On Young Marx’s Ideological Transformation from Theism to Atheism

Marx initially believed in God and was a theist. This is mainly reflected in his 1835 essay specifically discussing religious issues, “The Union of Believers with Christ According to John 15:1–14, Its Reason and Essence, Its Absolute Necessity and Its Influence,” as well as his free-choice essay written in German, “Reflections of a Young Man on the Choice of a Profession,” among several other secondary-school graduation essays. His period of study at the University of Berlin was a time of transformation in his worldview, during which he gradually shifted from traditional theism to atheism. This transformation occurred around 1839, and his doctoral dissertation, “The Difference Between the Democritean and Epicurean Philosophy of Nature,” written from early 1839 to March 1842, is the main marker of this change.

马克思最初信仰上帝，是一个有神论者。这主要体现在他1835年专门论述宗教问题的文章《根据约翰福音第15章第1节至第14节论信徒和基督的一致，这种一致的原因和实质，它的绝对必要及其影响》以及用德文写的自由选题作文《青年在选择职业时的考虑》等几篇中学毕业作文中。在柏林大学求学是他世界观转变的时期，此时他逐渐从传统有神论转向了无神论。这一转变发生在1839年前后，1839年初至1842年3月写就的博士论文《德谟克利特的自然哲学和伊壁鸠鲁的自然哲学的差别》，是他这一变化的主要标志。

I

一

Marx’s early theistic thought is inseparable from the influences of the history, social reality, and family in which he lived. To a certain extent, it can be said that the history of Western civilization is also a history of civilization formed on the basis of Christianity. For thousands of years, European countries have generally had religious belief traditions such as Christianity, Islam, or Judaism. This tradition means that everyone is born into a strong religious atmosphere. From the Renaissance onward, religion had always been the spiritual pillar of the autocratic rule of the various small German feudal states, especially in Trier, the city of Marx’s birth, which had an even deeper religious foundation. This city was the first city on German soil to be named by a Roman emperor; during the Carolingian Empire, the Bishop of Trier was elevated to the rank of archbishop, exercising secular power for 1,300 years. Goethe once described its characteristics thus: “This city has a very striking feature. It is said to have more ecclesiastical buildings than any other city of comparable size.” (Quoted from Li Sixiao, “Marx and Religion and Religious Art,” Journal of Peking University (Philosophy and Social Sciences Edition), Issue 5, 1986.) This long-term accumulation of religious cultural tradition inevitably determined and influenced its society, families, and even individuals.

马克思早期的有神论思想同他生活的历史、社会现实及家庭等各个方面的影响是分不开的。在一定程度上可以说，西方文明史，也是一部在基督教基础上形成的文明史。数千年来，欧洲各国普遍都具有基督教、伊斯兰教或犹太教等宗教信仰传统。这种传统使每个人一出生就处在浓厚的宗教氛围中。从文艺复兴开始，宗教一直是德国封建各小邦实行专制统治的精神支柱，尤其是马克思出生的特利尔城，有着更深厚的宗教底蕴。这个城市是德国国土上第一座被罗马皇帝命名的城市，在查理曼帝国时代，特利尔主教升至大主教的行列，行使世俗权力长达1300年。歌德曾经这样来描写它的特征：“这座城市有一个十分引人注目的特色。据说它比同样大的其他任何城市都拥有更多的教会建筑。”（转引自李思孝：《马克思与宗教和宗教艺术》，《载北京大学学报（哲学社会科学版）》，1986年第5期）宗教文化传统的这种长期积淀使其社会、家庭乃至个体都必然受到它的规定和影响。

Eighteenth-century Germany can be said to have been a “country saturated with Christianity”; Christian theology pervaded almost every field of social life. Marx was born into a family of rabbis (or Jewish legal doctors). After the 16th century, almost all the rabbis of Trier were Marx’s ancestors. (David McLellan, Karl Marx: A Biography, 1995, Palgrave, p. 3.) Although Marx’s father later converted to Protestant Christianity for livelihood reasons, he still retained his faith in the Jewish God. Marx’s mother also came from an ancient aristocratic rabbinical family; although she was later baptized, it is “very likely that she maintained Jewish customs and habits at home.”

18世纪的德国可以说是被“基督教浸透了的国家”，基督教神学几乎遍布社会生活的各个领域。马克思出生于犹太教拉比（或称犹太律法博士）世家。16世纪以后，几乎所有的特利尔拉比都是马克思的先辈。（Dabid McLellan, Karl Marx:A Biography, 1995, Palgrave, p.3.）马克思的父亲虽然由于生计问题后来改信了基督新教，但仍然保留对犹太上帝的信仰。马克思母亲也出身于古老的犹太贵族拉比世家，她虽然后来受了洗，但“极有可能在家中保持着犹太人的风俗习惯”。

The influence of history, society, and family was immense. Marx received Christian baptism at the age of six and also received a strict traditional Christian religious education. At the age of 16, he also underwent confirmation according to tradition. In August 1835, when the 17-year-old Marx graduated from the Trier Gymnasium, he wrote (the seven surviving) essays. The first edition of the Chinese-language *Complete Works of Marx and Engels*, Volume 40, includes three of them, two of which are closely related to his religious views. One is “The Union of Believers with Christ According to John 15:1–14, Its Reason and Essence, Its Absolute Necessity and Its Influence” (hereinafter referred to as “The Influence”), and the other is “Reflections of a Young Man on the Choice of a Profession” (hereinafter referred to as “Reflections”). These relatively concentratedly embody Marx’s theistic worldview at this time.

历史、社会、家庭的影响是巨大的。马克思六岁时接受了基督教洗礼，同时也接受了严格的基督教宗教传统教育，16岁时他还按照传统举行了坚信礼。1835年8月，17岁的马克思在特利尔中学毕业时写了（迄今保存下来的）七篇文章，中文版《马克思恩格斯全集》第1版第40卷收入了三篇，其中两篇与其宗教观念较为密切。一篇是《根据约翰福音第15章第1节至第14节论信徒和基督的一致，这种一致的原因和实质，它的绝对必要及其影响》（以下简称《影响》），另一篇文章是《青年在选择职业时的考虑》（以下简称《考虑》），比较集中地体现了马克思此时有神论的世界观。

(I) God is a Being Higher than Man

（一）上帝是高于人的存在

“The Influence” discusses the necessity of the union of believers with Christ. He believes that no nation can shake off the yoke of superstition or escape external supplements and ignoble things; that there is divinity in every person’s heart; and that the word of Christ can most reliably explain why one should be united with him, and that believers can accomplish nothing if they depart from Jesus. (*Complete Works of Marx and Engels*, 1st ed., Vol. 40, p. 819.) Marx believes: “We first look upon God with loving eyes, feel the most fervent gratitude toward it, and prostrate ourselves before it in heartfelt submission.” (*Complete Works of Marx and Engels*, Vol. 40, 1st ed., p. 821.) God guides and saves man, so “union with Christ is absolutely necessary; without this union we would be abandoned by God, and only God can save us.” In “Reflections,” he expresses a similar idea, holding that God exists, that God always gives firm revelation within the human heart, and therefore mortals will never become “people entirely without guidance.” (*Complete Works of Marx and Engels*, Vol. 40, 1st ed., p. 3.)

《影响》一文论述了信徒和基督一致的必要性，他认为任何一个民族都不可能摆脱掉迷信的枷锁，不可能脱离外来的补充与不高尚的东西；每个人心中都有神性；而基督的道也能最可靠地说明应该和他保持一致，信徒如果离开耶稣就会无所作为。（《马克思恩格斯全集》，第1版，第40卷，第819页。）马克思认为：“我们首先用爱的眼神注视上帝，感到对它有一种最热忱的感激之情，心悦诚服地拜倒在他的面前”（《马克思恩格斯全集》第40卷，第1版，第821页。）。上帝引导着人、拯救着人，所以“和基督一致是绝对必要的，没有这种一致我们就会被上帝抛弃，而只有上帝才能够拯救我们”。在《考虑》一文中，他也表达了类似的思想，认为神是存在的，神总是在人内心坚定地做启示，所以世人决不会成为“完全没有引导的人”（《马克思恩格斯全集》第40卷，第1版，第3页。）。

(II) The Divine is Higher than the Secular

（二）神性的东西高于世俗的东西

Marx believes that “human morality is always limited, always secular morality.” Once secular things disappear, the divinity in man is revealed. He believes that all moral actions arise from a pure source, namely, love for God and for Christ. It is by virtue of this pure source that human morality can transcend the secular and become truly divine. And once man attains this true (divine) morality, he can ennoble his inner self, possess a calm heart, and nothing can conquer him. He can therefore “calmly handle the blows of fate, bravely confront the impulses of various desires, and fearlessly endure the torment of all sufferings.”

马克思认为，“人的道德总是有局限性的，总是世俗的道德”。世俗的东西一旦消失了，人的神性就彰显出来。他认为一切道德的行为都是出于一种纯洁的根源，即对神、对基督的爱。正是凭着这种纯洁的根源，人的道德才可以超越世俗，成为真正的神性的东西。而人一旦达到了这种真正的（神性的）道德，他就可以使内心变得高尚，就会有一颗镇定的心，没有什么可以征服得了他。他因此能够“泰然处置命运的打击，勇于对待各种欲望的冲动，无畏地忍受一切苦难的折磨”，

(III) The Existence of God Is Neither Human Error or Illusion, Nor Human Self-Deception

（三）神的存在并非是人的迷误与幻觉，也不是人的自欺

In “Reflections,” Marx believes that God gives man a goal, that God’s role is to guide man and point out the path forward for him. At the same time, he believes that this relationship between God and man easily gives rise to unreal, illusory forms in man. “Great things … easily inspire us or seem to us inspiring,” but this co-presence of God and man is not merely human illusion. It was only later that his view on this point changed.

在《考虑》一文中，马克思认为神给人以目标，神的作用是引导人，给人指出前进的道路。同时他认为，神与人的这种关系很容易引起人的不真实的、虚妄的幻觉形式。“伟大的东西 ⋯⋯容易给人以鼓舞或者我们觉得鼓舞的东西”，但神与人的这种共在并非就是人的幻觉。只是到了后来，他的这一观点才发生了变化。

II

二

It should be noted that Marx’s theistic thought at this time was still different from orthodox religion, especially Christian thought. It could even be said that although Marx then believed in God, he already showed the germ of doubting religion, even of breaking through the constraints of religion itself. This is prominently manifested in the following: First, although he believed that God exists, his focus often fell on “man.” The effect of God’s existence on the individual is to ennoble mankind and oneself. Marx believes that God assigns man a common goal, namely, to ennoble oneself and mankind, but he believes that the means to achieve this goal are left for man to find for himself. Thus God occupies a position in the human world such that, after setting the goal for man, He no longer rules over him. Therefore, God wants man to realize his own goal by himself, to be his own master.

应当看到，马克思此时的有神论思想与正统宗教，尤其是基督教思想还是有区别的，甚至可以说，马克思当时信仰上帝，却已显示出怀疑宗教、甚至冲破宗教本身管束性的萌芽，这突出表现在：首先，他虽然认为神是存在的，但落脚点常常在“人”。神的存在对个体的作用是：使人类和他自己趋于高尚。马克思认为神给人指定了一个共同的目标，即让自己和人类变得高尚，但他认为达到这个目标的手段却是让人自己去寻找。这样神在人的世界中就处于这样一种地位，即在给人制订了目标之后就不再对人进行主宰了。所以，神要人自己去实现自己的目标，要人自己主宰自己。

Furthermore, the effect of the existence of God on individuals is to unite individuals as a "species." Marx clearly highlights the status of humans as a "species." He seems inclined to anchor God in humanity, to manifest the existence of "man." For example, in discussing the parable of the vine and the branches, he writes: "The branches of the vine do not merely look at the vinedresser; if they had feeling, they would cling tightly to the vine, they would feel themselves most closely related to the vine and to the other branches growing on it; they love the other branches because the same vinedresser tends them, because the same vine gives them strength." [3]3 This is a paraphrase of the biblical parable of the vine and branches (John 15:1-8), where Jesus is the vine and believers are the branches. The "vinedresser" refers to "God," the "vine" refers to "Christ," and the "branches" refer to "oneself and other brothers or believers." This indicates that God does not seem absolutely important, because believers do not merely look at God, but follow Jesus, feeling the close relationship with other brothers, and the ultimate result is love for their brothers. "Union with Christ ... consists in directing our hearts toward our brothers, whom Christ has bound closely together with us," [4]4 This is a paraphrase of a passage from the New Testament, likely drawing on John 15 and 1 John 4. and the close bond between individuals as fundamental points is even more fully revealed.

此外，神的存在对个体之间的作用是：让个体作为“类”联结在一起。马克思明显突出了人作为“类”的地位。他似乎倾向于把神落结于人，倾向于显示出“人”的存在。比如在论述葡萄藤和枝蔓的比喻时有这样一段话：“葡萄枝蔓不光是望着种植葡萄的人；如果它有感觉，那么，它便会紧紧贴在藤上，它便会感觉到自己与葡萄藤和长在藤上的其他枝蔓有着最密切的关系；它之所以爱其他枝蔓，是因为是同一个种植葡萄的人照料他们，是同一个藤给了它们以力量”。“种葡萄的人”指“上帝”，“藤”指“基督”，“枝蔓”指“自己及其他弟兄或信徒”。这里说明，上帝好像并不是绝对重要，因为信徒不只光看着上帝，而是要追随耶稣，感觉与其他弟兄之间的密切关系，最终结果就是爱他的弟兄。“和基督一致，⋯⋯在于使我们的心向着我们的弟兄们，基督将他们和我们紧密地联系在一起”，作为根本点的个体与个体的人之间的紧密联系更彰显无遗。

Secondly, when discussing union with Christ, he always seeks to find the cause. Marx always attempts to seek the reason for the necessity of union with Christ, and tries to find this cause from within man himself. Unlike orthodox Christians who treat union with Christ as an ultimate given, Marx attempts to treat it as a cause for further inquiry. At the beginning of the essay "The Union of the Faithful with Christ," [5]5 "The Union of the Faithful with Christ" (Die Vereinigung der Gläubigen mit Christo) is an early essay by Marx, written in 1835 as part of his secondary school graduation examination. he argues that before studying this question, one should first clarify whether this union "depends on human nature" and whether man can "through himself" achieve the purpose for which God created man.

其次，在论述与基督一致性时，总试图寻找原因。马克思总是试图寻求与基督保持一致这种必要性的原因，并且试图从人本身来寻求这种一致的原因。与正统的基督徒把与基督的一致性作为一种最终的根据不同，马克思试图把它作为原因进一步探求。在《影响》一文的开篇，他便认为在研究这个问题之前，应该先弄清楚，这种一致性“是否取决于人的天性”，人是否可以“通过自己”来达到上帝造人的目的。

He deeply believes in the necessity of this union, but he still "urgently" wants to know: what is this light "precisely, what is its inner cause and essence"? Although he could not answer these questions at the time, from the development of his thought, this was undoubtedly an important aspect that seized his interest: namely, seeking the cause of union with Christ in the "nature" of "man," seeking the cause of God in man.

他深深相信这种一致的必要性，但他还是“迫切地”想知道：这道光芒“究竟是什么，它的内在原因和实质是什么”？虽然这时他不可能回答这些问题，但从他思想的发展来看，这无疑是攫住他兴趣的一个重要方面，即在“人”的天性中寻找与基督一致的原因，在人那里寻找神的原因。

Thirdly, when expounding religious issues, he emphasizes history. In "The Union of the Faithful with Christ," although Marx's purpose is to demonstrate the union of believers with Christ, in the process of exposition, he focuses on demonstrating the necessity of union with Christ from the perspective of the history of nations and the history of individuals. Yet when using the abstract Word of Christ, which he calls "the most reliable argument," he merely repeats a few sentences from the Bible, which appears less persuasive. In particular, when arguing, he phrases it as "the places where Christ expresses the necessity of union with him most clearly are, of course, ..." as if Christ were not God, but another person in history different from himself; as if Christ were not within his heart, but outside his body and mind, an individual different from himself. This is clearly different from the expression of orthodox Christians. Such expression is even more evident in his early poems: "I have discovered the highest wisdom, grasped its profound mysteries, / I am as great as God, clothed in dark garments like God, / ..." (Collected Works of Marx and Engels, Vol. 40, 1st ed., p. 651) [6]6 This is from Marx's early poetry, written during his youth, reflecting a Romantic and Promethean influence.

再次，在阐述宗教问题时注重历史。在《影响》一文中，马克思的目的虽然是要论证信徒与基督的一致性，但在论述的过程中，却注重从民族的历史、个人的历史的角度去论证和基督一致的必要性。而在用基督的道这个抽象的、被他称为“最可靠的论证时”，却只重复了圣经中的几句话，显得不那么具有说服力。特别是，在论证时，他措词“基督把和他一致必要性表达得比较清楚的地方，当然就是⋯⋯”，仿佛基督并不是神，而是和他不同的历史中的另外一个人一样；仿佛基督并不是在他的心中，而是在他的身心之外与它不同的个体一样。这显然不同于正统基督徒的表达。而这样的表达在他早期的诗歌中更为明显：发现了最崇高的智谋，领会它深邃的奥秘，/我就像神那样了不起，像神那样披上晦暗的外衣，/⋯⋯ （《马克思恩格斯全集》，第40卷，第1版，第651页）

Finally, before God, Marx is full of confidence in man; before perfection, Marx is full of confidence in the pursuit of perfection. When describing the relationship between man and God, he uses a soul-stirring phrase—"the insulted ruler"—meaning, roughly, that "the base pursuit of worldly wealth and fame crowds out the desire for knowledge, and the thirst for truth is extinguished by hypocritical sweet talk," so that man is utterly unworthy to be God's creation, yet man has become God's creation, thereby insulting the "holy" God. He believes that the reason God sent his own Son—Christ—to proclaim oracles to us is that God wanted us humans, God's creatures, to be raised up to be like himself. His slightly later early poems also reflect this: "Facing the whole treacherous world, / I will unhesitatingly pick a fight, / Let the world, this behemoth, collapse, / It cannot itself extinguish this flame. // Then I will be like God, / Strolling on the ruins of this universe; / Every word of mine is action, / I am the creator of earthly life." (Collected Works of Marx and Engels, Vol. 40, 1st ed., pp. 668-669.) [7]7 These lines are from a poem Marx wrote to his fiancée Jenny von Westphalen, expressing a defiant, almost godlike self-image. Although this was written to Jenny, it also reveals that deep in his heart, unlike traditional Christians, he is not a humble and servile image before "God," but maintains independence and dignity, even embodying the boldness and spirit to surpass, which stems from his optimistic attitude toward human nature and his confidence in the perfection of human nature. In other words, Marx believes that in "human nature," man should be like God.

最后，在上帝面前，马克思充满着对人的信心；在完美面前，马克思充满着追求完美的信心。在描述人和上帝的关系时，他用了一个撼动心灵的词语——“受辱的主宰者”，意思不外是，“贪图尘世间富贵功名的卑鄙企图排挤着求知的欲望，对真理的渴望被虚伪的甜言蜜语所熄灭”，所以人根本就不配做上帝的创造物，但人却成为了上帝的创造物，因此侮辱了“圣洁的”上帝。他认为上帝之所以派出自己的儿子——基督向我们宣告神谕，就是由于上帝想要我们人、这个上帝的受造物抬高到像他自己一样。他稍后的早期诗歌也体现了这一点：面对着整个奸诈的世界，/我会毫不留情地把战挑，/让世界这庞然大物塌倒，/它自身扑灭不了这火苗。//那时我就会像上帝一样，/在这宇宙的废墟上漫步；/我的每一句话都是行动，/我是尘世生活的造物主。（《马克思恩格斯全集》，第40卷，第1版，第668-669页。）虽然这是写给燕妮的诗，但也表现了他内心深处一反传统基督徒，在“上帝”面前不是卑微和奴仆的形象，而是保持了独立和尊严，甚至体现了要赶超的胆量和气魄，这源于他对人的本性所持乐观态度，对人的本性完美的信心。换言之，马克思认为在“人的本性”上，人是应该和上帝一样的。

Perfection is a very important category in Marx's thought during this period. In the essay "Reflections of a Youth on the Choice of a Profession," [8]8 "Reflections of a Youth on the Choice of a Profession" is an essay Marx wrote in 1835 for his Abitur (secondary school leaving examination) at the Trier Gymnasium. Marx believes that God assigns to man the common goal of elevating humanity to nobility; and the compass for man's choice of profession is "the happiness of mankind and our own perfection," [9]9 This is a direct quotation from Marx's essay on choosing a profession. taking perfection as his own goal to pursue. "If we choose the profession that works most for the welfare of mankind, ... our happiness will belong to millions, our cause will exist silently but eternally, and before our ashes, noble people will shed hot tears." [10]10 This is a direct quotation from the same essay. Some scholars believe that here "a youth just 17 years old seems to have written his own epitaph" (Yang Shi, The Liberation of Man—Rereading Marx, Sichuan People's Publishing House, 1996, p. 6). This evaluation is appropriate. Striving to realize "the happiness of mankind and our own perfection" formed the driving force of Marx's theoretical activity, and is also the red thread running through his entire life, the best interpretation of his life's work.

完美，是马克思这一时期思想的一个很重要的范畴。在《考虑》一文中，马克思认为神给人指定共同的目标是使人类趋于高尚；而人选择职业的指针是“人类的幸福和我们自身的完美”，他把完美作为自己的目标去追求。“如果我们选择了最能为人类福利而劳动的职业，⋯⋯我们的幸福将属于千百万人，我们的事业将默默地、但是永恒发挥作用地存在下去，而面对我们的骨灰，高尚的人们将洒下热泪”。有的学者认为在这里“一个刚17岁的青年，好象已经写下了自己的墓志铭”（杨适：《人的解放——重读马克思》，四川人民出版社1996年版，第6页）。这种评价是恰当的。努力实现“人类的幸福和我们自身的完美”，形成了马克思理论活动的动力，也是贯穿他一生的红线，是他一生活动的最好诠释。

III

三

In October 1836, Marx transferred from the University of Bonn to the University of Berlin to continue studying law. His studies at the University of Berlin became a turning point in his life. During this period, he pursued reason and universality, and in terms of worldview, turned to atheism. This change is clearly reflected in his doctoral dissertation, "The Difference Between the Democritean and Epicurean Philosophy of Nature," completed in March 1842.

1836年10月，马克思由波恩大学转入柏林大学继续攻读法律专业。在柏林大学的学习，成为他一生的转折点。这一时期他追求理性、普遍性，在世界观上转向了无神论，这一变化鲜明地体现在他1842年3月写成的博士论文《德谟克利特的自然哲学和伊壁鸠鲁的自然哲学的差别》中。

Historically, there have been various types of atheists, each with its own specific starting point and content. Marx's atheism also has its own specific content. Here, the period of Marx's doctoral dissertation is regarded as the establishment of his atheist position. This is based on the following considerations: Marx's thought underwent a very obvious change during this period; if he had previously been enthusiastic about religion, at this time he adopted an almost opposite attitude toward "God" and religion. Establishment is a sign, not indicating its richness or full maturity. Why Marx adopted this position can be understood from the following aspects:

历史上有种种不同类型的无神论者，每一种无神论都有着自己特定的出发点和内涵。马克思的无神论也有自己特定的内容。这里把马克思博士论文时期看作马克思无神论立场的确立。之所以如此，是出于以下考虑：马克思在这一时期思想发生了十分明显的变化，如果说之前还对宗教抱有热情的话，而此时则对“神”、对宗教采取了几乎相反的态度。确立是一种标志，并不表明它的丰富与完全成熟。马克思为什么会采取这种立场，可以从以下几个方面进行理解：

First, unlike before, he now believes that God is a vain assumption of people, and that "God" cannot be considered to guarantee human virtue. This was influenced by Epicurus. Based on this vanity of God, he expresses it through excerpts: "He who rejects the gods believed by the multitude is not impious, but he who agrees with the multitude's opinions about the gods is impious." [11]11 This is a paraphrase of a fragment from Epicurus, often cited in discussions of ancient atheism. He specifically examines some views of Plutarch, who believed that Epicurus's exclusion of the relationship between man and God led to man's disbelief in God, which was wrong. Plutarch argued that if people abandoned their reverence and fear of God, they would do evil as they pleased because they were not afraid of punishment, and human virtue could not be guaranteed. Marx believes that Plutarch "is completely incapable of philosophical criticism" [12]12 This is Marx's own judgment on Plutarch, expressed in his doctoral dissertation notes. and that "God" cannot be considered to guarantee human virtue.

首先，与以前不同，他此时认为神是人们虚妄的假设，不能认为“神”可以保证人类的美德。这点是受了伊壁鸠鲁的影响。基于神的这种虚妄性，他通过摘录加以表达：“摈弃众人所信众神的人，并不是渎神的，而同意众人关于众神意见的人，才是渎神的。”他专门考察普鲁塔克的一些观点，普氏认为伊氏排除掉了人与神的关系从而导致人对神的不信仰是错误的。他认为人如果放弃了对神的崇敬与恐惧，人们就会由于不害怕被惩罚从而随心所欲地去做坏事，人类的美德无法得以保证。马克思认为普氏“完全没有能力进行哲学批判”，不能认为“神”可以保证人类的美德。

Secondly, it is necessary to oppose the gods, because the gods oppose humanity. Since Marx believed that the concept of gods is nothing but a false hypothesis, and that once this false concept becomes fixed, it in turn becomes distant from humanity and “opposes humanity,” therefore, for humanity to live a genuine life, it must oppose “all gods.” Marx wrote: “Philosophy, as long as it still has a drop of blood beating in its absolutely free heart that is to conquer the world, will forever declare to its opponents with Epicurus: ‘The impious is not the one who rejects the gods worshipped by the multitude, but the one who agrees with the multitude’s opinion about the gods.’ Philosophy does not conceal this. Prometheus confesses: To tell the truth, I hate all gods; this is philosophy’s own confession, its own maxim, by which it expresses its opposition to all gods of heaven and earth…” [1]1 Karl Marx, “Difference Between the Democritean and Epicurean Philosophy of Nature,” in Marx and Engels, Collected Works, Vol. 1 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), p. 30. The quotation combines Epicurus’s saying (from Diogenes Laërtius) and Aeschylus’s Prometheus Bound. This is Marx’s citation of the words of Epicurus and Prometheus, and can also be understood as a manifestation of Marx’s atheistic spirit.

其次，必须反对神，因为神在反对人。由于马克思认为神的观念不外是虚妄的假设，而这种虚妄的观念一旦得到固定，它反过来就变得远离人、“反对人”，因此人要过一种真实的生活，需要去反对“一切神”。马克思写道：“哲学，只要它还有一滴血在它那个要征服的世界的、绝对自由的心脏里跳动着，他将永远用伊壁鸠鲁向它的反对者宣称：‘渎神的并不是那抛弃众人所崇拜众神的人，而是同意众人关于众神意见的人。’哲学并不隐瞒这一点。普罗米修斯承认道：老实说，我痛恨所有的神，这是哲学的自白，它自己的格言，借以表示它反对一切天上的和地上的神，⋯⋯。”这是马克思引述的伊壁鸠鲁和普罗米修斯的语言，也可以理解为马克思无神论精神的一种体现。

Third, “gods” originate from the yet-to-be-improved cognitive abilities of humanity. In his critique of “gods,” Marx praised Epicurus, regarding him as a great Greek Enlightenment thinker and a militant atheist. Contrary to the view that the heavenly bodies are the gods, Epicurus held that it is precisely because people regard the heavenly bodies as gods, as blessed and indestructible, that the human mind falls into confusion. The ancients imbued natural celestial bodies with mystical significance and attached “divinity” to them because they lacked the ability to understand nature; thus, they imagined an existence beyond their own power, and this is the prototype of the gods. He used atoms and the void to explain things, striving to eliminate superstition and worship of the heavenly bodies, thereby freeing self-consciousness and achieving tranquility of the mind, attaining a state of happiness characterized by “no pain in the body and no disturbance in the mind.”

第三，“神”起源于人类有待提高的认识能力。在对“神”批判过程中，马克思赞扬了伊壁鸠鲁，他把伊壁鸠鲁看作希腊伟大的启蒙思想家，战斗的无神论者。与认为天体即众神不同，伊氏认为恰恰因为把天体当作众神、当作有福祉和不可毁灭的，才使人心发生了迷乱。古代的人们使自然天体充满了神秘的意义，把“神性”附之于天体，是由于他们没有能力认识自然，于是便设想有一种超出人自身力量的存在，这便是神的原型。他用原子与虚空进行解释，力图排除对天体的迷信与崇拜，从而使自我意识得到自由、心灵得到安宁，达到一种“肉体无痛苦和心灵无纷扰”的快乐。

Fourth, opposing religion through philosophy. In exploring the relationship between Socrates and Christ, Marx on the one hand explained that religion is unified with philosophy, while on the other hand he also demonstrated that philosophy and religion have their own distinct objects and contents, belonging to two different domains. In his critique of religion, he set up an antithesis to religion—philosophy. He held that religion and philosophy are in “eternal separation”; philosophy opposes religion on the one hand, and also opposes religion’s interference in philosophy on the other (Collected Works of Marx and Engels, Vol. 40, 1st ed., p. 189).

第四，通过哲学反对宗教。在探讨苏格拉底和基督之间关系的时候，马克思一方面说明了宗教统一于哲学，同时也说明了哲学与宗教是有着各自不同的对象和内容，是两个不同的领域。在对宗教批判的时候，他为宗教树立了一个对立面——哲学。认为宗教与哲学是“永恒的分离”，哲学一方面反对宗教，另一方面也反对宗教干涉哲学（《马克思恩格斯全集》，第40卷，第1版，第189页）。

He believed that philosophy’s “primary foundation is the spirit of courageous freedom” (Collected Works of Marx and Engels, Vol. 40, 1st ed., p. 112), that it recognizes no authority, and that its very purpose is to test authority. If religion and the gods represented a kind of authority or social norm for people at that time, then they too needed to be tested before philosophy. Because philosophy pursues the universal, it is rational; whereas religion demands submission to authority, and is irrational. Religion held a dominant position for a long period in Western history, especially in the Middle Ages, when it possessed supreme authority in social life and all other things were subordinated to it; thus, it largely became a means of spiritual domination over people. In his doctoral dissertation, Marx expressed a spirit of pursuing freedom and refusing to be bound. In this way, Marx’s attitude toward religion actually carried a connotation of opposing authority: “Anything that cannot withstand my critique should be abandoned, even if this view represents a recognized authority.” (H. E. Sigrist, Working for Humanity—quoted from History of Marxist Philosophy, Beijing Publishing House, Vol. 1, p. 98)

他认为哲学“首要基础是勇敢的自由的精神”（《马克思恩格斯全集》，第40卷，第1版，第112页），它不承认任何权威，而正是要检验权威。如果宗教以及神在当时代表一种权威或者人们的社会规范的话，它也需要在哲学面前受到检验。因为哲学追求普遍的东西，它是理性的；而宗教要求对权威的服从，是非理性的。宗教在西方历史上长期占统治地位，特别是中世纪，宗教在社会生活中有着无上的权威，其他一切都服膺于宗教，因此它在很大程度上沦为对人的精神统治。在博士论文中，马克思表达了一种追求自由、不愿受束缚的精神。这样，马克思对待宗教实际上有着反对权威的意味：“凡是经不起我批判的东西就应该放弃，哪怕这种观点是代表公认的权威”。（H•E• 西格里斯特《为人类工作》——转引自《马克思主义哲学史》，北京出版社，第一卷，第98页）

IV

四

It is insufficient to merely observe Marx’s attitude toward gods and religion; it is necessary to further understand the various factors that led Marx to this stance, as the latter is even more important. It is like how some people praise God, while others denounce God—who is right and who is wrong? If the former praises God because through “God” they see beauty and hope, while the latter denounces God because through “God” they see the ugliness and despair of human existence, then in fact their attitudes toward “God” share a fundamental commonality: a tendency toward beauty and away from ugliness and imperfection. Thus, the question of whether “God” should be praised or denounced becomes less important, yielding to another, more genuine and meaningful question: What is God?

仅仅看到马克思对神、对宗教的这种态度是不够的，需要进一步了解马克思之所以如此的诸种因素，后者甚至更为重要。正如同有人赞美上帝，有人贬斥上帝，孰是孰非呢？如果前者因为通过“上帝”看到了美和希望进而赞美，而后者则因为通过“上帝”看到了人现存的丑和绝望进而贬斥，事实上他们对“上帝”的态度本质上有着根本的共同之处：趋向美，远离不美和缺陷。那么，关于“上帝”是否应赞美或贬斥的问题就显得不再重要，它让位于另一个更为真实、更有意义的问题：上帝是什么？

If we ask: Why did Marx undergo a transformation from theism to atheism? The key lies in: first, he shifted the question of the existence of God to a consideration of the concept of God; second, in the comparison between religion and philosophy, he adopted a stance favoring philosophy and distancing himself from religion. If we ask further: Why did Marx transform the question of God’s existence into a question about the concept of God? It is because he placed self-consciousness in a very important position. If we ask still further: Why did Marx place such importance on self-consciousness? This is because: first, the influence of Hegelian philosophy, especially the philosophy of self-consciousness of the Young Hegelians; second, self-consciousness itself possesses two characteristics: on the one hand, self-consciousness is a manifestation of the subject’s initiative, and on the other hand, self-consciousness in its actualization is reason and universality.

如果我们问：马克思为什么会发生有神论向无神论的转变？关键在于：第一，他把原先神的存在问题转向了关于神的观念问题的思考；第二，在宗教与哲学的对比中他采取了亲哲学、远宗教的立场。如果再问：马克思为什么会把神的存在问题转变为关于神的观念问题？在于他把自我意识放在一个十分重要的地位。如果进一步问：马克思为什么如此重视自我意识？这是因为：其一，黑格尔哲学特别是青年黑格尔派自我意识哲学的影响；其二，自我意识本身具有两方面的特性：一方面自我意识是主体能动性的表现，另一方面实现着的自我意识就是理性、普遍性。

During this period, Marx’s approach to gods and religion was to judge and analyze them through the lens of universality, reason, philosophy, and self-consciousness. How did this transformation of Marx occur? We can analyze it from both external and internal causes:

这一时期，马克思对待神、对待宗教，是以普遍性、理性、哲学、自我意识，来进行评判分析的。马克思的这一转向是如何发生的？我们可以从内、外两方面原因进行分析：

(I) External causes. First, in terms of the development of Western thought, after the Western European Middle Ages, there was the awakening of humanism during the Renaissance; accompanied by the development of empirical science, reason was promoted in the Enlightenment. The spirit of humanism and the spirit of reason, along with the development of the natural sciences, increasingly demonstrated their powerful force, forming the historical and cultural background for the rise of atheism. Second, social aspects. During his illness as a university student, Marx read through the works of Hegel and most of Hegel’s disciples. His contact with Hegel and this rational philosophy, along with the reform movement in the religious sphere initiated by the German Young Hegelians, promoted the transformation of Marx’s thought. The Young Hegelians examined the world with a critical eye, and especially their philosophy of self-consciousness became Marx’s conviction during this period, serving as the theoretical basis for his critique of religion. Third, school education. Although schools at the time still had compulsory religious courses, the Trier Gymnasium that Marx attended was much freer. Historically, this school had originally been a Jesuit school, but in order to oppose religion and the clergy, it was later transformed into a small academy. At that time, from the principal to the teachers, the Trier Gymnasium was influenced by the French Enlightenment spirit, which gave Marx a humanistic and rationalist upbringing. Fourth, family environment. Marx’s father, Hirschel Marx, loved the ideas and works of the Enlightenment school; he was a “thorough Frenchman who could recite the works of Voltaire and Rousseau” (Auguste Cornu, The Origins of Marxian Thought, trans. Liu Pikun et al., Sanlian Publishing House, 1963, p. 83), and was a deist, unlike traditional religious believers. His father read Voltaire and Racine with him, while Marx’s neighbor and later father-in-law, Baron von Westphalen, introduced him to Homer and Shakespeare, who became his favorite writers throughout his life (Eleanor Marx, Karl Marx, Die neue Zeit, 1883, p. 441). These works all challenged traditional religious beliefs to varying degrees.

（一）外在原因。首先，就西方思想发展的进程而言，西欧中世纪之后，经历了文艺复兴时期人文的觉醒，伴随着经验科学的发展，理性在启蒙运动中得到了发扬。人文精神与理性精神，以及自然科学的发展，日益显示出强大的威力，是无神论兴起的历史文化背景。其次，社会方面。马克思在大学生病期间从头到尾读了黑格尔的著作以及黑格尔大部分弟子的著作。黑格尔与这种理性哲学的接触，加之德国青年黑格尔派掀起的宗教领域中的革新运动，推动了马克思思想的转变。青年黑格尔派用批判的眼光审视世界，特别是他们的自我意识哲学成为马克思这一时期的信念，成为对宗教评判的理论基础。再次，学校教育。当时学校虽然仍然有宗教必修课程，但马克思所在的特利尔中学却自由得多。在历史上，这个学校原是耶稣会学校，但为了反对宗教和神职人员，它后来被改变成了一种小型学院。当时特利尔中学从校长到教师都受法国启蒙精神的影响，这些都给了马克思人道主义和理性主义的熏陶。第四，家庭环境。马克思的父亲希舍尔•马克思热爱启蒙学派的思想与作品，是“道地的法国人，能够背诵伏尔泰和卢梭的作品”（ [法] 奥古斯特•科尔纽：《马克思恩格斯传》Ⅰ，刘丕坤等译，三联出版社1963年版，第83页。），是一位自然神论者，不同于宗教传统信仰者。他的父亲和他一起阅读伏尔泰和拉辛，而马克思当时的邻居、后来的岳父威斯特华伦男爵，则给他阅读荷马和莎士比亚，这些都是他整个一生最喜爱的作家（Eleanor Marx, Karl Marx, Die neue Zeit,1883, p.441.），这些作品都不同程度地挑战着传统的宗教信仰。

(II) Internal causes. External causes can only truly take effect when they are transformed into internal causes. Marx’s turn to atheism also had deeper internal causes.

（二）内在原因。外在原因只有转化成内在原因才可以真正地起作用。马克思转向无神论，还有着更为深刻的内在原因。

1. Transforming the question of “the existence of God” into the question of “the concept of God.” Does God exist? If God exists, then what is the meaning of critique? If God does not exist, then how is it possible to critique something that does not exist? Therefore, if discussion is based solely on the question of whether God exists, critique seems in any case to fall into a dilemma. How did Marx resolve this problem? Taking reason as the measure and basing himself on the philosophy of self-consciousness led to a key turning point in Marx’s judgment of God, namely, that he transformed the question of the existence of God into the question of the concept of God. This internal transformation is inseparable from the influence of Epicurus.

１、把“神的存在”问题转化为“神的观念”问题。神是不是存在呢？如果神是存在的，那么批判的意义是什么呢？如果神是不存在的，那么怎么可能批判一个并不存在的事物呢？所以，如果单纯地基于神是否存在的这一问题进行讨论的话，批判似乎无论如何都会陷入两难境地。马克思是如何解决这一问题的呢？以理性为尺度，以自我意识哲学为基础，这导致了马克思对神进行评判的一个关键性转折，即他把神的存在问题转化为神的观念问题。这一内在的转变和伊壁鸠鲁的影响是分不开的。

First, he raised the question of “the existence of God,” thereby calling into question the proof of “the existence of God.” In his secondary-school graduation thesis, Marx held that “God” is a kind of existence, higher than humanity, guiding humanity, and giving humanity revelation. But in his *Doctoral Dissertation*, he no longer took God’s existence as a premise for inquiry; instead, he reflected on the question of God’s existence and explicitly raised the problem of the proof of God’s existence. Marx held that the ontological “God,” that is, “God” as a philosophical category examined from the ontological level, should possess universality. Yet he recognized that all proofs of God’s existence can only be proofs of the “real existence” of a particular God. This shows that the “existence” of “God” is a particular existence: “for a particular country, with respect to a particular foreign God, just as a rational country with respect to God in general, is the place where God ceases to exist.” [13]13 Marx/Engels *Collected Works*, Vol. 40, 1st ed., p. 285. The “existence of God” contradicts reason and universality. Since Marx believed in and affirmed the latter, he thereby abandoned the former. Second, Marx held that all proofs of God’s existence, all ontological proofs, are empty tautologies. “Whatever I really (actually) represent to myself is a real representation for me.” He argued that this way of proving God’s existence actually proves its non-existence. In this way, Marx called God’s existence into question at the level of ontological proof, thereby turning to the other side of the problem—the question of the concept of God.

第一，提出了“神的存在”问题，以此质疑了对“神的存在”的证明问题。在中学毕业论文中，马克思认为“神”是一种存在，它高于人、引导人、给人以启示。而在《论文》中，他不是以神是一种存在为前提去探讨问题，而是对神的存在问题进行了思考，明确提出了关于神的存在证明问题。马克思认为本体论意义上的“神”，也就是“神”作为一个哲学范畴从本体层面来看，应该是具有普遍性的，但他认识到所有关于神的存在的证明，只能是关于特定的神的“真实存在”的证明。这表明“神”的“存在”是一种特定的存在，“一定的国家对于外来的特定的神来说，同理性的国家对于一般的神来说一样，就是神停止其存在的地方”，“神的存在”与理性、普遍性相矛盾，由于马克思相信并肯定后者，从而也就抛弃了前者。其次，马克思认为一切关于神的存在的证明、关于本体的证明都是空洞的同义反复。“凡是我真实地（实在地）表象的东西，对于我就是真实的表象”，他认为这种证明神存在的方式正是证明了它的不存在。这样，马克思在本体论证明的层次上质疑了神的存在，从而转向了问题的另一方面——关于神的观念的问题。

Second, he turned to the question of the concept of God. Marx held that all proofs of God’s existence are human assumptions, because they are essentially proofs of the existence of the self-consciousness of human essence. Proofs of God’s existence demonstrate that self-consciousness is immediate existence. “Whatever I really represent to myself is a real representation for me” precisely shows that “God” is merely a form of human concept and not a real existence. From the following excerpts by Marx, we can clearly see the internal mechanism of the transformation in Marx’s thought:

第二，转向神的观念的问题。马克思认为一切关于神的存在的证明都是人的假设，因为它实质上是对人的本质的自我意识存在的证明。关于神的存在的证明说明的是自我意识是直接的存在，“凡是我真实地表象的东西，对于我就是真实的表象”，正说明了“神”只是人的观念形式而并非真实的存在。从下面马克思的摘录我们可以很清楚地看到马克思思想发生转变的内在机制：

“There are gods, because the concept of them is evident (the general concept of gods refers to the consensus of people’s views.—Marx’s original note). But the gods are not as people imagine them; because people [in their original thinking about the gods] have not retained the original concept of the gods.”

“存在着众神，因为关于他们的观念是明显的（众神的一般观念是指大家的观点一致。——马克思原注）。但是众神并不是众人所想象的那种样子；因为众人 [在他们关于众神的原始思维中] 没有保留关于众神的原始观念。”

“He who rejects the gods believed in by the multitude is not impious; he who agrees with the multitude’s opinion about the gods is impious.” “Because the multitude’s opinion about the gods is not a preconception, but a false assumption. … The multitude are completely accustomed to their own virtues …”

“摈弃众人所信众神的人，并不是渎神的，而同意众人关于众神意见的人，才是渎神的。”“因为众人关于众神的意见不是预想，而是虚妄的假设。……众人完全习惯于自己的美德……”

(Marx/Engels *Collected Works*, 1st ed., Vol. 40, p. 29)

（《马克思恩格斯全集》，第1版，第40卷，第29页）

The inner meaning of these passages excerpted by Marx in his *Notebooks on Epicurean Philosophy* is very coherent. They reveal two important reasons for Marx’s opposition to “God”: First, God is a false conceptual assumption of the multitude. Because the concept of the gods is evident, the gods exist; but the gods are not as the multitude imagine them, because the multitude are completely accustomed to indulging in their own virtues, and the concept of the gods is their false assumption. God is a false assumption made by the multitude to satisfy their own virtues. Therefore, it is not so much that Marx resolutely opposes God as that he opposes human beings, opposes the human concept of the gods. Second, abandoning the gods people worship is not impiety; agreeing with people’s views of the gods is impiety. When Marx, through the mouth of Prometheus, says, “The impious person is not the one who rejects the gods worshipped by the multitude, but the one who agrees with the multitude’s opinion about the gods,” we can see that Marx at this time at least does not oppose God, but resolutely opposes the multitude’s “opinion” about the gods—he does not even intend to “be impious toward God,” because the person who does not oppose the multitude’s opinion about the gods is the impious person. That is, Marx holds that only “opposing God” is not being impious, or rather, he holds that opposing God is by no means impiety, whereas if one does not oppose God, one agrees with the multitude’s concept (opinion) of the gods. Faced with these opinions, i.e., false assumptions, if one does not oppose them, one is instead being impious toward God.

马克思在《关于伊壁鸠鲁哲学的笔记》中摘录的这几段话，其内在含义是十分连贯的。这里显示了马克思反对“神”的两个重要原因：其一，神是众人虚妄的观念假设。因为关于众神的观念是明显的，所以众神是存在的；但是众神并不像众人想象的样子，因为众人完全习惯沉溺于自己的美德，关于众神的观念是他们虚妄的假设。神是众人满足于自己的美德而作的虚妄的假设。因此，与其说马克思坚决地反对神，不如说他是在反对人，反对人关于众神的观念。其二，抛弃人们崇拜的神并不是渎神，同意人们对神的看法是渎神。当马克思借普罗密修斯之口说出“渎神的并不是那抛弃众人所崇拜的众神的人，而是同意众人关于众神意见的人”的时候，我们便可以看出：马克思至少在此时并不反对神，而是坚决反对众人关于众神的“意见”，——他甚至并不想去“渎神”，因为不反对众人关于众神意见的人才是渎神的人，也就是说，马克思认为只有“反对神”才是不渎神或者说他认为反对神决不是渎神，而如果不去反对神就是同意了众人关于众神的观念（意见），面对这些意见即虚妄的假设如果不加以反对，反而是渎神的了。

Here, Marx reveals his starting point for dealing with religion: judging “God” and the religion centered on the concept of “God” not from an “ontological” sense, but from a “conceptual” sense. Such critique is in fact a critique of the “false assumptions” made because “the multitude are completely accustomed to their own virtues.”

在这里，马克思显示出他对待宗教的出发点：不是从“本体”的意义上，而是从“观念”的意义上评判“神”及以“神”为核心观念的宗教。这样的批判实际上是批判“众人完全习惯于自己的美德”而做出的“虚妄的假设”。

2. In the contrast between religion and philosophy, he chose philosophy. Reason and faith, philosophy and religion, have long been contested issues in the West. On this question, Marx held a clear position favoring philosophy and distancing himself from religion; his interest in philosophy was markedly higher than his interest in religion. In a letter to his father, he wrote: “Without philosophy I cannot go forward.” But when he mentioned religion, his interest was much fainter. This innate interest in philosophy inclined him toward being a philosopher rather than a theologian or preacher. He even attributed the most fundamental power to save humanity to philosophy, holding that philosophy’s task is to pursue universality: “It is philosophy, not religion, that possesses the power of salvation in the ultimate sense.”

2、在与宗教的对比中，选择了哲学。理性和信仰、哲学和宗教是西方长期以来一直争论的问题，在这一问题上马克思有着鲜明的亲哲学、远宗教的立场，他对哲学的兴趣明显高于对宗教的兴趣。在给父亲的信中他写道：“没有哲学我就不能前进”，但是当他提到宗教时，其兴趣就淡然多了。对哲学的这种天生的兴趣，促使他倾向于哲学家而不是一个神学家或者传教师。他甚至把拯救人类最根本的力量归结为哲学，认为哲学的任务是追求普遍性，“是哲学而不是宗教具有归根到底意义上的拯救的力量”。

Of course, Marx also pointed out that philosophy has its own one-sidedness. But faced with philosophy’s shortcomings, Marx still chose it without hesitation. Using philosophy as the standard to judge religion, this position laid the foundation for the entire tone of his later theory of religion.

当然，马克思也指出了哲学有其自身的片面性。但是面对哲学的不足，马克思还是义无反顾地选择了它。用哲学作为标准评判宗教，这种立场奠定了他后来整个宗教理论的基调。

3. “God” has particularity and locality, which conflicts with the spirit of rational universality. Through investigation, Marx concluded that the “existence” of what people call “God” can only be the existence of a particular “God.” The God of one nation does not exist for foreign nations; the proofs of God’s existence are also proofs of its non-existence. All this expresses that “God” has particularity and locality. Upholding reason and the pursuit of universality constituted an important aspect of Marx’s early judgment of religion.

3、“神”具有特殊性、地域性，与理性普遍性的精神有抵触。马克思通过考察得出结论：人们所说的“神”的存在只能是特定的“神”的存在。一个民族的神对于外来的民族是不存在的，神的存在的证据也是其不存在的证据。这些都表达了“神”具有特殊性和地域性。秉持理性、对普遍性的追求构成了马克思早期对宗教评判的一个重要方面。

4. “God does not recognize self-consciousness as having the highest divinity” (Marx/Engels *Collected Works*, Vol. 40, 1st ed., p. 190), which contradicts “self-consciousness.” Marx valued humanity itself, and under the influence of the Young Hegelians, this inevitably led to an inclination toward the philosophy of self-consciousness. Since humanity (its self-consciousness) should possess “the highest divinity,” and “there should be no God alongside human self-consciousness,” while God does not recognize self-consciousness as having the highest divinity, Marx therefore chose self-consciousness and did not choose “God.”

4、“神不承认自我意识具有最高的神性”(《马克思恩格斯全集》，第40卷，第1版，第190页。)，与“自我意识”相矛盾。马克思重视人本身，这在青年黑格尔派的影响下必然导致对自我意识哲学的倾心。既然人（的自我意识）应该具有“最高的神性”，“不应该有任何神同人的自我意识相并列”，而神不承认自我意识具有最高的神性，所以他才选择了自我意识，没有选择“神”。

During this period, Marx turned to atheism, but this transformation was not very thorough. In 1845 and 1846, Marx founded historical materialism and his theory of ideology, carrying out a truly scientific analysis of religion, and only then gradually overcame this lack of thoroughness.

马克思在这一时期转向了无神论，但这种转变并不是很彻底。1845年、1846年，马克思创立唯物史观及其意识形态理论，对宗教进行了真正科学的分析，才逐渐克服了这种不彻底性。

Online editor: Jia Fei

网络编辑：嘉扉