The Formation of China’s Anti-Religion Theory: An Analysis of Anti-Religion Discourse in the 1920s

[Abstract] The 1920s were the formative period of China’s anti-religion theory; all subsequent anti-religion discourse in China can be traced back to this period. Yet in the 1920s, political discourse dominated speech, and in particular the theory of religion as an instrument of imperialist aggression drowned out other voices. To some extent, this was a critique wrapped in politics. Naturally, based on different understandings of religion and different interests, the anti-religion orientation of various social circles also showed considerable divergence. In addition, the intellectual resources used by the anti-religion movement included not only imports from abroad but also indigenous discourses spawned by China’s particular realities. These anti-religion discourses exerted a broad influence on China at the time and later.

【摘要】1920年代是中国反宗教理论的成型期，此后中国的反宗教话语都能追溯到这一时期，但在1920年代，政治话语占据了言说的主导，特别是宗教帝国主义侵略工具论掩盖着其他声音，从某种程度上而言，是一种政治包裹中的批判。当然基于不同的宗教认知与利益考虑，社会各界的反宗教取向也呈现出较大的差异。另外非宗教所用的思想资源除了外国输入外，也有中国特殊现实催生的本土话语，这些反宗教话语对当时以及后来的中国产生了广泛影响。

[Keywords] anti-religion movement; anti-Christian movement; nationalism; the 1920s

【关键词】非宗教运动 非基督教运动 民族主义 1920年代

In traditional China, different eras produced different anti-religious statements. After the onset of the modern period, with the intervention of Christianity and the eastward spread of various Western currents of thought, anti-religion theory became more diverse and complex. Yet the true formation of China’s anti-religion theory occurred in the 1920s, because in this period, while inheriting earlier anti-religion orientations, many new anti-religion theories emerged; they completed China’s anti-religion theory while exerting a tremendous influence on China thereafter. All subsequent anti-religion statements in China have remained within their scope, adding no new theoretical elements. Even in the successive religious trials after the founding of the People’s Republic of China, they were merely continuations of the anti-religion theories of the 1920s.

在传统中国，不同的时代都呈现出一些不同的反教言论，进入近代之后，由于基督教的介入及西方各种思潮的东来，反宗教理论更趋多元和复杂化。但中国反宗教理论的真正成型却是在1920年代，因为在这一时期，在承继过往反宗教取向的同时，产生了许多新的反教理论；在使中国的反宗教理论走向完整的同时，对此后的中国产生了巨大的影响；在此后，中国的反宗教言论都不出其范围，未能增添新的理论元素，即使在中华人民共和国成立后的历次宗教试炼中，也不过是1920年代反教理论的延续。

In China in the 1920s, the fate of religion underwent a severe interrogation and challenge. Driven by organized anti-religion and anti-Christian movements, religious criticism became a fashionable discourse occupying the center of people’s speech, attracting the participation of various intellectuals who held the power of discourse. Whether in conversation and debate or in books, newspapers, and magazines, religious criticism could be frequently encountered. This article focuses mainly on the level of discourse, conducting textual analysis of the discourse itself, exploring the value orientations of anti-religion discourse, examining the subjects who utilized anti-religion discourse and the differences in their utilization orientations, and tracing the sources of anti-religion intellectual resources and the shadow they cast on modern China.

1920年代的中国，宗教在中国的命运经历了一场严酷的拷问与挑战，因组织化的非宗教运动和非基督教运动的推动，宗教批判成为占据人们话语中心的一种时尚言说，吸引了各类掌握话语权的知识人的参与，无论是谈话论辩还是书报杂志，都能频繁地发现宗教批判的身影。本文主要聚焦在话语层面，对话语本身进行文本分析，探究反教话语的价值取向，考辩反教话语的利用主体及其在利用取向上的差异，追索反教思想资源的来源及其对近代中国留下的投影。

I. The Value Orientation of Anti-Religion Appeals

一、非宗教诉求的价值取向

In the historical picture of modern China, images of anti-religion can be frequently found. The emergence of a thought cannot be groundless; it must be an eruption of historical accumulation, a response to reality. In this respect, anti-religion in the modern period displayed a certain uniformity. Yet compared with the anti-religion of the Boxer Uprising and the period before it, the anti-religion of the 1920s presented a more complex face.

在近代中国的历史图像中，能频频发现反教的画面。一种思想的呈现不可能是空穴来风，它必然是历史积淀的爆发，是对现实展开的一种响应。在这一点上，近代以来的反教呈现出某种同一性。但是与义和团及其之前的反教相比，1920年代的反教呈现的面貌更为复杂。

In China in the 1920s, the New Culture Movement raised the banner of science and reason, gradually making them the center of people’s faith, while also arousing attention to and reflection on cultural issues. People’s minds and hearts underwent a comprehensive liberation, almost without their noticing. The May Fourth Movement [1]1 The May Fourth Movement (1919) was a patriotic, anti-imperialist, and anti-feudal protest that began with student demonstrations in Beijing and is considered a watershed in modern Chinese history. caused a surge of nationalism, making anti-imperialism the strongest voice of the era; the May Thirtieth Movement [2]2 The May Thirtieth Movement (1925) was a nationwide anti-imperialist movement sparked by the killing of Chinese workers by British police in Shanghai., the movement to reclaim educational rights, and the Northern Expedition [3]3 The Northern Expedition (1926–1928) was a military campaign led by the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party to overthrow the warlords and unify China. formed a continuous symphony of anti-imperialism. Moreover, when the copies of the English, French, and American revolutions and reforms failed one after another in China, the salvo of the October Revolution drew the attention of the Chinese people; Russia became the focus of emulation; the spread of Marxism and the rise of the Chinese Communist Party quietly changed China’s historical course… All the features of the era were reflected in the critical appeals of anti-religion. To some extent, anti-religion was a microcosm of the convergence of the era’s realities and currents of thought; the organizations “Anti-Religion League,” “Anti-Christian League,” and “Anti-Christian Student League” were precisely the result of the era’s call.

1920年代的中国，新文化运动竖起了科学理性的旗帜，使其逐渐占据了人们信仰的中心，同时也激起了人们对文化问题的关注与反思，人们的头脑与心灵在不知不觉中遭遇一种全面的解放。五四运动使民族主义风潮激涨，反帝成为时代最强音，五卅运动、收回教育权运动、北伐组成一组连绵起伏的反帝交响曲。此外，当英法美革命改良的翻版在中国相继失败之后，十月革命一声炮响吸引了国人的目光，俄国成为国人模仿的焦点，马克思主义的传播、中国共产党的崛起悄然地转变着中国的历史航向……时代的一切，都映现在非宗教的批判诉求中，某种程度上而言，非宗教是时代现实、思潮交汇的一个缩影，“非宗教同盟”、“非基督教同盟”、“非基督教学生同盟”的组织正是时代呼吁的结果。

1. The Participation of Nationalism — Opposing Imperialism

1.民族主义的参与——反对帝国主义

Among the various anti-religion voices, although people, to avoid being criticized for bias, took all religions as their target when denouncing religion, hatred of Christianity undoubtedly occupied the center. Christianity played the leading role in spurring the prevalence of anti-religion: “Christianity is one kind of religion; for the Chinese people, Christianity’s harm is even more severe than that of all other religions.” [4]4 Source citation as in original. Because of Christianity’s entanglement with imperialism, the anti-imperialist tide stirred up by nationalism made it impossible for Christianity to escape the judgment of doom; at the same time, opposing Christianity to oppose imperialism became an important part of anti-imperialism — the two reflected each other. In various anti-religion discourses, the breath of anti-imperialism was everywhere. The very term “anti-Christian” was a nationalist slogan. Because this discourse was used so frequently, I can only pick a few representative examples to briefly describe.

在各种反教的声音中，虽然国人在贬斥宗教时为避免偏见为人所诟而以一切宗教为对象，但对基督教的憎恨无疑占据其中心，基督教扮演催生反教盛行的主角，“基督教是宗教的一种，基督教对于中国人民，其为害之烈，更有甚于一切其他的宗教”①。由于基督教与帝国主义的纠缠，民族主义激起的反帝风潮使其难以逃脱末日审判的命运，同时通过反基督教去反对帝国主义就成为反帝的重要内容，二者交相映衬。在各种非宗教话语中，处处充斥着反帝的气息。“非基督教”提法本身就是一个民族主义的口号。由于这种话语使用频率过繁，所以我只能采摘几条有代表性者略述之。

Taking the World Student Christian Federation conference scheduled to be held at Tsinghua University on April 4, 1922, as the trigger, the Chinese people launched a grand anti-religion movement. Although the anti-religion voice sometimes rose and sometimes fell, it continued intermittently until the end of the 1920s. After a burst of activity in 1922, it surged to a new climax after the May Thirtieth Movement in 1925, and it was lively every year during the “Anti-Christian Movement Week” around Christmas. After the “Anti-Christian Student League” was founded in 1922, it published on March 15 in *The Vanguard* [5]5 *The Vanguard* (先驱) was a publication of the Chinese Communist Party’s Socialist Youth League. the “Open Telegram of the Anti-Christian Student League”: “The government and big merchants, in order to make it a vanguard of colonization, thus the Four Gospels, backed by the might of gold and iron, came to the Eastern land. Money enslaves us with material things; the Gospel enslaves us with spirit,” [6]6 Source citation as in original. recognizing that Christianity was a tool, a vanguard of aggression, a spiritual yoke enslaving the Chinese people. The most concise argument was the text in *The Guide* [7]7 *The Guide* (向导) was the official newspaper of the Chinese Communist Party, founded in 1922.: “Religion is, on the one hand, a kind of hypnotism used by imperialism to befuddle the people of the colonies; on the other hand, it is the exploration team and vanguard army of imperialism’s aggression against the colonies,” [8]8 Source citation as in original. which not only revealed Christianity’s direct political participation in China but also perceived the political significance hidden behind the spread of Christianity. By spiritually hypnotizing the people of the colonies, it made them unwilling to resist, thereby facilitating imperialism’s control over China. It was even raised to the level of “cultural aggression,” [9]9 The term “cultural aggression” (文化侵略) was used by Chinese intellectuals to describe the perceived imperialist use of Christian missions to undermine Chinese sovereignty and culture. recognizing that beyond political and economic aggression, imperialism also engaged in a more covert but more effective “cultural aggression”: “Besides using political aggression and economic aggression to carve up China, imperialism further uses Christian cultural aggression to narcotize the Chinese people, making them forever yield under the temptation of foreign godfathers, pastors, and Western missionaries without any resistance.” [10]10 Source citation as in original. It also saw the harm of this cultural aggression — becoming a slave to a foreign nation without even knowing it.

以1922年4月4日世界基督教学生同盟大会将在清华大学召开为导火索，国人开始宏大的反教运动。虽然反教的声音时强时弱，但也断断续续延续到了20年代末，在1922年火爆一阵后，在1925年五卅运动后又掀起新的高潮，在每年圣诞节前后的“非基运动周”都要热闹一阵。1922年“非基督教学生同盟”成立后，于3月15日在《先驱》上发表《非基督教学生同盟通电》：“政府巨商，以利其为殖民之先导，于是四福音书遂挟金铁之威，以临东土。金钱奴我以物质，福音奴我以精神”②，认识到基督教是侵略的一种工具、一个先锋，是奴役国人的精神枷锁。论说最精练的是《向导》上的文字：“宗教一方面是帝国主义昏迷殖民地民众的一种催眠术，另一方面又是帝国主义侵略殖民地之探险队，先锋军”③，不仅透露出基督教在中国直接的政治参与，也觉察到基督教传播背后隐含的政治意义，通过对殖民地民众的精神催眠，使其不思反抗，从而有利于帝国主义对中国的控制。甚至把它提到了“文化侵略”④的高度，认识到帝国主义在政治经济侵略之外还有更为隐蔽却更为有效的“文化侵略”，“帝国主义除了运用政治侵略，经济侵略以宰割中国外，更运用基督教文化侵略以麻醉中国人民，使其永远屈服于洋教父、牧师、西教士的诱惑之下而毫不发生反抗作用”⑤。并看到了这种文化侵略的危害性，在不知不觉中成为亡国奴而不知。

In combing through historical materials, almost all anti-religion texts are deeply marked by anti-imperialism. They are basically directed at Christianity; attacks on other religions are almost nowhere to be found. Clearly, politics weighed heavily here. Christianity, as an outsider, and its entanglement with imperialism doomed it to a bitter fate in China.

在史料的梳理中，几乎所有反教文字中都充斥着很深的反帝痕迹。基本上都是针对基督教的，而以其他宗教为攻击对象的几乎找不到踪影。可见，政治在其中占据的分量，基督教作为一个外来户，它与帝国主义的纠缠，注定了它在中国的悲苦命运。

2. The Pervasion of Class Consciousness — Opposing Class Oppression

2.阶级意识的弥漫——反对阶级压迫

Before Marxism entered China, conscious class consciousness among the Chinese people did not seem obvious. But after the October Revolution, as Marxism gradually gained broad recognition among the Chinese people, the term “class” became prominent in Chinese discourse and left a deep mark on modern history. People began to consciously use “class” to explain history and analyze reality. In the anti-religion discourse of the 1920s, religion was depicted as a tool of class oppression — this became an important charge against religion. Based on a class ideological stance, strengthening the connection between religion and class oppression was likewise an important part of anti-religion discourse.

在马克思主义走进中国之前，在国人的心灵中自觉的阶级意识似乎并不明显。但是十月革命后，随着马克思主义逐渐得到国人的广泛认同，“阶级”一词在中国的话语中得以突显，并在近代历史上划下了浓厚的痕迹，人们开始自觉地用“阶级”去解释历史，分析现实。在1920年代的反教话语中，宗教被描绘成阶级压迫的工具，这成为宗教背负的重要罪名，基于阶级的意识形态立场，强固宗教和阶级压迫的关联，同样是反教话语中重要的一部分。

The “Declaration of the Anti-Christian Student League” simultaneously published by the “Anti-Christian Student League” proclaimed: “On the one hand there is the plundering class, the oppressing class; on the other hand there is the plundered class, the oppressed class. And the present Christianity and the Christian church are precisely the evil spirits that ‘help the former plunder the latter, help the former oppress the latter.’”⑥ Thus it can be seen that at the very beginning of the anti-religion movement, the theory of religion as class oppression was an important anti-religion weapon. The opposition between the oppressing class and the oppressed class was readily invoked in the discursive choices of the speakers, and religion played the role of an instrument of oppression in the opposition between the two. In the subsequent deluge of anti-religion discourse, the shadow of the theory of class oppression flickered frequently. For example, the text of one anti-religion declaration read: “Use it (Christianity) to narcotize the working class of one’s own country, making them believe that the wealth and poverty of society come from divine will, and that they should not, through class struggle, destroy the existing social system.”⑦ The frequent appearance of the working class in the text reveals the influence of Marxism-Leninism. Such statements were not only pervasive in various declarations but also appeared frequently in ordinary anti-religion writings: “According to its (Christianity’s) doctrine, on the one hand it can narcotize the working class of one’s own country, making them believe that class disparity is ordained by God and cannot be reversed by humans, thereby easing class struggle.”⑧ Religion, as an instrument of class oppression, was widely criticized. It demanded that people dwell in the religious otherworld and forget the sufferings of reality, thereby benefiting class rule. This was indeed an important element in various anti-religion discourses.

“非基督教学生同盟”同时发表的《非基督教学生同盟宣言》宣称：“一方面有掠夺阶级，压迫阶级，他方面有被掠夺阶级，被压迫阶级。而现在的基督教及基督教会，就是‘帮助前者掠夺后者，帮助前者压迫后者’的恶魔”⑥。可见在非宗教的初始，宗教阶级压迫论就是重要的反教武器，压迫阶级和被压迫阶级之间的对立在言说者的话语选择中是随手拈来，而宗教在二者之间的对立中扮演着压迫工具的角色。在随后铺天盖地的反教话语中，更是频繁地晃动着阶级压迫论身影，如一篇反教宣言的文字：“用它(基督教)麻醉本国的工人阶级，使信社会之贫富出于神意，不应以阶级之争，破坏现社会制度”⑦。文字中工人阶级频繁出现，可见马列的影响。这样的语句不仅充斥在各种宣言中，而且在一般的反教文字中也频繁现身：“本它(基督教)的教义，一则可以麻醉本国的工人阶级，使他们相信，阶级的悬殊，是上帝安排而定，人们不可挽回，而阶级斗争因以缓和”⑧。宗教作为阶级压迫的工具受到人们广泛地批判，它要人们停驻在宗教的彼岸而忘却现实的苦难，从而有利于阶级统治，这在各种反教话语中实为重要内容。

From the materials above, it can be seen that the class consciousness revealed by the theory of religion as an instrument of class oppression was already very pronounced, bearing deep imprints of Marxism-Leninism. This reveals from one angle that class concepts had already gained a certain degree of acceptance in 1920s China, and that Marxism-Leninism had become a fashionable language that could not be ignored. It is noteworthy that the anti-religion movement was basically directed against Christianity. Apart from Christianity being a foreign religion, this was more likely the result of Marxist-Leninist influence, because the class conflict between the Chinese bourgeoisie and proletariat was not as pronounced as in the West.

从上面的资料可见，宗教阶级压迫工具论显示出的阶级意识已经非常浓厚，且有很深的马打印记，这从一个侧面透露出阶级观念在1920年代的中国已有一定的接受面，同时马列主义已是一种不可忽视的时髦语言。值得注意的是反教基本上是针对基督教的，这除了基督教是外来户外，更多可能是马列影响的结果，因为中国资产阶级和无产阶级的阶级冲突并不像西方那样突出。

3. The Censure of Scientific Rationality — Opposing Superstition and Ignorance

3.科学理性的责难——反对迷信愚昧

At a time when the authority of science and rationality was being questioned and challenged in the West, in China it was gradually establishing its own authority, receiving widespread recognition and reverence. Once the Chinese people had a preliminary grasp of the spirit of scientific rationality, they began to use it as a weapon to throw themselves into the torrent of anti-religion. Thus, scientific rationality became an important intellectual resource available for opposing religion. Using scientific rationality as the basis for judging religion was likewise a fashion.

当科学、理性的权威在西方受到质疑与追问的时候，在中国，却逐渐树立了自己的权威，受到广泛的认同与尊崇。当国人初步领略科学理性的精神之后，就开始以之为武器投入到非宗教的洪流中去，因而科学理性就成为反宗教的一种可资利用的重要的思想资源。用科学理性为基点审判宗教，同样是一种时尚。

The declaration issued by the “Anti-Religion League” stated: “The laughable religion is incompatible with scientific truth.”⑨ Thus, the contradiction between religion and science was an important reason for the Chinese people’s opposition to religion. Things on the opposite side of science were all lumped into the category of the unscientific and refuted. Moreover, it was believed that in the scientific age, religion was already obsolete and had no reason for existence: “In the era of modern science, it has been proven that religion is an outdated relic, tinged with the odor of superstition. Is Christianity not a religion? Why is it that we, the youth who are called the intellectual class, on the one hand oppose old ladies worshiping Guanyin [11]11 Guanyin (观音) is a bodhisattva widely venerated in East Asian Buddhism, often associated with compassion and mercy; in popular Chinese religion, she is frequently worshipped in household and temple settings., mocking them for being superstitious and not being people of the twentieth century, yet on the other hand regard those who have entered Christianity as supremely noble figures and boast about it?”⑩ Religion was equated with superstition; religion was superstition. Science and superstition were natural enemies, and in 1920s China, superstition was also garbage urgently awaiting disposal in the garbage heap of history. This was another important reason for the Chinese people’s opposition to religion.

“非宗教同盟”发表的宣言称：“好笑的宗教，与科学真理既不相容”⑨，可见宗教与科学相悖是国人反教的一个重要原因，科学反面的东西都被?{入了非科学的行列而加以批驳。并且认为，科学时代宗教已经过时，没有了存在的理由，“在现代科学的时期，已证明宗教是一种过时的陈物，带有迷信的气味，基督教难道不是宗教吗?为什么我们一般号为智识阶级的青年们，一边反对老太太拜菩萨?，嘲伊们是迷信，不是二十世纪的人物，而一边却又视进了基督教是在高无上的人物而自夸呢?”⑩把宗教和迷信等同，宗教就是迷信，而科学和迷信是一对天敌，迷信在1920年代的中国也是急待扫进历史垃圾堆的垃圾，这也是国人非宗教的重要理由。

In an era of the glorification of science and rationality, when the Chinese people used science and rationality to judge everything, religion, as the antithesis of science, naturally could not escape the fate of being vilified. Religion was considered an obstacle to the development of science. Opposing religion from the standpoint of scientific rationality was an inevitability of the times. This orientation of anti-religion occupied a very high proportion in anti-religion discourse, and Christianity was likewise the main target in this critique.

在科学、理性张扬的时代，当国人用科学和理性去审判一切的时候，作为科学对立面的宗教自然难逃被诋毁的命运，宗教被认为是科学展开的障碍，站在科学理性的立场反宗教是时代的必然。这种反宗教的取向在非宗教话语中所占比例非常高，基督教同样在这场批判中是主要的靶子。

4. The Desire for Individual Freedom — Opposing Physical and Mental Oppression

4.个体自由的欲求——反对身心摧残

The 1920s was an era of ideological liberation, where the value and desires of the individual self received attention and glorification. All systems and ideas that hindered individual liberation were confronted and attacked. Similarly, religion was depicted as a poison that shackled the spirit, encountering criticism and rejection. Some writings directed the edge of critique at religion from the standpoint of physical and mental freedom.

1920年代是个思想解放的时代，个体自我的价值与欲求得到关注与张扬。所有有碍个性解放的东西——制度、思想——都受到人们的正视与攻击，同样宗教也被描绘成桎梏性灵的毒物遭遇批判与排拒，有一些文字从身心自由的立场把批判的锋芒指向了宗教。

For example, the text of Yu Jiaju [12]12 Yu Jiaju (余家菊, 1898–1976) was a Chinese educator and philosopher, associated with the Nationalist intellectual current and a critic of Christianity. stated: “As for Christianity, morning and evening, never leaving God, never leaving ‘my Father,’ its shackling of the human heart, its crushing of the human heart, its corrupting of the human heart, is even more severe than all other religions. This is also the reason why Christianity is rejected by us.”(11) Thus, he believed that Christians lived their entire lives under the atmosphere of religion, controlled by it, with their bodies and minds oppressed. Cai Yuanpei [13]13 Cai Yuanpei (蔡元培, 1868–1940) was a prominent Chinese educator, reformer, and intellectual, known for his advocacy of academic freedom and secularism, and served as president of Peking University. even elevated the intrusion of religion to the level of a violation of human rights: “All present-day religions adhere to outdated doctrines, using bizarre rituals and exaggerated propaganda to arouse the blind faith of ignorant people, thereby maintaining the livelihood of missionaries. This is entirely an external force intruding into the spiritual realm of people, and can be regarded as a violation of human rights.”(12) Religion, as a form of spiritual control, was undoubtedly an enemy of spiritual freedom and individual liberation.

如余家菊的文字：“若夫基督教，朝朝夕夕，不离上帝，不离我父，其梏桎人心，推残人心，堕落人心，更烈为其他一切宗教，此亦基督教为吾人力排之因。”(11)可见他认为基督教徒整天在宗教氛围下生活，受其控制，身心受到摧残。蔡元培更是把宗教侵入提到侵犯人权的地步：“现今各种宗教都是拘离着陈腐主义，用鬼诞的仪式夸张的宣传，引起无知识人盲从的信仰，来维持传教人的生活，完全是由外力侵入人的精神界，可算是侵犯人权的。”(12)宗教作为一种精神上的控制，无疑是心灵自由、个体解放的敌人。

The frequently seen “narcosis theory” (religion plays a narcotizing role) and “opium theory” (religion is the opium of the people) in anti-religion discourse actually also recognized the great harm of religion in controlling people’s spirits.

在反教话语频繁可见的“麻醉论”(宗教起麻醉作用)、“鸦片论”(宗教是人民的鸦片)，实际上也是看到了宗教在人的精神控制上的巨大危害。

In summary, the main orientations of anti-religion discourse in the 1920s were fourfold: first, the view that religion was an instrument of national oppression — a tool for colonizers to plunder and enslave colonized peoples; second, the view that religion was an instrument of class oppression — a tool for the ruling class to exploit the ruled class; third, standing on the standpoint of scientific rationality, pointing to religion as superstition, an enemy hindering China’s progress; fourth, focusing on physical and mental freedom, pointing to religion as oppressing the human spirit, detrimental to individual liberation. Of course, the positions occupied by these four orientations in anti-religion discourse differed, presenting an unbalanced state.

总之，1920年代反教话语的主要取向有四种：一是认为宗教是民族压迫——殖民者掠夺奴役被殖民地人民的工具：二是认为宗教是阶级压迫——统治阶级剥削被统治阶级的工具：三是站在科学理性的立场，指宗教为迷信，是阻碍中国进步的敌人：四是从身心自由上着眼，指宗教摧残人的心灵，不利于人的个性解放。当然四种取向在非宗教话语中所占的位置是有差异的，呈现出不平衡状态。

II. Discursive Utilization: An Analysis of the Subjects of Anti-Religion Critique

二、话语利用：非宗教批判主体分析

The scale of religious critique in the 1920s was enormous, with people from all walks of life participating in this performance of critique. Among them, young students, the Communist Party of China and the closely connected Chinese Socialist Youth League, some members of the Kuomintang, and some members of the intermediate intellectual circles together formed the backbone of this contingent. However, based on different standpoints, different religious cognitions, and different interests, various sectors of society exhibited considerable differences in their value orientations toward opposing religion.

1920年代的宗教批判规模庞大，各界人士都参与了这场批判的表演，其中青年学生、中国共产党及与其紧密连接的中国社会主义青年团、部分国民党、中间知识界部分人士一起构成了这支队伍的主干。但是，基于不同的立场、不同的宗教认知、不同的利益考虑，社会各界在反教的价值取向上呈现出较大的差异。

Young students had the loudest voice in the anti-religion movement. They were the authors, recipients, and propagandists of many anti-religion articles. The passion of youth drove them not to confine anti-religion to words but to put it into action. Besides the establishment of the headquarters of the “Anti-Christian Student League,” anti-Christian student organizations were established all over the country. Undoubtedly, they were the main force of the anti-religion movement. In their discursive expressions of anti-religion, traces of all four orientations summarized above could be found. Often, the theory of national plunder and the theory of class oppression were intertwined: “First, use it to narcotize the working class of one’s own country, making them believe that the wealth and poverty of society come from divine will, and that they should not, through class struggle, destroy the existing social system; second, use it to narcotize the people of conquered colonies and semi-colonies, making them believe that their warships and armies come to deliver God’s gospel, education, and all culture, not to plunder money, making them forever grateful and obedient, not daring to resist.”(13) Of course, even among the youth, it was difficult to hear a unified voice. Young people also exhibited differences due to the influence of different ideologies and identifications. However, driven by national consciousness and nurtured by the New Culture Movement [14]14 The New Culture Movement (新文化运动, c. 1915–1920s) was a Chinese intellectual and cultural movement that promoted modern values such as science, democracy, and individualism, while challenging traditional Confucian and religious authorities., the views that religion was the vanguard of imperialism softening the Chinese people, the stance of using scientific rationality to censure religion, and the treatment of religion as a poison harmful to physical and mental freedom were their common ground. The view that religion was an instrument of class oppression was perhaps more prominent among students influenced by the Communist Party of China. The Chinese Socialist Youth League was very active in the “Anti-Christian Movement”(14), mastering a large part of the discursive power of anti-religion expression, and exerting a significant influence on other anti-religion groups.

青年学生在反教中声音最为响亮，他们是许多反教文章的作者、接受者及宣传者。年轻的激情促使他们没有将反教仅仅停留在言语上，更付诸于行动，除了“非基督教学生同盟”总部的建立外，全国各地都纷纷成立了非基督教学生组织。毫无疑问，他们是非宗教运动的主力军。在他们非宗教的话语表述中，以上归?{的四种取向都能发现踪影，往往民族掠夺论和阶级压迫论相交织，“第一，用它麻醉本国的工人阶级，使信社会之贫富出于神意，不应以阶级之争，破坏现社会制度；第二，用它麻醉被征服的殖民地、半殖民地的民众，使信他们的兵舰、军队是为了?赠送上帝的福音，赠送教育及一切文化而来，不为抢劫金钱而来，使对他们永远感恩戴德，不思反抗。”(13)当然，即使在青年那里也难以听到异口同声的言说，青年人也因不同思想影响和认同而呈现出差异。不过，由于民族意识的驱使以及新文化运动的熏陶，认为宗教是帝国主义软化国人的先锋、站在科学理性立场去责难宗教以及把宗教当作一种有碍身心自由的毒物是其共识，只是认宗教是阶级压迫的工具可能在中国共产党影响下的学生那里表现突出一些，中国社会主义青年团在“非基督教运动”中表现十分活跃(14)，掌握了很大一部分非宗教话语表述权，对其他非宗教群体产生了很大影响。

Next is the Chinese Communist Party. The CCP directly guided the “Anti-Christian Movement” and provided it with public opinion orientation and theoretical preparation; many of its members directly participated in the critique of religion and also occupied important positions in the anti-religion leagues. In terms of the orientation of opposing religion, the CCP struck on all fronts, wielding all four orientations with ease. For example, Qu Qiubai’s text: “The ruling class uses it to intimidate the ruled class, to make them docile, to suppress their emotions and will, so as to drive them… The bourgeoisie uses these religious beliefs and church propaganda to blind the masses, to dull their revolutionary fervor”[15]15 Qu Qiubai (1899–1935), a leading early CCP intellectual and theorist, later served as General Secretary of the CCP., criticizing religion from a class standpoint as a tool of class oppression; the theory of religion as a tool of class oppression was expressed most clearly and deeply within the CCP. Yun Daiying’s description, on the other hand, reveals a nationalist flavor of opposing religion: “One more Christian means one more foreign lackey; the foreigners are precisely using this bait to completely soften the Chinese people, so we must oppose it… Christianity is really just a tool for foreigners to soften China.”[16]16 Yun Daiying (1895–1931), a prominent early CCP leader and propagandist. National independence was also their goal of struggle. The CCP opposed religion comprehensively; this was not only expressed in general propaganda but also entered many central documents, such as the July 1926 “Documents of the Enlarged Executive Committee Meeting of the Central Committee of the CPC,” which states: “The church is the vanguard of foreign imperialism trampling on the Chinese people… using fine-sounding terms like peace and universal love… trying to deceive all the oppressed masses, they want to lead all the oppressed to forget the actual suffering of their own lives, so as to ensure the consolidation and permanence of the foundation of imperialist oppression of the people.”[17]17 The “Enlarged Executive Committee Meeting” refers to a plenary session of the Central Executive Committee (the precursor to the Politburo) with expanded participation. Many document contents also embodied the spirit of opposing religion, such as the November 1923 “Resolution on Education and Propaganda Issues” of the First Central Executive Committee of the Third National Congress of the CPC, which states “oppose the doctrine of Christianity and its organization (the YMCA)”[18]18 The “Third National Congress” of the CCP was held in June 1923., and the 1926 “Resolution of the Third Enlarged Executive Committee of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party,” which states “we cannot make the slightest concession to the Kuomintang right wing, the statist faction, and the Christian faction.”[19]19 The “Third Enlarged Executive Committee” meeting was held in July 1926. The “statist faction” (国家主义派) refers to the Chinese Youth Party, which advocated nationalism and anti-communism.

其次是中国共产党。中国共产党直接指导了“非基督教运动”，且为它提供舆论导向和理论准备，许多人直接参与了对宗教的批判，在非宗教同盟中也占据重要地位。在反教取向上，中共是全面出击，四种取向都运用自如。如瞿秋白的文字：“治者阶级藉以恐吓受治阶级，使之驯服，镇慑他们的情意，以借驱使……资产阶级要用这些宗教信念及教会宣传去蒙蔽群众，消磨他们的革命情绪”(15)，从阶级立场上批判宗教为阶级压迫的工具，宗教阶级压迫工具论在中共那里表述最为明确深入。恽代英的描述则透露出民族主义的反教气息：“多一个基督教徒，便是多一个洋奴，外国人正要用这种钓饵使中国人全然软化于他，所以我们非反对不可……基督教实在只是外国人软化中国的工具。”(16)民族独立也是其奋斗的目标。中共是全面反宗教的，这不仅表现在一般宣传上，而且进入了许多中央文件，如1926年7月《中共中央扩大执行委员会会议文件》载：“教会为外国帝国主义蹂躏中国人民之先锋……用着和平博爱等，说着好听的名词……想把所有被压榨的民众一齐都欺骗下去，他们想引导一般被压榨的，都忘掉他们自身生活实际的痛苦，以保证帝国主义压榨民众基础之巩固和恒久”(17)。许多文件内容也体现了反教精神，如1923年11月中共第三届第一次中央执行委员会文件《教育宣传问题决议案》载“反对基督教的教义及其组织(青年会)”(18)及1926年在《中国共产党第三次中央扩大执行委员会议决案》载“我们对国民党右派、国家主义派及基督教派丝毫不能让步”(19)。

The situation of the Kuomintang was more complex; it was far less active in opposing religion than the Communist Party. The Kuomintang party constitution was not contradictory to religion, and there were many religious believers within the party itself, which caused a differentiation in attitudes toward religion within the Kuomintang. Nevertheless, there were still a small number of people who supported the anti-Christian movement and expressed their anti-religion stance, such as Dai Jitao: “The movement initiated by students of the Sacred Heart and Trinity church schools recently to resist imperialist cultural aggression is something I deeply admire… Foreigners have been doing the work of cultivating slaves in China for nearly a hundred years.”[20]20 Dai Jitao (1891–1949), a senior Kuomintang theorist and ideologue. He regarded Christianity as a tool of imperialist cultural aggression against China. Liao Zhongkai was another high-ranking party official who approved of opposing religion. In July 1925, lecturing on “A History of Imperialist Aggression” at the Whampoa Military Academy, he pointed out that religion was a tool for national subjugation: “He (Kangxi) used religion to reduce the Mongol population… used Lamaism to subjugate them, making them have a heart of faith… The Mongols were almost exterminated. It is the same method used by European countries to subjugate Black Africans in Africa… They sent missionaries to make them convert, and later used religion to subjugate them… Therefore, knowledgeable people in China should advocate opposing Christianity.”[21]21 Liao Zhongkai (1877–1925), a left-wing Kuomintang leader and close associate of Sun Yat-sen. The Whampoa Military Academy was the KMT’s premier military academy, founded in 1924. Kangxi (r. 1661–1722) was the second emperor of the Qing dynasty. From the discourse of these two men, it can be seen that the Kuomintang opposed Christianity only because of its relationship with imperialism; the orientation was relatively simple, with no trace of any other sentiment visible, which was quite different from other anti-religion groups. As Liao Zhongkai said: “We oppose Christianity from a political standpoint… (If it were) in the same position as Buddhism or Islam in China today, we would not oppose it.”[22]22 Liao Zhongkai, as above. The Kuomintang’s opposition to imperialism from a nationalist standpoint was beneficial to it; in the tide of anti-imperialism, various political forces could use it as a resource to gain recognition.

国民党情况复杂一些，远远没有共产党反教那么积极，国民党党章与宗教并不矛盾，党内本身有许多宗教徒，这使国民党内对宗教的态度发生分化。但仍有少量人支持非基督教运动，并表明了自己的非宗教立场，如戴季陶：“最近圣心和圣三一两个教会学校学生发起的反抗帝国主义文化侵略的运动，尤其是我十分佩服的……外国人到中国来做养成奴隶的事业，已经要近百年”(20)，他把基督教认作帝国主义对中国文化侵略的工具。廖仲恺是另一位赞成反教的党国要员，1925年7月给黄埔军校讲《帝国主义侵略史谈》就指出宗教是亡国的工具：“他(康熙)用宗教来减蒙古人的种……用喇嘛教来亡他，使他们有了信仰的心……蒙古人几乎要亡种了。即如欧洲各国亡非洲黑人一样的方法……遣教徒去使他们进教，后来并用教来亡他们……所以中国有智识的人们要提倡反基督教”(21)。从二人的话语可以看出，国民党只因基督教与帝国主义的关系而反基督教，取向较单纯，看不到一点其他的气息，这与其他反教群体相比有很大的不同。正如廖仲恺所言：“我们反对基督教，是拿政治立场去反对的……(如它)像现在中国的佛教、回教一样的地位，我们便不反对他了”(22)。国民党从民族主义立场去反帝对其是有利的，在反帝浪潮中，各种政治力量都可以把它作为一种博取认同的可利用的资源。

The intermediate intellectual circles are more difficult to grasp, because their attitudes toward religion were diverse: there were supporters, opponents, moderates, and these could change over time. As for the opponents, most were trendsetters of new thought, steeped in new ideas. Their opposition to religion focused more on cultural considerations and theoretical refutation, with less emotional catharsis. Therefore, their orientation in opposing religion was mainly based on science opposing religion and the recognition of religion’s harm of spiritual destruction. The anti-religion declaration of the “Anti-Religion League” can roughly represent their stance: “Human beings are inherently evolutionary, but religion insists that ‘man and all things were created by heaven and earth.’ Human beings are inherently free and equal, but religion insists on binding thought, destroying individuality, worshipping idols, and establishing one supreme authority. Human beings are inherently peace-loving, but religion insists on attacking those with different views and forming cliques, causing wars, and even using universal love as a hypocritical mask to deceive people. Human beings are inherently life-loving and virtuous, but religion insists on tempting them with heaven, frightening them with hell, and using inhuman authority and morality. … The laughable religion is incompatible with scientific truth; the detestable religion completely violates humanitarianism.”[23]23 The “Anti-Religion League” (非宗教同盟) was a short-lived organization formed in 1922 by intellectuals in Beijing to oppose all religion, distinct from the more focused Anti-Christian Movement. From this, one sees little nationalist clamor, nor traces of the theory of religion as a tool of class oppression; it is mainly a rational appeal, with less political consideration.

中间知识界更难以把握，因为他们对宗教的态度意见纷呈，赞成者有，反对者有，温和者有，且会时有变化。具体到反对者，大多数是新思潮的弄潮儿，都得到新思想的熏陶，他们反宗教更多着眼于文化上的考虑、学理上的辩驳，情绪化的宣泄较少，所以他们的反教取向以科学反宗教以及认宗教有精神摧残危害为主。“非宗教同盟”的反教宣言大致可以代表他们的立场：“人类本是进化的，宗教偏说‘人与万物，天造地设’。人类本是自由平等的，宗教偏要说：束缚思想，摧残个性，崇拜偶像，主乎一尊。人类本是酷好和平的，宗教偏要伐异党同，引起战争，反以博爱为假面具骗人。人类本是好生乐善的，宗教偏要诱之以天堂，惧之以地狱，利用非人的威权道德。……好笑的宗教，与科学真理既不相容：可恶的宗教，与人道主义，完全违背。”(23)从中看不到多少民族主义的喧嚣，也没有宗教阶级压迫论的痕迹，主要是理性的诉求，较少政治上的考虑。

In summary, although the groups opposing religion had no goodwill toward religion, their orientations in opposing religion differed greatly. In the anti-religion movement and the anti-Christian movement, the political desire to oppose religion basically overwhelmed rational voices. From the texts, the theory of religion as a tool of imperialist aggression and the theory of religion as a tool of class oppression dominated, especially the former, which was most prominent and became the dominant voice steering the direction of opposing religion. This corresponded to the successive upsurges of anti-imperialist reality.

总之，反对宗教的群体尽管对宗教都没有好感，但在反教取向上差异很大。在非宗教运动和非基督教运动中，基本上是政治上的反教欲求压倒理性的声音，从文本看，宗教帝国主义侵略工具论和宗教阶级压迫工具论占据主导，特别是前者最为突出，成为左右反教风向的主导声音，这是与反帝现实迭起相应对的。

III. The Sources, Influence, and Evaluation of Anti-Religion Discourse

三、非宗教话语的来源、影响及评价

Based on a review of anti-religion texts, the intellectual resources used in the anti-religion discourse of the 1920s were extremely diverse; some were imported from abroad, some were generated by reality. But they were mainly influenced by the scientific rationalism since the Western Enlightenment and by Marxism-Leninism, both of which were fashionable trends of thought at the time. Additionally, with the rise of Chinese nationalism in the 1920s, strongly spurred by reality, China also produced its own anti-religion language—the theory of religion as a tool of imperialist aggression—which of course also corresponded to Lenin’s theory of imperialism.

根据反教文本的梳理，1920年代的反教话语所用思想资源十分庞杂，外国进口者有之，现实催生者有之，但主要受了西方启蒙运动以来科学理性主义和马列主义的影响，这两种主义在当时是一种时髦思潮。另外，1920年代中国民族主义的勃兴，在现实的强烈催生下，中国也产生了自己的反教语言——宗教帝国主义侵略工具论，当然这也是与列宁帝国主义论相应对的。

The frequent appearance in anti-religion discourse of “narcosis theory,” “opium theory,” and the theory of religion as a tool of class oppression—these anti-religion languages clearly bearing the imprint of Marxism-Leninism—were undoubtedly products of Marxist-Leninist influence. The Marxist-Leninist view of religion was an important intellectual resource for opposing religion. These theories were mainly imported from Russia during China’s process of studying and researching Marxism-Leninism, also including the efforts of Chinese students who worked part-time in France. The “Anti-Religion League” once published *On Anti-Religion* in June 1922, which included a portrait of Marx and his famous anti-religion saying: Religion is the opium of the people.[24]24 *On Anti-Religion* (非宗教论) was a collection of essays published by the Anti-Religion League. The “opium theory” (Marx) and the similar “narcosis theory” (Lenin) were used very frequently in the anti-religion discourse of the time. Direct quotations of Marx’s famous saying were very numerous, such as Pi Li: “Therefore Marx said: ‘Religion is the poison or opium of the people’—this saying is indeed true.”[25]25 Pi Li (辟立) is a pseudonym; the author’s identity is uncertain. Sha Luo: “‘Religion is the poison of humanity,’ this sentence of Marx’s is an eternal truth.”[26]26 Sha Luo (沙洛) is a pseudonym; the author’s identity is uncertain. The “narcosis theory” was even more countless; many of the quotations above contain the word “narcosis.” The theory of religion as a tool of class oppression was even more a reflection of Marxist-Leninist thought; using the method of class analysis to dissect religion was a patent of Marxism-Leninism.

在反教话语中频繁出现的“麻醉论”“鸦片论”以及宗教阶级压迫工具论这些明显带有马列痕迹的反教语言无疑是马列影响的产物，马列主义宗教观是反教重要的思想资源，这些理论主要是中国在学习研究马列的过程中从俄国输入的，还包括赴法勤工俭学学生的努力。“非宗教同盟”曾经于1922年6月出版《非宗教论》，其中就列有马克思像及其非宗教名言：宗教是人群的鸦片。(24)“鸦片论”(马克思)及与其意思差不多的“麻醉论”(列宁)在当时的反教话语中使用是非常频繁的，直接引用马克思这句名言的就非常之多，如辟立：“所以马克思说：‘宗教是人民的毒物或鸦片’此言实确”(25)。沙洛：“‘宗教是人类的毒药’，马克思这句话是永远的真理”(26)。“麻醉论”更是数不胜数，上面许多的引文都带有“麻醉”二字。宗教阶级压迫工具论更是马列思想映现的结果，用阶级分析方法去解剖宗教是马列的专利。

That the discourse of enlightenment was mainly a result of the New Culture Movement’s importation of new foreign ideas need not be elaborated. The view that religion was a tool of imperialist aggression against China was mainly a product of China’s own reality. In the 1920s, Chinese nationalism ran high, and just as Christian enterprises in China reached a golden age of development, arrogant slogans such as “the Christian Occupation of China” and “Christianity Conquers China” appeared, arousing Chinese anxieties about the expansion of Christianity. Thus, in the tidal wave of anti-imperialism, because of the entanglement of imperialism with Christianity, there inevitably emerged public opinion that religion was a tool for imperialist aggression and enslavement of the Chinese people; the then-popular theory of cultural aggression was one example. This was a product of China’s particular reality; Russia and Western countries did not have the problem of foreign religions expanding within their own borders. Another point that needs explanation is that Russell’s visit to China at the time also had a certain influence on the Chinese anti-religion movement. Russell was a well-known anti-religion figure. Tu Xiaoshi once said: “Reading the declarations of the anti-religion leagues published in various newspapers, I find that their reasons for opposing religion are mostly based on Russell’s lectures at the Chinese Youth Society last year”[27]27 Tu Xiaoshi (屠孝实, 1893–1932) was a Chinese philosopher and educator. The Chinese Youth Society (少年中国学会) was a prominent intellectual organization founded in 1919., and those mainly influenced were the anti-religion leagues.

启蒙话语主要是新文化运动输入外国新思想的结果，毋庸赘言。对于宗教是帝国主义侵略中国的工具论，主要是中国现实催生的产物。1920年代，中国民族主义高涨，而基督教在华事业在达到黄金发展期后，出现了“中华归主”“基督教征服中国”等在中国人看来是狂妄的口号，激起了国人对基督教扩张的忧虑。这样，在反帝的狂潮中，由于帝国主义与基督教的纠缠，必然出现宗教是帝国主义侵略奴役国人的舆论，如当时十分流行的文化侵略论就是一例。这是中国特殊现实的产物，俄国、西方国家不存在外国宗教在本国扩张的问题。另外需要说明的一点是，当时罗素访华对国人的反教也产生了一定的影响，罗素是出了名的反教，屠孝实曾言：“读各报所载非宗教同盟的宣言知道他们反对宗教的理由，大约都是以去年罗素在中国少年学会的演讲为依据”(27)，受其影响的主要是非宗教同盟。

The anti-religion critique of the 1920s and the debates it provoked were helpful in deepening people’s understanding and cognition of religion, especially the critique of Christianity, which deepened people’s understanding of imperialist aggression, sobered the minds of some Chinese, and led many to realize that “Christianity and the imperialist policy of aggression are two sides of the same thing; that is to say, Christianity is one of the tools used by imperialism to aggress against weak and small nations, and this kind of aggression is more severe than political or economic aggression because political and economic aggression are visible and easily awaken resistance movements among weak and small nations, whereas Christian aggression is invisible, working from below upwards—the imperialists use many slavish Bibles to benumb and anesthetize the weak and small nations, so that the aggressed weak and small nations not only do not resist but even sing its praises”[28]28 The quotation is from the “Declaration of the Shanghai Anti-Christian League” (1925)., thereby promoting Chinese reflection on cultural aggression and further deepening and making more comprehensive the anti-imperialist struggle. Religion does indeed have a side that leads people to passivity, and at a time of internal and external troubles, what was needed were active, world-engaging pioneers; hence the Chinese people’s accusation against religion had a certain rationality. It did indeed cause some people to draw close to foreigners, even to become comprador slaves, immersed in the otherworldliness of religion, objectively facilitating foreign control over China and hindering practical movements. At the time, there were also many progressive Christians within Christian circles who called on their co-religionists not to remain immersed in the narrow confines of the gospel and the spirit, but to move toward society and pay attention to material and social transformation. A church school student said: “I used to be a strong opponent of Christianity, but later I entered university, and they treated me very well, and they didn’t charge me tuition or board (Note: this is the poison, the lethal dose!—original text), so I felt that my previous opposition was wrong, and it is actually good”[29]29 The quotation is from a church school student cited in an anti-Christian propaganda article.; there were many such people at the time. But through anti-religion propaganda, not a few people began to awaken and extricate themselves from the embrace of religion. Someone wrote: “The cage of Christianity, I once mistakenly entered it, but now I have completely jumped out”[30]30 The quotation is from an individual who had left Christianity, cited in anti-religion literature.. This kind of propaganda also had a great driving effect on the Christian circles themselves in correcting their own image.

1920年代非宗教批判及其引起的辩难对于人们加深对宗教的认知和理解是有帮助的，特别是对基督教的批判，加深了人们对帝国主义侵略的认识，清醒了部分国人的头脑，使许多人认识到“基督教与帝国主义的侵略政策，本是一件事情的两方面，就是说基督教是帝国主义侵略弱小民族的侵略工具中的一种，这种侵略比较政治侵略及经济侵略还来得利害因为政治侵略及经济侵略是有形的，容易促醒弱小民族的反抗运动，而基督教的侵略是下而上的无形的，他们——帝国主义者——拿许多奴隶化的圣经来昏昧和麻醉一班弱小民族，使被侵略的弱小民族，非惟不反抗，且从而歌颂之”(28)，促进了国人对文化侵略的思考，从而使反帝斗争进一步深化而全面。宗教确有引人消极的一面，而当时内忧外患，需要的是积极入世的开拓者，因而国人对宗教的这种指责有一定合理性。它确实造成部分人与外国的靠近，甚至沦为洋奴，沉浸在宗教的彼岸，客观上有利于外人对中国的控制而不利于现实运动。当时基督教界也有很多前进的基督徒呼吁其同道不能沉浸在福音和精神的狭隘中，应走向社会，注重物质和社会改造。一教会学生说：“我从前也是反对基督教的一个有力者，后来进了大学，他们待我实在很好，并且不要我的学膳费(注意：这就是毒药，丧命剂呢——原文)，所以我觉得以前反对是错了，它实在是好的”(29)，这样的人当时大有人在。但经反教宣传，不少人开始觉悟，从宗教怀抱中解脱出来。有人写道：“基督教这牢笼，我曾一度误入，但现在却已完全跳出了”(30)。这种宣传对基督教界自身扭正自己的形象也有巨大促动作用。

Of course, because the critique of religion at the time was mainly directed at Christianity, this meant that political orientation overwhelmed everything else; it did not focus much on religion itself, but mainly hovered on the periphery of religion. “The basic idea of opposing Christianity was to oppose imperialism”[31]31 The quotation is from Zhang Qinshi, *Religious Thought in China in the Last Ten Years* (1927), p. 401.. There was too little theoretical inquiry. “We have no time to discuss the question of whether religion has value for existence; we only know that Christianity is a tool of foreign imperialist cultural aggression. As for what Christian doctrine is, we need not bother with it, because we oppose it whether the doctrine is good or bad”[32]32 The quotation is from an anti-Christian declaration, reflecting a rejection of Christianity regardless of its doctrine.. There was not much attention paid to theory itself; various viewpoints were merely used in a slogan-like manner. At the time, some people criticized the anti-Christians by saying “they are not specialists in the scientific study of religion”[33]33 The quotation is from Zhang Qinshi, *Religious Thought in China in the Last Ten Years* (1927), p. 208, citing critics of the anti-Christians.. For example, the theory of class oppression: in fact, religion emphasizes equality, whether Buddhism or Christianity, and many people at the time drew ideological resources from religion as evidence for their demands for equality. Nor was there any distinction made between imperialism, Christianity, and church enterprises; everything associated with Christianity was completely negated, bringing some disaster to the beneficial undertakings of Christianity in China. The young students who were most vehement in opposing religion, driven by passion and lacking in knowledge, easily fell into emotionalism. Of course, it is futile to criticize the use of such slogans on the grounds of insufficient theory or error; reality did not permit excessive entanglement in theory—that would be the talk of pedants. Reality also needed the political orientation of these ideas, because that was the task of the era.

当然，因为当时对宗教的批判主要是针对基督教的，这就注定了政治取向压倒一切，从宗教本身着眼的并不多，而主要徘徊在宗教自身的边缘，“反基督教的基本理念，就是反帝国主义”(31)。学理上的诉求过少，“宗教是否有存在的价值这问题，我们是无暇讨论的；我们只知道基督教是外国帝国主义侵略文化的工具，基督教的教义怎样，我们可不必顾及了，因为我们对于教义，好也反对，坏也反对”(32)。并没有过多去理会理论本身，而对于各种观点只是一种标语式的运用。当时就有人以“他们不是研究宗教科学的专门家”(33)来责难非基督教者。比如阶级压迫说，实际上，宗教里是讲究平等的，无论佛教还是基督教，并且当时有许多人从宗教中汲取思想资源作为平等诉求的一种左证。也没有区别对待帝国主义、基督教、教会事业等，把与基督教有关的一切全盘否定，给基督教在华有利事业带来些灾难。反教最烈的青年学生因知识缺陷受激情驱使而易流于一种情绪化。当然，任何以学理不足或谬误来苛责对这种口号的利用都是徒劳的，现实不允许在学理上过多的纠缠，那是夫子之论。现实也需要这种观念的政治倾向性，因为那是时代的任务。

In sum, although the anti-religion discourse of the 1920s presented a variety of voices, these voices were uneven; political discourse occupied a dominant position, especially the theory of religion as a tool of imperialist aggression, which drowned out other voices. This corresponded to the rising nationalism of the 1920s. Secondly, due to the spread of Marxism and the influence of the Russian Revolution, the theory of religion as a tool of class oppression also occupied a certain weight, while critiques that truly appealed to religion itself were extremely rare. Thus, to a certain extent, it was a critique wrapped in politics. This was a product of the turbulent reality of China in the 1920s, a reflection of the demands of the times in thought. But the depth and comprehensiveness of this anti-religion movement prompted the formation of Chinese anti-religion theory; the anti-religion discourse that reappeared in the post-1920s period basically did not go beyond its scope. Therefore, the 1920s was truly a turning point that influenced the Chinese people’s view of religion.

总之，1920年代的非宗教话语，虽然声音纷呈，但是各种声音呈现出不均衡状态，政治话语占据了言说的主导，特别是宗教帝国主义侵略工具论掩盖着其他声音，这是与1920年代民族主义高涨相应对的。其次，由于马克思主义的传播，俄国革命的影响，宗教阶级压迫工具论也占据着一定的分量，而真正诉之于宗教本身的批判微乎其微，所以从某种程度上而言，它是一种政治包裹中的批判。这是中国1920年代现实激荡的产物，是时代要求在思想上的映现。但这种反教的深入和全面促使中国反教理论的成型，在后1920年代再现的反教话语基本上未出其范围。因此，1920年代实为影响中国人宗教观的一个转折年代。

Notes:

注释：

① Li Dazhao, “Religion Hinders Progress,” *Collected Works of Li Dazhao* (Vol. 2), Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1984, p. 555.

①李大钊：《宗教妨碍进步》，《李大钊文集》(下)，北京：人民出版社，1984年，第555页。

② “Telegram of the Anti-Christian Student League,” edited by the Office of the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League of China, *Historical Materials on the Chinese Youth Movement* (1), internal materials, 1960, p. 117. Shanghai: *The Pioneer*, No. 4 (March 15, 1922).

②《非基督教学生同盟通电》，中国共产主义青年团中央委员会办公厅编：《中国青年运动历史数据》(1)，内部数据，1960年，第117页。上海：《先驱》，第4号(1922年3月15日)。

③ Shuzhi, “Imperialism and the Boxer Movement,” Shanghai: *The Guide*, No. 81 (September 3, 1924).

③述之：《帝国主义与义和团运动》，上海：《向导》，第81期(1924年9月3日)。

④ On the trajectory of “cultural aggression” in modern China, see Tao Feiya, “An Examination of the Origins of ‘Cultural Aggression,’” Jinan: *Literature, History, and Philosophy*, 2003, No. 5.

④关于“文化侵略”在近代中国的轨迹可见陶飞亚：《“文化侵略”源流考》，济南：《文史哲》，2003年第5期。

⑤ “Anti-Christian Declaration of the All-China Student Federation,” *Historical Materials on the Chinese Youth Movement* (2), p. 518.

⑤《中华民国学生联合会总会反基督教宣言》，《中国青年运动历史资料》(2)，第518页。

⑥ “Declaration of the Anti-Christian Student League,” Beijing: *Morning Post*, March 17, 1922.

⑥《非基督教学生同盟宣言》，北京：《晨报》，1922年3月17日。

⑦ (13) Excerpt from Qiuren’s article “The Surge of the Anti-Christian Movement” quoting the “Declaration of the Shanghai Anti-Christian League,” Shanghai: *Chinese Youth*, No. 60 (January 1925).

⑦(13)秋人：《反对基督教运动的怒潮》一文摘录《“上海非基督教同盟”宣言》，上海：《中国青年》，第60期(1925年1月)。

⑧ Gongxian, “Freedom and Christ,” Shanghai: *Republic Daily* supplement *Awakening*, October 28, 1924.

⑧公宪：《自由与基督》，上海：《民国日报》副刊《觉悟》，1924年10月28日。

⑨ (23) (31) (33) Edited by Zhang Qinshi, *Religious Thought in China in the Last Ten Years*, Beijing: Yenching Chinese School, 1927, pp. 194, 193–194, 401, 208.

⑨(23)(31)(33)张钦士编：《国内近十年来之宗教思潮》，北京：燕京华文学校，1927年，第194、193～194、401、208页。

⑩ Bingxiang, “A Word to Those in Church Schools,” Shanghai: *Republic Daily* supplement *Awakening*, September 23, 1924.

⑩炳祥：《告在教会学校的人们》，上海：《民国日报》副刊《觉悟》，1924年9月23日。

(11) Yu Jiaju, “Christianity and Emotional Life,” Beijing: *Young China*, Vol. 3, No. 11 (June 1, 1922).

(11)余家菊：《基督教与感情生活》，北京：《少年中国》，第3卷第11号(1922年6月1日)。

(12) Cai Yuanpei, “The Anti-Religion Movement,” Shanghai: *Republic Daily* supplement *Awakening*, April 13, 1922.

(12)蔡元培：《非宗教运动》，上海：《民国日报》副刊《觉悟》，1922年4月13日。

(14) On the relationship between the two, see Xue Xiaojian, “On the Relationship between the Chinese Socialist Youth League and the Non-Christian Movement,” Beijing: *Journal of the University of Science and Technology Beijing* (Social Science Edition), 2001, No. 3.

(14)关于二者关系，可参见薛晓建：《论中国社会主义青年团与非基督教运动的关系》，北京：《北京科技大学学报》(社会科学版)，2001年第3期。

(15) Qu Qiubai, “An Outline of Social Science,” *Collected Works of Qu Qiubai*, Vol. 2, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1988, pp. 578–580.

(15)瞿秋白：《社会科学概论》，《瞿秋白文集》，第2卷，北京：人民出版社，1988年，第578～580页。

(16) Dai Ying: “Why We Oppose Christianity?” Shanghai: *The Chinese Youth*, No. 8 (December 1923).

(16)代英：《我们为什么反对基督教?》，上海：《中国青年》，第8期(1923年12月)。

(17) Central Archives, ed.: *Selected Documents of the CPC Central Committee*, Vol. 2, Beijing: Party School of the CPC Central Committee Press, 1989, p. 211.

(17)中央档案馆编：《中共中央文件选集》第二册，北京：中共中央党校出版社，1989年，第211页。

(18) Central Archives, ed.: *Selected Documents of the CPC Central Committee*, Vol. 1, Beijing: Party School of the CPC Central Committee Press, 1989, p. 206.

(18)中央档案馆编：《中共中央文件选集》第一册，北京：中共中央党校出版社，1989年，第206页。

(19) Party History Research Office of the Political Academy of the People’s Liberation Army, ed.: *Reference Materials on the History of the CPC*, Vol. 4, p. 81.

(19)中国人民解放军政治学院党史研究室编：《中共党史参考数据》，第四册，第81页。

(20) See Chen Duxiu: “Foreign Cultural Aggression and the National Revolution,” recording a speech by Dai Jitao, in *Selected Writings of Chen Duxiu* (Middle Volume), Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company, 1984, p. 533.

(20)见陈独秀：《外国的文化侵略和国民革命》所记戴季陶的讲演，《陈独秀文章选编》(中)，北京：生活·读书·新知三联书店，1984年，第533页。

(21) Liao Zhongkai: *Collected Works of Liao Zhongkai*, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1983, p. 264.

(21)廖仲恺：《廖仲恺集》，北京：中华书局，1983年，第264页。

(22) Quoted from Gu Weimin: *Christianity and Modern Chinese Society*, Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 1996, p. 419.

(22)转引自顾卫民：《基督教与近代中国社会》，上海：上海人民出版社，1996年，第419页。

(24) Luo Zhanglong: *Memoirs of Chunyuan*, Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company, 1984, p. 92.

(24)罗章龙：《椿圆载记》，北京：生活·读书·新知三联书店，1984年，第92页。

(25) Pili: “How to Oppose Religion in China,” Shanghai: *Minguo Daily* supplement *Awakening*, August 26, 1924.

(25)辟立：《怎样在中国反对宗教》，上海：《民国日报》副刊《觉悟》，1924年8月26日。

(26) Shaluo: “Continue to Expand Our Anti-Christian Movement,” *Historical Materials on the Chinese Youth Movement* (6), p. 592.

(26)沙洛：《继续扩大我们的非基运动》，《中国青年运动历史资料》(6)，第592页。

(27) Tu Xiaoshi: “Are Science and Religion Really Incompatible?” Beijing: *Morning Post Supplement*, May 7–11, 1922.

(27)屠孝实：《科学与宗教果然是不两立的么?》，北京：《晨报副刊》，1922年5月7～11日。

(28) Liu Yiqing: “Christians, Listen,” Shanghai: *Minguo Daily* supplement *Awakening*, November 11, 1924.

(28)刘一清：《基督教徒听着》，上海：《民国日报》副刊《觉悟》，1924年11月11日。

(29)(30) Gongxian: “The Dangers of Attending Mission Schools,” Shanghai: *Minguo Daily* supplement *Awakening*, October 21, 1924.

(29)(30)公宪：《入教会学校的危险》，上海：《民国日报》副刊《觉悟》，1924年10月21日。

(32) Shoushi: “Opinions of Mission School Students on the Anti-Christian League,” Shanghai: *Minguo Daily* supplement *Awakening*, September 30, 1924.

(32)瘦石：《教会学校学生对于非基督教同盟之意见》，上海：《民国日报》副刊《觉悟》，1924年9月30日。

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