation and award from a Hong Kong group, personally accepted by a leader of the Ministry of Aerospace Industry — these events had the greatest sensational impact, while their real purpose was to accumulate wealth, deceive for sex, and expand and consolidate their power.

然而那恶劣而严重的后果终于突发了。最先的“气功大师”是打最新“科学”招牌的，尤以《光明日报》在1987年1月发表了清华大学关于远距离“外气对构成细胞物质发生了作用”实验成功的报道，和1992年某大师在“千里之外”以“遥视”的法术指挥我国奥星发射成功以及因此得到香港某集团的捐款奖励并由航天部一位领导亲自接受，轰动效果最大，而他们的现实目的主要在敛财骗色，扩大和积蓄力量。1992年后出的“法轮功”则撇开科学的外衣，并标榜超越于一切宗教神迹之上，独把它的团体神圣化、教主神权化，在短短的数年内，就切入了政治诉求，不断制造事端，多处挑衅。它借口社会有些舆论对它的质疑，围攻相关报社、电视台、学校、刊物编辑部以至私人住宅，至1999年4月25日，一夜间就悄无声息地包围了作为国家神经中枢、中央政府所在地的中南海。它的信徒来自四面八方，同时在全国各地发起响应，其规模、声势，真的有把中国一时搞乱的模样——然而“法轮功”及其支持者过低地估计了人民群众的警觉和人民民主专政的实力。他们的活动早就处在群众自发的监控之下；即于同年7月，司法部门发布命令取缔“法轮功”，通缉其头目李洪志。最后的结果大家都清楚了：“法轮功”以及其他被中国取缔的邪教组织的头头们都由美国收容过去，豢养起来，成了专业反共反华捣乱的小丑。2000年，在群众性反邪教基础上，中国反邪教协会成立，庄逢甘院士义无反顾地承担起反邪教后续工作的领导来——预防和反对邪教的任务走向一个新的阶段。

IV. The Tendency of Christian Cultic Groups to Transform into Cults in the Post-Falun Gong Period, and the Era's Summons to Thinkers — A Scientific Atheist and Legal Response to the Sino-Christian Theology Movement and Underground Churches

四、后“法轮功”时期基督教膜拜团体转化为邪教的取向，以及时代对思想家的召唤——对于汉语基督教神学运动和地下教会之科学无神论与法学的应对

If we sum up the history of these more than 20 years, there are many lessons worth drawing. Whether it is the rise of "special abilities" as a new form of witchcraft or the sudden mutation of deified qigong into a cult, the scale of its spread, the length of its duration, the high educational level of the intellectuals involved, the prominence of the political figures implicated, and the amount of trouble it caused for society can all be described as unprecedented. Investigating the reasons, this is of course directly linked to the great transformation of the economic system and social structure that occurred during this period; how to resolve the many contradictions in the transformation of relations of production, safeguard the basic stability and fairness of the people's livelihood in terms of food, clothing, shelter, and transportation, and meet the people's material and spiritual needs remains the fundamental issue. Setting aside such overarching problems, the thinking in the humanities field was thrown into chaos: right and wrong became unclear, good and evil indistinguishable, honor and disgrace indiscernible, shaking the criteria of truth, the yardsticks of value, and the standards of moral evaluation originally recognized by our country. For example, in analyzing the root causes of the breeding of cults, there is a strong voice claiming that it was because "ultra-leftism" suppressed the development of legitimate religions, forcing people to choose cults; more recently, there has been a new variation: that legal religions are unpopular with believers, and only if the state abandons the legally managed "freedom of religion" can satisfaction be achieved; there is also another new argument: only if the Party and the state hand over "the responsibility for ethical and moral education and the supply of spiritual products" to "religion" can society have peace. Consequently, in terms of understanding, theism should be eternal, while atheism is equated with evil and should naturally have no successors. This leads to, in worldview, the prevalence of the theory of ghosts and gods; in values, the exaltation of "faith" alone; in moral outlook, the necessity of seeking salvation from religion. Among a group of cultural figures who control the discourse of "religious studies," they are repeating the claim that "if the theory of ghosts and gods is not promoted, the nation's fate will be hastened to its end"; with the assistance of the theoretical form of the so-called "religious market theory" promoted by the group that "eats off religion," this clamor has reached a fever pitch, while the theoretical response from academia has been virtually zero.

如果总结这20多年的历史，有许多教训值得吸取。不论就“特异功能”作为新巫术的勃起和神化气功向邪教之突变，其波及规模之大、持续时间之长，参与其中的知识分子文化水平之高和政治人物地位之显赫，以及给社会制造的麻烦之多，都可以称之为史无前例。究其原因，当然与这个时期发生的经济体制和社会结构的大转变有直接关联；如何解决生产关系变革中的诸多矛盾，维护民生衣食住行的基本稳定和公平，满足人民群众的物质生活和精神生活的需求，仍是根本之所系。撇开这类关乎全局的问题，是人文领域的思想被搅乱了，是非不清、善恶不明、荣辱莫辨，动摇了本来为我们国家公认的真理标准、价值尺度和道德评价。例如，在分析邪教得以滋生的根源上，就有一种强音表示，是因为“极左”压制正规的宗教得不到发展，才迫使人们去选择邪教；最近又有了更新的变调，是合法的宗教不受信徒欢迎，只有国家放弃依法管理的“宗教自由”，才能够得到满足；还有一种新论：只有党和国家把“伦理道德教育的责任和精神产品的供应”交给“宗教”，社会才有太平。于是在认识上，有神论应该万岁万万岁，无神论则等同邪恶，理应后继无人。由此导致在世界观上，鬼神论盛行；价值观上唯“信仰”崇高；道德观上必须求救于宗教。在一批掌握“宗教研究”话语权的文化人那里，正在复述着“鬼神之说不张，国家之命遂促”；在吃教群体的理论形式所谓“宗教市场论”的助力下，可谓甚嚣尘上，而学术界给予的理论反应，几乎等于零。

In reality, the destruction

实际上，“法轮功”被摧毁，只证实了人民群众对邪教的厌弃与警觉以及政府打击邪教的决心与能力，并没有消除邪教滋生的社会根源和它的思想依据，因此，邪教还会以其他各种名义和组织形式出现。后“法轮功”时期出现的第一种邪教形式，就是以“基督教”的名义组织起来的。它们在10余年中，也是大小不等、名目繁多地在城乡部落式的滋长，其社会恶行比之“法轮功”的层次更深，政治上的对抗倾向更加鲜明；它们酝酿和形成的摇篮与传统的巫术会道门有一个最显著的区别，是改换门庭，与我国基督教合法教会直接叫板的“地下教会”。尽管地下教会的问题比较复杂，他们之间成分和性质有所差异，但其作为邪教的最新温床则是相同的。

There are roughly three reasons why cults today wrap themselves in Christianity: first, Protestantism inherently has the characteristic of establishing independent factions that resist control—anyone can raise an arm and call out, proclaiming themselves a sect leader, forming their own church, and establishing their own unified system. This is a major internal factor enabling the rise of "new religious movements" in the West, splitting and weakening traditional churches, and it is inextricably linked to so-called "cult groups," easily connecting with the leader-worship found in traditional Chinese sorcery organizations. Second, and most importantly, Christianity is Western in nature, originally a "foreign religion"; it has a long history of being used by hegemonic states and colonialism as a key weapon for external aggression and expansion, interfering in other countries' internal affairs and overthrowing their governments. Today, the United States, as the pillar of the Christian world, uses its *International Religious Freedom Act of 1998* as a basis to vigorously export religious anarchism to China—politically pressuring our government, weakening our national sovereignty, and providing shelter for them to create disturbances; economically funding religious opposition, buying off believers, and promoting their expansion, thus becoming the protector and master of certain underground churches, who, like dogs relying on their master's power, act recklessly without fear. Third, correspondingly, the "Sino-Christian theology movement" has risen under the banner of "religion is culture," and its representative figures largely control the discourse in the academic field of religious studies, thereby influencing political circles and public opinion, opening channels for illegal underground churches to exist legally and expand arbitrarily.

当前邪教之所以用基督教包裹自身，大体有三个原因：一是基督新教本来就有各立山头，不受管束的特性，任何人都可以伸臂一呼，自成一派，自封教主，自组教会，自成一统；这是西方之所以能够兴起“新宗教运动”、分裂和削弱传统教会的一大内因，同所谓“膜拜团体”的界限难解难分，而与中国传统巫术组织中的教主崇拜极容易接轨。第二，最重要的原因是基督教的西方属性，本属“洋教”；它被霸权国家、殖民主义当作对外侵略扩张、干涉他国内政和颠覆他国政权的重要武器，有悠久的历史；当今作为基督教世界支柱的美国，以其《1998年国际宗教自由法案》为根据，向我国大力输出宗教无政府主义——政治上对我国政府施压，弱化我国家主权，为它们制造风波提供庇护；经济上资助宗教反对派，收买信徒，推动它们的扩张，因而成了某些地下教会的保护神和主子，狗仗人势，有恃无恐。第三，与此相应，是“汉语基督教神学运动”在“宗教是文化”旗下的兴起，它的代表人物在很大程度上操控着宗教学术领域的话语，以致影响着政界和舆论，为非法的地下教会打开合法存在和任意发展的渠道。

Compared to the attention the intellectual community has given to extraordinary powers, the deification of *qigong*, and their malignant transformation into cults, the level of concern and the voice of questioning regarding Christianity's unbridled cultural proselytism, the audacity of underground churches, and their malignant mutations are far weaker. This has allowed this force to advance almost unopposed, maneuvering freely, openly seeking to overturn all traditions, challenge the existing state system, and attack the "people-centered" value concept, all for the purpose of having "God" fully occupy China, filling the people's minds with the "Holy Spirit," colonizing contemporary China, and serving the "national security" of foreign countries. In the face of this force, our intellectual community has largely remained silent. What does this signify, what is brewing, and is it truly, as some have predicted, about to stir up a storm?

相比于特异功能、神化气功及其向邪教恶变之受到思想界的关切，对于基督教无遮拦的文化传教、地下教会的肆无忌惮及其向恶性突变，那关注的程度和质疑的声音，更加微弱。这使得这股势力几乎入于无人之境，纵横捭阖，公然要颠覆一切传统，挑战现行的国家制度，攻击“以人为本”的价值观念，为的是让“上帝”全盘占领中国，让“圣灵”充满人民的头脑，将当代中国殖民化，为外国的“国家安全”效力。对于这股势力，我们的思想界基本上保持沉默。这意味着什么，在酝酿着什么，当真如某些人预言的那样，是要制造一场风雨么?

We are optimistic. There may be differing views in the current intellectual circle on which path China should take. But to use ghosts and gods to save the world and govern the state, to stabilize society, to treat heaven as the place where people "settle down and get on with their pursuits," and to let hell bear the responsibility of maintaining morality — this is probably still far from the reality of today's China. Traditional witchcraft and theories of ghosts and gods have suffered repeated defeats; the collapse of Fal

我们是乐观的。中国应该走什么道路，现时的思想界大约有不同的认识。但要用鬼神救世理国，稳定社会，把天堂当作人的“安身立命”之处，让地狱承担起维系道德的职责来，大约离今天的中国还遥不可期。传统的巫术和鬼神论已经一败再败，“法轮功”的溃败是最新的证明，是否换一个“正教”的名目就灵起来了呢? 眼下“学界”红火的是抬举外国的鬼神，是否因为它们是西方的输出货，就会真的赢得中国市场，征服中国人的灵魂呢? 恐怕更难。当前的西方市场萎缩之甚，到美国转转看，你买回来的物美价廉的产品，十九是“made in china”。不是么，连“中国模式”也变成可以与“西方模式”抗衡的世界性品牌了，曷论其他!要想把中国转变为宗教国家，即使是基督教化中国，由此改变我国三千多年的人本主义传统，也比蚍蜉撼大树还难；中华民族不是畏缩在鬼神中安身立命的；而是在完善“衣食足”、“安居乐业”的世俗生活基础和关系“人性”论的思想探索中，在与自然灾害和外敌入侵的团结斗争中成长壮大起来的，是在创建人类美好理想的社会制度的实践中富裕繁荣起来的。所谓“神道设教”，鬼神不过是取决于人的创作，为人效劳的产品。“子不语怪力乱神”，是贯穿中国全部文化史的主流意识。科教兴国，发展生产力，民主法治建设，保障和改善国民生活，现代化之路不可逆转。前进道路上的问题确实很多，多到有些令人目不暇接，难以忍受。但每一类问题的出现及其合理地解决。就会印下社会向前进了一步的足迹，回首看30年，看60年，甚或看到1840年，中华民族创造的是什么样的近现代历史，从中可以发现什么样的逻辑，由此可以更清醒地认识到，我们的共和国是怎样一步步壮大起来的，“鬼神之说不张，国家之命遂促”何以只能成为一类历史垃圾。

Today, amid the surging tides of the era, dregs frequently rise to the surface, and imported foreign odds and ends mingle among them, appearing multicolored under the sunlight and also catching people's eyes. Freedom of speech and a cacophony of voices are themselves a reflection of the ruling Party's confidence, but some mistakenly believe they can be taken advantage of. To talk at length about ghosts and gods in the field of education, where religion is not permitted to enter — is this not going too far? In such a cultural atmosphere, especially when language is adeptly used to conceal or beautify their essence, thinkers — people with thought who are willing to think independently — must step forward to speak: strip away the disguise and restore the truth to the facts. "Faith" requires no proof and admits no doubt, hence the saying "infinite faith"; "ideals" need to be built on the basis of objective logic, encompassing questioning and exploration, and belong to rational choice. In the context of our ordinary language, faith can also refer to ideals that are no longer doubted, so there is no harm in it. But in the Christian context, faith is absolute, and the task of reason is precisely to prove the absoluteness of faith. In terms of linguistic accuracy, we need ideals, not faith. It can be said that without ideals there is no spirit of vigorous effort and bold enterprise, whereas faith often leads to blindness, obeying only creeds (dogmas) while lacking judgment of facts and the pursuit of truth. Our thinkers should take on the social responsibility of popularizing scientific knowledge and the scientific spirit, and eliminating superstition about ghosts and gods, so that no form of ghost-and-god theory can strut about in public, and so that scientific reason can emit the light of contemporary civilization. This task will be long-term and arduous; it is closely linked to raising the overall scientific and cultural quality of the people, and it is also an important connotation of implementing the Eight Honors and Eight Disgraces [13]13 The Eight Honors and Eight Disgraces (八荣八耻) is a set of moral guidelines proposed by Hu Jintao in 2006, intended to promote socialist virtues and combat social ills. and building the core socialist values; it is related both to building harmonious families and ensuring the healthy and comprehensive development of every individual, and it is an inherent requirement for maintaining social stability and national security.

而今在时代大潮的激荡中，沉滓频频泛起，泊来的洋杂碎夹杂其间，在朝阳映照下还显得五光十色，也在诱人耳目。言论自由，七嘴八舌，这本是执政党自信的反映，但有人误以为可欺，在宗教不容进入的教育领域也大谈其鬼神之学，岂不离谱太甚。在这样一种文化氛围下，尤其是在善于利用语言掩饰或美化它们的实质时，思想者——有思想、肯于独立思考的人士必须站出来讲话：剥去伪装，还事实以真相。“信仰”无需证明，不得怀疑，所以有“无限信仰”之说；“理想”需要建立在客观逻辑的基础上，包含质疑和探索，属理性的选择。在我们一般人的语境中，信仰也表示不再有怀疑的理想，所以并无不可。但在基督教语境中，信仰是绝对的，理性的任务就在证明信仰的绝对性。就语言的准确性而言，我们需要理想，不需要信仰。可以说，没有理想就没有奋发有为和勇于进取的精神，而信仰往往导向盲目，只服从信条（教条）而缺失对事实的判断和对真理的追求。我们的思想者，应当承担起普及科学知识和科学精神，破除鬼神迷信的社会责任来，让任何形式的鬼神论不得招摇过市，让科学理性发出当代文明之光。这一任务将是长期的，艰巨的，既与提高国民整体的科学文化素质紧密相联，又属落实八荣八耻、建设社会主义核心价值观的重要内涵；既与建设和谐家庭、保障每个人的健康全面发展有关，又是维护社会稳定和国家安全的应有之义。

In this regard, scientific atheism has always been at the forefront of academic debate and theoretical critique. Now it even more urgently requires systematic disciplinary construction as a necessary measure for improving the scientific quality of the entire people and establishing a materialist worldview. The judicial departments are the backbone of stabilizing society and maintaining national security; in the future, they even more need to possess persuasive power and the capacity for dialogue in legal theory, and to perfect the legal system of the people's democratic dictatorship.

在这其中，科学无神论一直走在学术论辩和理论批判的前列，现在更需要学科的系统建设，作为提高全民科学素质和树立唯物主义世界观的必要举措；司法部门是稳定社会和维护国家安全的中坚，今后更需要在法理上具备说服力和对话能力，完善人民民主专政的法学体系。

V. The Times Need Thinkers and Bearers of Social Responsibility

五、时代需要思想者和社会责任的担当者

In this anti-cult struggle, many well-known and unknown people of justice have emerged, making efforts and contributing their talents for this civilized undertaking. Academician Zhuang Fenggan [14]14 Zhuang Fenggan (庄逢甘, 1925–2010) was a Chinese aerodynamicist and aerospace engineer, an academician of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, and a leading figure in the China Anti-Cult Association. is just one of them. Starting from the strategic perspective that national strength requires high-quality talent, Mr. Zhuang pointed out: "This nation of ours, which once invented gunpowder and rockets, was nearly annihilated and its state destroyed by Western powers that had not invented gunpowder or rockets. This lesson is extremely bitter and profound. The reasons for this are very complex; one important reason is the prevalence of feudal superstition, which caused ignorant and unenlightened people to exist in large numbers and ignorant and unenlightened behavior to occur frequently." Therefore, Mr. Zhuang firmly and unequivocally opposed pseudoscience that uses the name of science to practice superstition. He was particularly praised for exposing the fraudulent acts of so-called "Master of Wisdom" and "Snowland Extraordinary Man" [15]15 "Master of Wisdom" (慧学大师) and "Snowland Extraordinary Man" (雪域奇人) are pseudonyms for individuals who claimed supernatural powers and were involved in fraudulent activities related to China's aerospace program. who fabricated false events in the aerospace industry and created sensational public opinion. When people still lacked sufficient understanding of the nature of cults, he raised the banner of anti-cult work, taking on the heavy responsibility of organizing and leading the work of the anti-cult association. He took the ancient maxim "When the righteous overcomes the evil, there is order and peace" [16]16 "When the righteous overcomes the evil, there is order and peace" (正胜邪则治而安) is a classical Chinese saying, often used to express the idea that justice prevailing over evil leads to social stability. [17 as his motto for anti-cult work, until the end of his life. Mr. Zhuang was not only a scientist and an expert in rockets and satellites, but also a thinker. He distinguished right from wrong, defended truth, and had the courage to take responsibility. In this era of rampant money worship and power, in a general environment where people are easily blinded by gain or hesitate and look around, it is not easy to maintain a clear mind and be a thinker who upholds truth and sows scientific civilization. He deserves the respect of all of us.

在这次反邪教斗争中曾涌现出许多知名和不知名的正义之士，为这一文明之举做出了努力，贡献了才能。庄逢甘院士只是其中的一位。庄先生从国家强盛，必须有高素质的人才战略出发，指出：“我们这个曾经发明火药、火箭的民族却险些被没有发明火药、火箭的西方列强灭种、灭邦。这个教训是极其惨痛和深刻的。这里的原因非常复杂，其中一个重要原因就是封建迷信盛行，致使愚昧无知的人大有所在，愚昧无知的行为频频发生”。所以庄先生坚定地、旗帜鲜明地反对假科学之名行迷信之实的伪科学，其中尤以揭露“慧学大师”、“雪域奇人”等人在航天事业中制造虚妄事件、轰动舆论的欺诈行为而为人称道。当人们对邪教的本质还缺乏足够认识时，他又举起反邪教的大旗，挑起组织和领导反邪教协会工作的重担。他以“正胜邪则治而安”的古训，作为自己反邪教工作的座右铭，直至生命的尽头。庄先生不但是科学家，是火箭、卫星方面的专家，而且也是思想者。他明辨是非，捍卫真理，勇于担当。在现下拜金和权势炽盛的年代，令人易于利令智昏或左顾右盼的大环境中，要保持清醒的头脑，做一个坚持真理，播种科学文明的思想者，并不容易，值得我们所有人的尊重。

A major characteristic of the post-Falun Gong [17]17 "Governing through divine instruction" (神道设教) is a classical Chinese concept referring to the use of religious or supernatural beliefs to guide and stabilize social order, often criticized by modern secular thinkers as a form of obscurantism. cults is their turn to the use of Western Christian resources, which inevitably brings new tasks for anti-cult work, and the situation may change accordingly. The main features of this type of cult are that the forces they rely on are both detached from Chinese tradition and opposed to the current social system: First, externally, they adapt to the international background of Western anti-China forces seeking to contain China, disrupt China, and change China's color, relying on foreign powers to enhance their own status. Second, domestically, there is the "Sino-Christian Theology Movement" [18]18 "Bringing order out of chaos in thought" (拨乱反正) is a Chinese political phrase originally used to describe the post-Cultural Revolution correction of ideological and policy errors under Deng Xiaoping; here it refers to the scholars' role in countering irrational and superstitious trends. and the theological support and academic preaching of its associated cultural figures. Third, they resist state management, confront legal churches, and are difficult to separate from underground churches. This has led to changes in the anti-cult situation: First, the issue of definition: under the same banner of Christianity, accurately distinguishing between legal and illegal has become the first difficulty, adding ambiguity to the scope of anti-cult work. Second, this type of cult uses commercial pyramid-selling methods of proselytizing, directly linked to material interests, and combined with frequent "testimony" gatherings, it promotes rapid spread and makes people more easily obsessed, increasing the complexity of the work. Third, cults under the banner of Christianity have a very strong exclusivity. Under the incitement to transcend the secular and despise national law, they most easily create religious segregation, religious discrimination, and even religious conflict among people, thereby endangering social harmony, national security, and cultural security, increasing the urgency and necessary foresight of anti-cult work. From this perspective, the vision of anti-cult work needs to be greatly expanded, the knowledge system needs to be constantly updated, and a constructive academic team with ideas urgently needs to be cultivated and grown, with long-term preparation and reserves, so as not to "embrace the Buddha's feet only when in trouble" [19].

后“法轮功”邪教的一大特征是转向对西方基督教资源的运用，由此必然带来反邪教的新任务，形势可能为之一变。这类邪教的主要特点在于它们凭借的力量既脱离中国的传统，又与当前的社会体制对立：第一，就外部看，它们适应西方反华势力遏制中国、捣乱中国、改变中国颜色的国际背景，挟洋自重；第二，就国内言，有“汉语基督教神学运动”及其系列文化人的神学支持和学术布道；第三，抗拒国家管理，对抗合法教会，与地下教会难以分离。由此导致反邪教的形势也有了变化：第一，定性问题：同在基督教旗下，准确区分合法与非法就成了第一难题，这为反邪教确定自己的工作范围增加了模糊性；第二，这类邪教采用商业传销式的传教方法，与利益直接挂钩，加上频频地“见证”性集会，促使传播的速度快而更易令人痴迷，增加了工作的复杂性；第三，打着基督教旗号的邪教具有很顽强的排他性，在超越世俗和蔑视国法的教唆下，最容易在人际间制造宗教隔离、宗教歧视以至宗教冲突，由此危及社会和谐、国家安全、文化安全，增加了反邪教的急迫性和必须的预见性。由此而言，反邪教的视野需要大幅度开拓，知识体系的应对需要不断更新，一支具有思想的建设性的学术队伍急需培养成长，以长期准备和储备，不能“临事抱佛脚”。

Of course, with the improvement of people's livelihoods and the stabilization of society, it is inevitable that cults will lose their soil for survival, and the task of anti-cult work will naturally exit the stage of the times. But for the present, active prevention is far better than passive crackdown. Historical experience has repeatedly proven that the key to prevention lies in the orientation of public opinion, and the sobriety of mainstream consciousness and the correct guidance of theory often play a decisive role. If one always expects ghosts and gods to save the nation, turns a deaf ear to scientific reason, or even feels antipathy toward it, indulging in "governing through divine instruction"[17]17 "Governing through divine instruction" (神道设教) is a classical Chinese concept referring to the use of religious or supernatural beliefs to guide and stabilize social order, often criticized by modern secular thinkers as a form of obscurantism. and currying favor with the talk of ghosts and gods, it is almost impossible to fundamentally defeat cults. Strategically speaking, making every effort to popularize scientific knowledge and the scientific spirit, using historical materialism and dialectical materialism, including scientific atheism, to educate the people, especially young people, thereby casting off superstition and ignorance, enlightening obscurantism, and universally raising the quality of the nation — this is the path to social stability and interpersonal harmony, and it is also a blessing for our nation and for every family. Causing people to be superstitious about ghosts and gods, using the vain talk of "ultimate concern" or "the afterlife" to unite popular sentiment, is to mislead the country and harm the people, to be spiritually decadent, and to be a precursor to turmoil.

当然，随着民生的改善、社会的稳定，邪教失去它的存活土壤是必然的，反邪教的任务自然也会退出时代舞台。但就目前而言，积极的防范远胜于被动的打击。历史经验一再证明，防范的关键在于社会舆论的导向，而主流意识的清醒和理论的正确引导，往往起决定性作用。若总是期望鬼神救国，对科学理性置若罔闻，甚或反感，迷恋“神道设教”，讨好鬼神之说，要从根本上战胜邪教几乎是不可能的。从战略上说，着力普及科学知识和科学精神，用唯物史观和唯物辩证法包括科学无神论去教育人民，尤其是青少年，从而摆脱愚昧迷信，启明蒙昧主义，普遍提高民族素质，这是社会稳定、人际和谐之道，也是我们民族之福，每个家庭之福。叫人迷信鬼神，用“终极关怀”或“来世”的妄谈去凝聚民心，是误国害民，是精神上的腐朽，是动乱的前兆。

It is precisely at such a moment that thinkers are especially needed. Older-generation scholars such as Zhuang Fenggan, Ren Jiyu, Yu Guangyuan, Gong Yuzhi, as well as Ye Shengtao and Zhou Jianren, stepped forward at critical moments; they played a role in bringing order out of chaos in thought.[18]18 "Bringing order out of chaos in thought" (拨乱反正) is a Chinese political phrase originally used to describe the post-Cultural Revolution correction of ideological and policy errors under Deng Xiaoping; here it refers to the scholars' role in countering irrational and superstitious trends. The contemporary era requires a large number of young people who are adept at learning, think independently, stand out from the crowd, face reality, and shoulder their responsibility to society.

正是在这样的时刻，特别需要思想者。像庄逢甘、任继愈、于光远、龚育之以及叶圣陶、周建人等老一代学者，是在关键时刻站出来的，他们起到了思想上拨乱反正的作用，当代更需要大量的年轻人善于学习，独立思考，脱颖而出，面对现实，担负起对社会的责任来。