A Study of the Anti-Christian Movement in the 1920s

The Anti-Christian Movement that erupted in 1922 was a mass patriotic movement initiated by the Communist Party of China under the historical task of opposing imperialism and feudalism, aimed at opposing the political, economic, and cultural aggression of imperialism. The Communist Party of China played an important role in this historical movement. Early Communists led by Chen Duxiu, Li Dazhao, and Yun Daiying actively participated in and led the Anti-Christian Movement, the Anti-Religion Movement, and the Movement to Reclaim Educational Rights. This not only struck at Christian churches and church organizations protected by the wings of imperialism, sounding an alarm for the Christian church and forcing it to accelerate its exploration of the indigenization and Sinicization of Christianity, but also aroused the people’s national independence consciousness and anti-imperialist fervor, expanded the revolutionary ranks and strength, and created positive conditions for breaking down feudal superstition and awakening the people to shatter feudal theocratic authority. At the same time, through the Party’s theoretical, propagandistic, and organizational leadership of the Anti-Christian Movement, theoretical and practical preparations were made for the Communist Party of China to handle religious issues.

1922年爆发的非基督教运动是中国共产党在反帝反封建的历史任务目标下，发起的一场反对帝国主义政治经济文化侵略的群众爱国运动。中国共产党在这场历史运动中扮演了重要角色。以陈独秀、李大钊、恽代英等为领导的早期共产党人积极参与和领导了非基督教运动、非宗教运动和收回教育权运动，不仅打击了帝国主义羽翼保护下的基督教及教会组织，给基督教会敲响警钟，迫使教会加快探索基督教的本色化和中国化道路，而且激发了民众的民族独立意识和反帝国主义热情，壮大了革命的队伍和力量，为破除封建迷信和唤醒民众打破封建神权创造了积极的条件。同时，通过党对非基督教运动理论、宣传和组织上的领导，为中国共产党处理宗教问题做好了理论和实践上的准备。

I. The Anti-Christian Movement Was in Essence an Anti-Imperialist Patriotic Movement Led by the Communist Party of China

一、非基督教运动本质上是中国共产党领导的反帝爱国运动

(I) The Party’s Organizational Leadership of Youth Revolutionary Forces in the Anti-Christian Movement

（一）非基督教运动中党对青年革命力量的组织领导

Before the outbreak of the Anti-Christian Movement, social trends opposing Christianity were already brewing in Chinese society. At the beginning of the twentieth century, along with Western colonialist aggression against China, Christianity participated in the signing of a series of unequal treaties with China and obtained missionary privileges from them, arousing discontent from all sectors of society. Since the May Fourth New Culture Movement, Christianity had encountered challenges from the trend of scientific and democratic thought, especially criticism from young students who supported Marxism. The China Continuation Committee, established in China by Western mission boards, published in 1922 a comprehensive survey of all Christian undertakings in China, entitled *The Christian Occupation of China*, which everywhere revealed the ambition of Christian expansion in China. [1]1 *The Christian Occupation of China* (《中华归主》): A comprehensive survey of Christian missions in China published in 1922 by the China Continuation Committee. The Chinese title literally means “China Returns to the Lord,” reflecting the expansionist ambitions of Western missions in China at the time. The various factors above aroused great antipathy toward Christianity among all sectors of society, especially among young students influenced by the New Culture trend. In early 1922, it happened that the World’s Student Christian Federation decided to hold its 11th World’s Student Christian Federation Conference at National Tsinghua University in Beijing on April 4 of that year, and publicized this in its federation journal. Upon learning this news, patriotic youth in Shanghai took the lead in March 1922 to establish the “Anti-Christian Student Federation,” opposing the convening of the World’s Student Christian Federation Conference in Beijing and opposing Christianity and its organizations. On March 9, they published the “Manifesto of the Shanghai Anti-Christian Student Federation,” opening the序幕 of the Anti-Christian Movement.

非基督教运动爆发之前，中国社会上就酝酿着反对基督教的社会思潮。二十世纪初，伴随着西方殖民主义对中国的侵略，基督教参与了一系列对华不平等条约的签订并从中获得传教特权，引起社会各界的不满。自五四新文化运动以来，基督教遭遇了科学民主思潮的挑战，特别是受到支持马克思主义的青年学生的批判。由西方差会在中国发起成立的中华续行委办会，于1922年出版了对中国基督教各项事业的全面调查结果一书，并将其命名为《中华归主》，处处透露出基督教在华扩张的野心。以上种种因素引起社会各界对基督教的极大反感，特别是受新文化思潮影响的青年学生。1922年初，恰逢世界基督教学生同盟决定于当年4月4日在北京的国立清华大学召开第11次世界基督教学生同盟大会，并在其同盟刊物上宣传。得知此消息的上海爱国青年于1922年3月率先成立“非基督教学生同盟”，反对世界基督教学生同盟大会在北京召开，反对基督教及其组织。9日发表《上海非基督教学生同盟宣言》，拉开非基督教运动序幕。

Before the outbreak of the Anti-Christian Movement, the Communist Party of China had already attached great importance to the important role of the youth movement in the tide of the national revolution.

非基督教运动爆发前，中国共产党就高度重视青年运动在国民革命浪潮中的重要作用。

At the time of the Party’s founding, it was relatively weak in both organization and strength. Strengthening the Party’s revolutionary forces was an urgent task. Besides “organizing the workers, peasants, and soldiers” to launch social revolution, it was also urgently necessary to develop the youth and women’s movements and strengthen their organizations. After the founding of the Communist Party of China in 1921, it began to establish and develop the Socialist Youth League in various places. In November 1921, the Central Bureau of the CPC, in its circular on establishing and developing Party, League, and trade union organizations, demanded that all localities vigorously develop the Socialist Youth League, “and must exceed 2,000 League members before July of next year.” In April 1922, the Shanghai local Socialist Youth League began to assume the responsibilities of the Provisional Central Bureau of the Chinese Socialist Youth League, and in May it joined the Young Communist International. The Chinese Socialist Youth League was the reserve force and preparatory school of the Communist Party of China, carrying out activities under the leadership of the Party Central Committee, and its views and decisions to a large extent represented the attitude of the Communist Party of China. It can be seen that at the time of the Party’s founding, strengthening the Party’s youth mass organizations and forces was one of its objectives and tasks.

党成立之初，组织上力量上都相对弱小，壮大党的革命力量是当务之急，除了“把工人、农民和士兵组织起来”发动社会革命以外，还亟需发展青年及妇女运动并壮大其组织。1921年中国共产党成立后，便开始在各地建立和发展社会主义青年团。1921年11月，中共中央局在建立和发展党团工会组织的通告中，要求各地大力发展社会主义青年团，“必须在明年七月以前超过二千团员”。1922年4月，上海地方社会主义青年团开始承担中国社会主义青年团临时中央局的职责，5月加入青年共产国际。中国社会主义青年团是中国共产党的后备军和预备学校，在党中央的领导下开展活动，其主张和决策很大程度代表了中国共产党的态度。可见，党成立之初，壮大党的青年群众组织和力量是其目标任务之一。

After the outbreak of the Anti-Christian Movement, the Communist Party of China quickly seized the opportunity, participated in and led the Anti-Christian Movement, causing the movement to rapidly sweep across the country. On March 15, 1922, the Shanghai Socialist Youth League organ *The Vanguard* published a special issue, “The Anti-Christian Student Federation Number,” which printed the “Manifesto of the Anti-Christian Student Federation” and the “Constitution of the Anti-Christian Student Federation,” and sent telegrams to National Tsinghua University in Beijing and students at schools across the country, calling for their response. On March 17, Deng Zhongxia, Secretary of the Beijing Socialist Youth League Local Committee, together with Li Dazhao and others, actively responded and initiated the Great Anti-Religion League. Tianjin, Wuhan, Nanchang, Guangzhou, and many other places responded one after another and developed more than 50 anti-religion groups. In May of the same year, the First National Congress of the Chinese Socialist Youth League passed the “Resolution on the Relations between the Chinese Socialist Youth League and Various Chinese Groups,” paying attention to striving for a leading position within various anti-religion groups. The resolution pointed out: “Opposing religion is to free young people’s thought and steer them onto the revolutionary path. Therefore, we should do our utmost to help and promote such anti-Christian and anti-religion groups. And within such groups, small groups of League comrades should be organized. Such small groups should operate as actively as possible to achieve a guiding position.”

非基督教运动爆发后，中国共产党迅速抓住时机，参与并领导了非基督教运动，使该运动很快席卷全国。1922年3月15日，上海社会主义青年团机关刊物《先驱》发行《非基督教学生同盟号》专刊，刊登《非基督教学生同盟宣言》《非基督教学生同盟章程》，并向北京国立清华大学及全国各地学校学生发送通电，号召其响应。3月17日，北京社会主义青年团地委书记邓中夏与李大钊等人积极响应，发起非宗教大同盟，天津、武汉、南昌、广州等多地纷纷响应并发展了非宗教团体50余个。同年5月，中国社会主义青年团第一次全国代表大会通过《中国社会主义青年团与中国各团体的关系之决议案》，注意争取在各种非宗教团体中的领导地位。决议案指出：“反对宗教，所以使青年思想自由而趋于革命的路途。因此对于此种非基督教，非宗教的团体应尽力帮助进行。并宜在此种团体内组织青年团同志的小团体。此种小团体应尽量活动以达到指导的地位。”

In June 1923, the Third National Congress of the CPC formed the “Resolution on the Youth Movement,” pointing out that “the youth movement is one of the important tasks of our Party, so we should give every possible organizational and guiding assistance to the Socialist Youth League,” and that young students should be guided to oppose warlords and oppose imperialism. In January 1925, the Fourth National Congress of the CPC formulated a plan to develop the mass movement and formed the “Resolution on the Youth Movement.” The resolution pointed out that the youth movement is an important part of the communist movement, and “the Communist Party is the general commander of this communist movement; it is beyond doubt that the youth movement must be under the guidance of the Communist Party.” The resolution emphasized the importance of the Socialist Youth League movement, while also stressing that the mass movement was the best opportunity for the Socialist Youth League to propagandize among students. The Youth League “must pay the most attention to obeying the guidance of the Communist Party in political activities; otherwise, the movement will not be able to proceed in a unified manner.” The Socialist Youth League should strive to lead and guide “the general oppressed youth movement,” pay attention to the establishment of youth groups and their movements, and should unite youth movement groups such as the New Student Society and the Anti-Christian Federation, to become “a kind of non-party national youth united front.” It can be seen that the Communist Party of China integrated the revolutionary forces of youth through the Socialist Youth League.

1923年6月，中共三大形成《青年运动决议案》，指出“青年运动为本党重要工作之一，所以对于社会主义青年团应极力加以组织上指导上之援助”，要引导青年学生反对军阀和反对帝国主义。1925年1月，中共四大制定了开展群众运动的计划，并形成《对青年运动之决议案》。决议案指出，青年运动是共产主义运动中的重要部分，“共产党是这一般共产主义运动的总指挥，青年运动必须在共产党指导之下，是无疑的。”决议案中强调社会主义青年团运动的重要性，同时强调群众运动是社会主义青年团对学生宣传的最好机会，青年团“最要注意的是在政治活动中须服从共产党的指导，不然，将使运动不能统一进行。”社会主义青年团应争取领导、指导“一般的被压迫的青年运动”，关注青年团体的成立及其运动，应联合青年运动的团体如新学生社、非基督教同盟等，成为“一种非政党的全国青年的联合”。可见，中国共产党通过社会主义青年团整合了青年革命力量。

(II) The Anti-Christian Movement Subordinated and Served the Party’s Strategic Goal of Opposing Imperialism and Feudalism

（二）非基督教运动服从服务于党的反帝反封建战略目标

The purpose of the Anti-Christian Movement was by no means simply to oppose Christianity and its churches, but to highly subordinate and serve the Party’s anti-imperialist task objectives. In March 1922, the Anti-Christian Student League, formed under the leadership of the Shanghai Socialist Youth League, pointed out in its “Declaration” that modern Christianity and its churches are “‘aiding the tyrant in his evil deeds’ [2]2 “Aiding the tyrant in his evil deeds” (助桀为虐): A Chinese idiom meaning to help a tyrant do evil; here used to describe Christianity as an accomplice to imperialist oppression. demons” that help the propertied class plunder and oppress the proletariat, exposing the role Christianity and its churches played in imperialist political and economic aggression against China as “the vanguard of economic aggression.” The reason for opposing the World Student Christian Federation Conference planned to be held at Tsinghua University was that the conference would discuss nothing other than “the trick of how to maintain world capitalism and how to develop capitalism in China,” and was “a bandit conference that insults our country’s youth, deceives our country’s people, and plunders our country’s economy.” Thus, the true purpose of the Anti-Christian League’s declaration of war on Christianity was to oppose imperialism’s use of Christianity to economically invade China and spiritually control China. In July of the same year, the Second National Congress of the CPC [3]3 The Second National Congress of the CPC: Held in Shanghai in July 1922, it formulated the Party’s first constitution and clarified the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal revolutionary program. made a resolution to organize a “Grand Democratic League” including student unions, planning to establish a democratic united front, and established the phased task objectives of overthrowing the warlords, overturning the oppression of international imperialism, and seeking the complete independence of the Chinese nation. At the same time, the “Manifesto of the Second National Congress of the Communist Party of China” adopted by the Second Congress vehemently denounced the imperialist powers’ economic plunder and political-military aggression against China, while also exposing that the imperialists “dispatch many advisors and pastors, publish newspapers, and establish schools—this is to achieve their greedy plundering goals more smoothly.” The manifesto of the Second Congress exposed the imperialists’ spiritual, propaganda, and educational aggression against China. In June 1923, the Third National Congress of the CPC [4]4 The Third National Congress of the CPC: Held in Guangzhou in June 1923, it decided on the policy of cooperation with the Kuomintang and adopted the Party’s first draft program. adopted the “Draft Program of the Communist Party of China,” which clearly stated that the first of the Party’s current tasks was to abolish all unequal treaties between the imperialist powers and China, and “restrict foreign states or individuals from establishing churches, schools, factories, and banks in China”; the twelfth task was to “implement compulsory education, with absolute separation of education and religion.” The Second and Third Congresses, in the form of Party documents, pointed the direction for the Anti-Christian Movement, enabling the Anti-Christian Movement to carry out various activities opposing Christianity and its churches under the leadership of the Party’s program. Opposing the spiritual control and numbing of the Chinese people by the old doctrines of patriarchal society and the doctrines of Christianity was an important part of the Party’s cultural propaganda work front. In November 1923, the Communist Party of China adopted the “Resolution on Issues of Education and Propaganda,” which clearly stated that in cultural propaganda work, it was necessary to “oppose the old doctrines of patriarchal society” and “oppose the doctrines of Christianity and its organizations (such as the YMCA).”

非基督教运动的目的绝不是单纯反对基督教及其教会，而是高度服从服务于党的反帝任务目标。1922年3月，由上海社会主义青年团领导组成的非基督教学生同盟在其《宣言》中指出现代基督教及教会是帮助有产阶级掠夺压迫无产阶级的“‘助桀为虐’的恶魔”， 揭露了基督教及教会在帝国主义对华政治经济侵略中，扮演了“经济侵略底先锋队”角色。之所以反对计划在清华大学召开的世界基督教学生同盟大会，是因为该大会讨论的无非是“怎样维持世界资本主义及怎样在中国发展资本主义的把戏”，是“侮辱我国青年，欺骗我国人民，掠夺我国经济的强盗会议”。可见，非基督教同盟对基督教宣战的真正目的是反对帝国主义利用基督教从经济上侵略中国、从精神上控制中国。同年7月，中共二大作出了组织包括学生会在内的“民主主义大同盟”的决议，计划建立民主联合战线，确立了打倒军阀，推翻国际帝国主义压迫，以谋求中华民族完全独立的阶段性任务目标。同时，二大通过的《中国共产党第二次全国代表大会宣言》中，痛斥帝国主义国家对中国的经济掠夺和政治军事侵略，同时揭露了帝国主义者“派遣许多的顾问牧师，出版报纸，设立学校——这是企图更顺利的达到他们贪婪掠夺的目的”。二大的宣言揭露了帝国主义者从精神、宣传和教育方面的对华侵略。1923年6月，中共三大通过《中国共产党党纲草案》，明确党当前之任务第1条即为取消帝国主义列强与中国的一切不平等条约，“限制外国国家或个人在中国设立教会、学校、工厂及银行”；第12条为“实行义务教育，教育与宗教绝对分离”。二大三大以党内文件的形式为非基督教运动指明了方向，使非基运动得以在党的纲领领导下开展反对基督教及其教会的各项活动。而反对宗法社会之旧教义和基督教的教义对中国人民精神上的控制与麻痹，是党的文化宣传工作战线的重要内容。1923年11月，中国共产党通过《教育宣传问题决议案》，明确提出在文化宣传工作中，“反对宗法社会之旧教义”以及“反对基督教的教义及其组织（如青年会）”。

Since the Chinese proletariat at that time had already sprouted proletarian class consciousness and awareness, continuously participating in the revolution, but were subject to “superstitions about theocracy and emperors,” they had not “broken off from old concepts such as theocracy,” which was detrimental to revolutionary mobilization. To stir up a huge wave of mass revolution, it was necessary to spiritually break the control of the old doctrines of patriarchal society over the masses’ thinking, to expose the numbing effect of Christian doctrines on the masses’ thinking, to expose imperialism’s use of Christianity to seek privileged interests and the churches’ defense of imperialist aggression, so that the people would no longer place their hopes in religious salvation and protection but would rise up in revolution. On October 10, 1925, the Party, in its “Letter to the Peasants,” exposed the churches’ use of privileges to oppress non-believing peasants: “What is even more detestable is that French capitalists send people to China to spread Catholicism, and British and American capitalists send people to China to spread Protestantism. These missionaries in the countryside shield church members to bully the good and the weak; it is truly lawless!” In July 1926, the Party, in its “Resolution on the Peasant Movement,” again exposed the churches as the vanguard of imperialist aggression against China, not only acting as spies to probe the political, economic, and folk customs of China’s interior, “but also using pleasant-sounding terms like peace and fraternity, and even some money to buy the people’s faith in them,” using deceptive means to guide and numb the oppressed masses, “to ensure the consolidation and permanence of the foundation of imperialist oppression of the masses.” Because the churches colluded with the warlords and were protected by treaties, the Party deemed it inappropriate at the time to engage in direct conflict with them, but “if the churches are clearly seen doing evil (such as seizing farmland, forcibly buying houses, taking on lawsuits, etc.),” it was necessary to mobilize the masses and lead them in resistance. Yun Daiying [5]5 Yun Daiying (1895–1931): An early leader of the Communist Party of China and a prominent figure in the youth movement and propaganda work. also exposed the negative impact of Christianity and its churches on the revolution. He pointed out that many Christians, because of their faith, “do not themselves engage in revolution, and also advise others not to stir up revolutionary matters, teaching people daily to pray and worship, luring many away from the revolutionary front of overthrowing imperialism and the warlords.” The Party’s tasks determined that “the Party needs to strive to propagate and organize the masses, to carry out revolutionary movements,” especially “the youth of our China today must go to revolution, must learn revolutionary knowledge and skills, must learn revolutionary life.” Thus, the purpose of the Anti-Christian Movement was not simply to oppose Christianity, but through this method to carry out extensive anti-imperialist revolutionary mobilization, uniting the broad masses of patriotic youth to jointly accomplish the historical task of opposing imperialism and feudalism. On the road to seeking national independence and liberation, “as long as imperialism’s privileges in China are not overthrown for a single day, the life and freedom of the Chinese nation have no guarantee for a single day.”

由于当时的中国无产阶级已萌生了无产阶级意识和觉悟，不断参与到革命中，但受“神权帝王之迷信”，未能与“神权等旧观念绝缘”，不利于革命动员。要想掀起巨大的群众革命浪潮，要从精神上破除宗法社会之旧教义对群众思想的控制，就要揭露基督教教义对群众思想的麻痹，揭露帝国主义利用基督教谋取特权利益以及教会对帝国主义侵略的维护，使民众不再寄希望于宗教的拯救和庇佑而是奋起革命。1925年10月10日，党在《告农民书》中揭露教会利用特权对不信教农民的欺压，“更可恶的是法国资本家派人到中国传天主教，英国美国资本家派人到中国传耶稣教，这些教士在乡村庇护教民欺压良懦，真是无法无天!”1926年7月，党在《农民运动决议案》中再次揭露了教会作为帝国主义侵略中国的先锋，不仅充当间谍探查中国内地的政治经济民情风俗等状况，“又用着和平博爱等说着好听的名词，甚至用一些金钱出来收买民众对于他们的信仰”，以欺骗手段引导和麻痹被压榨民众，“以保证帝国主义压榨民众基础之巩固与恒久”。因教会与军阀勾结并有条约保护，党在目前不宜与其发生正面冲突，但“如果遇着教会明显的为恶(如霸占田庄、强买民房、包揽词讼等)的时候”，需发动群众并领导群众反抗。恽代英也曾揭露基督教及其教会对于革命的消极影响。他指出，许多基督教徒因信教，“自己不革命，而且亦劝人家不要闹革命的事情，天天教人家礼拜祷告，引诱许多人脱离了打倒帝国主义、打倒军阀的革命战线。”而党的任务决定了党“需要努力宣传组织民众，进行革命运动”，尤其是“我们中国今天的青年，要去革命，要学习革命的知识技术，要学习革命的生活”。可见，非基督教运动的目的不是单纯反基督教，而是通过这种方式进行广泛的反帝国主义革命动员，团结广大爱国青年共同完成反帝反封建的历史任务。在谋求民族独立解放的道路上，“帝国主义在中国的一切特权一日不推翻，中国民族的生命与自由便一日没有担保”。

After the split of the Kuomintang-Communist cooperation in 1927, on the one hand, the right-wing of the Kuomintang, headed by Chiang Kai-shek, colluded with imperialism to betray the revolution, thus showing a friendly and co-opting attitude toward Christianity and its churches; on the other hand, the right-opportunist errors within the Party plunged the worker-peasant mass movement into difficulties, and the Party’s work focus shifted to carrying out rural armed revolutionary struggle, bringing the Anti-Christian Movement to a temporary end. Due to changes in the political situation and the shift in the Party’s general revolutionary line and general policy, the focus of the Party’s religious work also shifted from leading the Anti-Christian Movement to breaking the feudal “theocratic” oppression and bondage of peasants in the agrarian revolution, and to correctly handling issues concerning religious land such as ancestral halls, temples, and churches.

1927年国共合作破裂后，一方面，以蒋介石为首的国民党右派勾结帝国主义叛变革命，因而对基督教及其教会表现出友好和拉拢态度；另一方面，党内的右倾机会主义错误使工农群众运动陷入困境，党的工作重点也转为开展农村武装革命斗争，非基督教运动才告一段落。因时局的变化和党的革命总路线总方针的转移，党的宗教工作重心也由领导非基督教运动转为在土地革命中破除封建“神权”对农民的压迫束缚、如何正确处理祠堂、庙宇、教堂等宗教土地等问题上来。

(3) Marxism was the ideological weapon of the Party’s leadership of the Anti-Christian Movement

（三）马克思主义是党领导非基运动的思想武器

Around the time of the May Fourth New Culture Movement, [6]6 May Fourth New Culture Movement: An intellectual and cultural reform movement in China around 1919 that promoted science, democracy, and anti-imperialism, and laid the groundwork for the spread of Marxism. currents of thought such as Darwinism, scientism, nationalism, rationalism, and liberalism all raised questions and criticisms of Christianity, forming a trend of questioning and criticizing Christianity, and these ideas also influenced early Marxists to varying degrees. It was not until the birth of the Communist Party of China and the establishment of Marxism as its guiding ideology that, under the Party’s efforts and leadership, Marxism became the guiding ideology of the Anti-Christian Movement. Although early Communists were somewhat immature in Marxist theory, they basically adhered to the Marxist stance, viewpoint, and method, enabling the Anti-Christian Movement to transcend the critiques of religion by various previous currents of thought, not only becoming a pioneering movement of the proletarian revolution but also accumulating valuable experience for the formation of the Communist Party of China’s religious theory and the practice of religious work. At the same time, the Communist Party of China’s critique of religion using Marxist theory objectively promoted the further dissemination of Marxism.

五四新文化运动前后，达尔文主义、科学主义、国家主义、理性主义、自由主义等思潮都对基督教提出过质疑和挑战，形成了一股对基督教的质疑和批判思潮，这些思想也在不同程度上影响早期马克思主义者。直到中国共产党诞生并确立了马克思主义的指导思想，在党的努力和领导下，马克思主义才成为非基督教运动的指导思想。尽管早期共产党人在马克思主义理论方面略显青涩，但基本坚持了马克思主义的立场、观点和方法，使非基督教运动超越了以往各种思潮对宗教的批判，不仅成为无产阶级革命的先驱运动，而且为中国共产党宗教理论形成和宗教工作实践积攒了宝贵经验。同时，中国共产党以马克思主义理论对宗教的批判客观上也推进了马克思主义的进一步传播。

Early Communists’ understanding of the basic attributes of religion through the method of historical materialism reflected their application of the Marxist view of religion. Early Chinese Communists such as Yun Daiying, Chen Duxiu, and Li Dazhao [7]7 Chen Duxiu (1879–1942) and Li Dazhao (1889–1927): Co-founders of the Communist Party of China; Chen was the Party’s first General Secretary, and Li was a key intellectual who introduced Marxism to China. held a radical critical and negative attitude toward religion. Yun Daiying negated the fundamental doctrines of Christianity, negating the religious legends of the creation of the world and of humanity. Chen Duxiu believed that “if the existence of ghosts and gods in heaven and earth cannot be reliably proven,” then all religions “are useless, deceptive idols, and should all be destroyed!” He revealed the theocentric character of Christianity, namely, “the teaching of Jesus holds that humans are created by God and return to God; the good are given life after death, the evil are deprived of it, taking human life as God’s enterprise.” Although Chen Duxiu criticized religion, he also recognized the cultural nature of religion: “The content of culture includes science, religion, morality…” Religion had a place in both old culture and new culture.

早期共产党人以唯物史观的方法对宗教基本属性的认识体现了对马克思主义宗教观的运用。恽代英、陈独秀、李大钊等早期中国共产党人，对宗教持激进的批判和否定态度。恽代英否定了基督教的根本教义，否定了宗教创造世界、创造人类的传说。陈独秀认为“天地间鬼神的存在，倘不能确实证明”，一切宗教“都是无用的骗人的偶像，都应该破坏！”他揭示了基督教的神本主义特征，即“耶稣之教，以为人造于神，复归于神，善者予以死后之生命，恶者夺之，以人生为神之事业。”陈独秀尽管批判宗教，但也认识到了宗教的文化性，“文化底内容，是包含着科学、宗教、道德……”，宗教在旧文化和新文化中都有一席之地。

Historical materialism holds that the material economic conditions of life in a given historical period determine the form and content of religion, and that “it is the social existence of men that determines their consciousness.” The early Communists’ expositions on the religious question explained the natural, social, epistemological, and psychological roots of religion, reflecting a preliminary application of historical materialism. For example, Yun Daiying advocated understanding religion from the objective world, arguing that religion originated in primitive society, arising from factors such as people’s terror, crying out to heaven in distress, misattribution, misunderstanding, aesthetic feeling, and imagination, and was “merely a feeling of admiration and worship directed at what lies beyond human power.” Li Dazhao held that “to believe in a religion is to seek a place for peace of mind and the establishment of one’s destiny; it arises from a natural demand of the human spirit and cannot be interfered with by human force.” Chen Duxiu believed that “all thought and action are rooted in real life,” and that the objective existence of religion was because “if society still needs religion, our opposition is futile.” As part of the superstructure, religion changes with changes in the socioeconomic base. Li Dazhao, Chen Duxiu, and others, adhering to the spirit of historical materialism, clarified that the development and transformation of religious thought are influenced and constrained by the socioeconomic base. For instance, Li Dazhao pointed out that “religion and philosophy both change with material changes.” Chen Duxiu believed that “changes in religious thought are even more subject to the domination of the times and social forces,” and that “even within the same era, the speed of industrial evolution differs among various nations and societies, and religious thought varies accordingly.”

唯物史观认为，一定历史时期的物质经济生活条件决定了宗教的形式和内容，“是人们的社会存在决定人们的意识”。早期共产党人对宗教问题的论述阐释了宗教产生的自然根源、社会根源、认识根源和心理根源等，体现了对唯物史观的初步运用。如恽代英主张从客观世界出发认识宗教，认为宗教源自原始社会，是由于人们的恐怖、穷则呼天、误认、误解、美感和想象等因素造成，“只是对于人力所不及的地方，一种赞叹崇拜的感情”；李大钊认为“盖信仰一种宗教，乃在求一安心立命之所，出于人类精神上之自然的要求，非可以人为之力施以干涉也”；陈独秀认为“一切思想行为，莫不植基于现实生活之上”，宗教的客观存在是“因为社会上若还需要宗教，我们反对是无益的”。宗教作为上层建筑随着社会经济基础的变化而变化。李大钊、陈独秀等人秉承唯物史观精神，阐明了宗教思想的发展变迁要受社会经济基础的影响和制约。如李大钊指出，“宗教、哲学都是随着物质变动而变动的。”陈独秀认为，“宗教思想之变迁，更是要受时代及社会势力支配的，”“即在同一时代，各民族各社会产业进化之迟速不同，宗教思想亦随之而异。”

At the same time, the Chinese Communists dialectically understood the social role of religion. Chen Duxiu acknowledged that religion had a certain positive role in encouraging people to do good, but he also pointed out its negative role in terms of violating the scientific spirit and upholding capitalist society. For example: “Religion’s merit in overcoming cruelty and encouraging goodness is not without benefit to humanity; yet its superstition regarding divine power, which obscures and blocks human wisdom, is its shortcoming.” He opposed Christianity because it “uses the promise of ascending to heaven to make the laborer belittle physical suffering, content to be an ox or horse for the capitalist all his life.” He advocated studying Christianity to avoid “merely negatively creating many disturbances and problems in politics and society, without positively obtaining the benefits of religion.” Zhou Enlai pointed out religion’s negative role in “defending the propertied classes, or imperceptibly hindering people’s progress, leading them to fantasize about a future heavenly kingdom.” Although the Communists affirmed the positive aspects of religion’s social role, they advocated that religion should not be equated with morality, still less should its development be promoted. For example, Yun Daiying pointed out that moral improvement “does not initially require the aid of faith, still less the aid of religion,” and that regarding religion, “although we need not destroy it, we absolutely must not promote it.”

同时，中国共产党人辩证认识宗教的社会作用。陈独秀承认宗教在劝人向善等方面具有一定的积极作用，但也从违背科学精神和维护资本主义社会等方面指出其消极作用。如“宗教之功，胜残劝善，未尝无益于人群；然其迷信神权，蔽塞人智，是所短也。”反基督教是因为其“拿灵魂升天骗劳动者好看轻肉体的痛苦，一生一世安心替资本家做牛马”。他提倡对基督教进行研究，以避免“只是消极的酿成政治上社会上许多纷扰问题，没有积极的十分得到宗教的利益”。周恩来指出宗教“为有产阶级作辩护，或是无形中阻人前进，引人空想未来天国”的消极作用。共产党人虽然肯定宗教社会作用的积极方面，但主张不宜将宗教与道德之间划等号，更不宜提倡发展宗教。如恽代英指出，道德的提高“初不须假借信仰之力，更不须假借宗教之力”，对于宗教“吾人虽不必破坏之，亦决不可提倡之”。

The Anti-Christian Movement enabled the early Communists to clarify ideas such as freedom of religious belief, separation of church and state, and independence and self-governance, laying the foundation for the formation of the Chinese Communist Party’s religious theory and the formulation of its religious policies and principles. The Chinese Communist Party affirmed that people have the freedom to believe in religion, the freedom to believe in different religions and different denominations, and also the freedom not to believe, thereby enriching the connotation of freedom of belief. At that time, Zhou Zuoren, Qian Xuantong, and others jointly published a “Declaration Advocating Freedom of Religious Belief” opposing the Anti-Christian Movement, arguing that the movement interfered with freedom of belief. The Anti-Religion League gave a positive response to this, clearly stating that the Anti-Religion League did not interfere with or infringe upon freedom of belief, and that opposing religion “not only does not destroy freedom, but is actually upholding freedom,” because not believing is also a freedom. The above spirit of the Anti-Christian League was also reflected in the movement to reclaim educational rights. The League clearly stated that freedom of religious belief should include people’s freedom not to believe in any religion, opposed the practices of church schools forcing students to read the Bible and pray, and opposed the church developing Christians through charitable institutions, hospitals, schools, and so on. The early Communists established the principle of separation of church and state, and at the Third National Congress of the CPC in June 1923, they passed a party program clearly stating “implement compulsory education, with absolute separation of education and religion.” The outbreak of the Anti-Christian Movement accelerated the process of the Chinese church seeking independence. Yun Daiying pointed out that “for those who have Christian faith, it is naturally best to persuade them to renounce their faith; if they cannot renounce it, they can also be persuaded to strive for the church’s self-reliance,” and that Chinese Christianity should “not be content to be a tool of imperialism.” This movement laid the foundation for the establishment of the principle and policy of independence and self-governance for religion in our country, firmly opposing foreign forces using religion to interfere in our internal affairs.

非基督教运动使早期共产党人明确了宗教信仰自由、政教分离、独立自主自办等思想，为中国共产党的宗教理论的形成和宗教方针政策的制定奠定了基础。中国共产党既肯定了人们有宗教信仰的自由和信仰不同宗教、不同教派的自由，也有不信教的自由，丰富了信仰自由的内涵。当时，周作人、钱玄同等多人联名刊发《主张信教自由宣言》反对非基督教运动，认为该运动干涉信仰自由。非宗教同盟对此给予正面回应，明确表示非宗教同盟并不干涉和侵犯信仰自由，反对宗教“不但不是破坏自由，而是实在是拥护自由”，因为不信教也是自由。非基督教同盟的上述精神也体现在收回教育权运动中。同盟明确提出宗教信仰自由应包括人们不信仰任何宗教的自由，反对教会学校强迫学生读圣经、祷告等做法，反对教会通过慈善机构、医院、学校等发展基督徒。早期共产党人确立了政教分离的原则，并在1923年6月的中共三大上通过党纲，明确“实行义务教育，教育与宗教绝对分离”。非基督教运动的爆发加速了中国教会谋求独立的过程，恽代英指出，“对于有基督教信仰的人，自然最好是劝他脱教，如不能脱教，亦可劝他努力谋教会的自立”，中国基督教“不要自安于为帝国主义的一种工具”。该运动为我国宗教独立自主自办原则和方针的确立奠定了基础，坚定反对外国势力利用宗教干涉我国内政。

During the Anti-Christian Movement, the Party formed a united front with religious circles, seeking common ground on “anti-imperialism” while preserving differences in “belief.” After the outbreak of the Anti-Christian Movement, because the early Communists’ Marxist theory was not yet mature and the Party’s local organizations and youth organizations lacked revolutionary struggle experience, their criticism of religion was too sharp, and they did not pay attention to distinguishing between a small number of counter-revolutionaries among church clergy and ordinary Christians and the majority of patriots, thereby expanding the scope of attack, completely negating Christianity and ordinary believers, leading to phenomena such as arbitrarily encouraging students in church schools to withdraw from school and refusing to allow students from church schools to join student unions. However, the Chinese Communist Party quickly became aware of the problem, made distinctions among church students, believed that the vast majority of church students were revolutionary forces that could be united to jointly oppose imperialist aggression, and decided to unify the student movement without dispersing revolutionary forces, in order to strengthen the united front.

党在非基运动中同宗教界结成了统一战线，求“反帝”之同，存“信仰”之异。非基督教运动爆发后，由于早期共产党人的马克思主义理论尚未成熟且党的地方组织和青年组织缺乏革命斗争经验，对宗教的批判过于尖锐，并且不注意区分教会神职人员和普通基督徒中的少数反革命分子与多数爱国者，扩大了打击面，全盘否定基督教和一般教徒，导致运动中出现任意鼓动教会学校的学生退学、拒绝教会学校学生加入学联会等现象。但中国共产党很快意识到了问题，对教会学生做了区分，认为绝大多数教会学生都是可以联合起来共同反对帝国主义侵略的革命力量，决定要统一学生运动而不使革命势力分散，以壮大统一战线。

II. The Enlightenment and Contemporary Value of the Anti-Christian Movement

二、非基督教运动的启示和时代价值

(A) Strengthening the Party’s Leadership over Youth Guided by Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era

（一）以习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想为引领坚定党对青年的领导

Youth are the future of the Party and the country, the hope of the nation, and the vanguard force for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Youth are in an important period of forming their worldview, outlook on life, and values. Their thinking is active and diverse, and they accept and learn new things quickly. However, they also have tendencies toward individualism and liberalism. Some develop a strong interest in Western bourgeois cultural thought, are easily influenced by hostile forces, and lose their way in complex ideological struggles. Therefore, it is necessary to hold high the great banner of socialism with Chinese characteristics, strengthen patriotic education for young people, strengthen the Party’s leadership over the youth group, guide the youth of the New Era to establish faith in Marxism, enhance their belief in socialism with Chinese characteristics, and enable the vast youth group to consciously unite around the Party, listen to the Party, and follow the Party.

青年是党和国家的未来，是民族的希望，是中华民族伟大复兴的先锋力量。青年处于世界观、人生观、价值观形成的重要时期，思维活跃，思想多元，接受和学习新事物快，但也存在个人主义和自由主义倾向，有的对西方资产阶级文化思想产生浓厚兴趣，容易受到敌对势力影响，在复杂的意识形态斗争中迷失方向。因此，必须高举中国特色社会主义伟大旗帜，加强青少年的爱国主义教育，加强党对青年群体的领导，引导新时代的青年树立对马克思主义的信仰，增强中国特色社会主义信念，使广大青年群体自觉团结在党周围，听党话、跟党走。

Guide youth to establish lofty ideals and contribute to the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. “Youth are the most active and vital force in the whole of society.” Youth, especially young intellectuals, have always been an important force driving political, economic, social, and cultural development. Entering the New Era, it is necessary to unite the vast strength of youth to work together for the great cause of national rejuvenation, consolidate the common ideological foundation for united struggle, and march toward the second centenary goal of building China into a great modern socialist country in all respects. [8]8 The second centenary goal refers to the goal of building China into a great modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, harmonious, and beautiful by the middle of the 21st century, following the completion of the first centenary goal (building a moderately prosperous society in all respects by 2021). General Secretary Xi Jinping earnestly instructed: “Chinese youth in the New Era should take the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation as their own responsibility, enhance the ambition, backbone, and confidence to be Chinese, live up to the expectations of the times, live up to their youth, and live up to the ardent expectations of the Party and the people.” Only by establishing the lofty ideal of realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation can youth’s sense of mission be stimulated, enabling them to bravely shoulder heavy burdens, overcome difficulties, and become the responsible bearers of the New Era in the course of building socialism with Chinese characteristics. Therefore, it is necessary to cultivate the quality of striving and forging ahead among Chinese youth in the New Era, strengthen their ideals and convictions, realize the value of life in dedicating themselves to the motherland, and elevate the realm of life in dedicating themselves to the people. Encourage youth to broaden their horizons, enhance professional skills, improve moral character, and build the motherland into a great modern socialist country.

引领青年树立远大理想，为中华民族伟大复兴贡献力量。“青年是整个社会力量中最积极、最有生气的力量”。青年尤其是青年知识分子历来是推动政治经济社会文化发展的重要力量。进入新时代，必须凝聚广大青年力量共同致力于民族复兴伟业，巩固团结奋斗的共同思想基础，向着全面建成社会主义现代化强国的第二个百年奋斗目标迈进。习近平总书记殷切嘱咐：“新时代的中国青年要以实现中华民族伟大复兴为己任，增强做中国人的志气、骨气、底气，不负时代，不负韶华，不负党和人民的殷切期望。”只有树立实现中华民族伟大复兴的远大理想，才能激发青年的使命感，他们才能在建设中国特色社会主义的道路上勇挑重担，攻坚克难，成为新时代的责任担当。因此，要培育新时代中国青年勇于砥砺奋斗的品质，坚定理想信念，在奉献祖国中实现人生价值，在奉献人民中升华人生境界。鼓励青年开拓视野，提升专业技能，提高品德素养，将祖国建设成为社会主义现代化强国。

Arm the minds of youth with Marxism and correctly understand religious issues. We must adhere to the Marxist stance, viewpoint, and method in understanding religious phenomena and religious issues, guiding the broad masses of youth to correctly understand religion and treat it scientifically and rationally. Youth is a critical period for the formation of worldviews, outlooks on life, and values. In particular, the university student population within higher education is susceptible to the influence of religious culture. The reasons for believing in religion are diverse: some seek to escape the pressures of study, work, and life; others identify with the humanistic care, morality, and art found in religion. The number of believers is on the rise. We must arm the minds of youth with Marxism, strengthen the study of Marxist religious theory, offer courses in Marxist religious studies, religious history and culture, and other public courses, incorporate these into the ideological and political curriculum of higher education, and guide young students to form a correct view of religion and to treat religious belief rationally and scientifically. In addition to caring for the lives and studies of young students, we must also focus on providing them with psychological counseling and humanistic care. Guided by the core socialist values, we should enrich the spiritual world of youth with excellent traditional culture, revolutionary culture, and advanced socialist culture, and strengthen youth’s confidence in the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

以马克思主义武装青年的头脑，正确认识宗教问题。要坚持以马克思主义立场、观点、方法认识宗教现象和宗教问题，引导广大青年正确认识宗教，科学理性对待宗教。青年时期是世界观、人生观和价值观形成的关键时期，特别是高校中的大学生群体，易受宗教文化影响，信教原因多样，或逃避学习工作和生活压力，或认可宗教中的人文关怀、道德艺术等，信教人数呈上升趋势。要以马克思主义武装青年头脑，加强马克思主义宗教理论的学习，开设马克思主义宗教学课程、宗教历史与文化等公共课程，将其纳入高校思想政治课程教学体系，引导青年学生形成正确的宗教观，理性科学对待宗教信仰。除了关心青年学生的生活、学习外，还要注重对青年学生的心理疏导和人文关怀。以社会主义核心价值观为引领，以优秀传统文化、革命文化、社会主义先进文化丰富青年的精神世界，增强青年对中国特色社会主义的道路自信、理论自信、制度自信、文化自信。

(II) Carry out religious work around the strategic goal of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation

（二）围绕中华民族伟大复兴战略目标做好宗教工作

Our country is currently situated within the strategic overall situation of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the changes unseen in a century in the world. This is the fundamental starting point for the Party’s religious work. Our country is in an important period of strategic development but also faces an increasingly complex international situation. The Party’s religious work must always revolve around the overall situation and serve the overall situation.

我国正处在中华民族伟大复兴的战略全局和世界百年未有之大变局中，这是党的宗教工作基本出发点。我国处于发展的重要战略时期但也面临国际形势日趋复杂的形势，党的宗教工作要始终围绕大局服务于大局。

To achieve the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, we must take the core socialist values as the guide and take forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation as the main line, so that religious believers of different religions and different sects consciously enhance their identification with the great motherland, the Chinese nation, Chinese culture, the Communist Party of China, and socialism with Chinese characteristics, consciously unite around the Party and the government, and gather the mighty force of the broad masses of religious believers. Deepen the identification of religious believers with the motherland’s traditional culture, revolutionary culture, and advanced socialist culture, and encourage them to develop a healthy, uplifting religious culture beneficial to human and social development. Guide intellectuals in religious circles to take enhancing the country’s cultural soft power as their own responsibility, use religious culture as a vehicle to spread contemporary Chinese socialist values, promote equal religious exchanges, dialogue, and mutual learning among civilizations between different countries and regions, spread Chinese religious culture abroad, and display the unique charm of Chinese culture.

实现中华民族伟大复兴，要以社会主义核心价值观为引领，以铸牢中华民族共同体意识为主线，使不同宗教、不同教派的信教群众自觉增进对伟大祖国、中华民族、中华文化、中国共产党和中国特色社会主义的认同，自觉团结在党和政府周围，凝聚起广大信教群众的磅礴力量。深化信教群众对祖国传统文化、革命文化和社会主义先进文化的认同，鼓励其发展健康向上有益于人类和社会发展的宗教文化。引领宗教界知识分子以提高国家文化软实力为己任，以宗教文化为载体传播当代中国社会主义价值观，推动不同国家和地区之间的宗教平等交流对话与文明交流互鉴，向外传播中国宗教文化，展现中华文化独特魅力。

The grand cause of realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation cannot be separated from national security and social stability. Adhering to principles such as Party leadership, freedom of religious belief, and separation of religion from politics, we should promote harmony and concord among various religious relationships, including those between the Party and government and religion, between society and religion, among different religions within the country, between our country’s religions and foreign religions, and between religious believers and non-believers. Support friendly exchanges between religions and foreign counterparts, strengthen the rule-of-law construction of religion, protect the lawful, stop the illegal, curb extremism, resist infiltration, and combat crime. In particular, we must prevent the influence of extremist ideologies from abroad, and strictly guard against and resolutely crack down on various infiltration, subversion, and sabotage activities, extremist activities, violent terrorist activities, and ethnic separatist activities carried out using religion, so as to maintain national security and stability. In the New Era, maintaining ideological security is an important aspect of safeguarding national security. General Secretary Xi Jinping has pointed out: “Whether ideological work can be done well concerns the future and destiny of the Party, concerns the long-term stability of the country, and concerns the cohesion and centripetal force of the nation.” [9]9 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the National Conference on Propaganda and Ideological Work” (August 19, 2013). Therefore, we must attach great importance to and strengthen the Party’s leadership over the ideology of religious believers. The development of information technology has made the internet the main battlefield for guiding the direction of ideology at present. We must give full play to the influence of the internet in guiding mainstream ideology, resolutely combat the use of the internet to advocate and incite religious extremist ideas and ethnic separatist ideas, and make the internet the greatest increment in resisting the penetration of Western ideology.

实现中华民族伟大复兴的宏伟大业离不开国家安全和社会稳定。在坚持党的领导、信仰自由、政教分离等原则下，促进党和政府与宗教、社会与宗教、国内不同宗教、我国宗教与外国宗教、信教群众与不信教群众等各种宗教关系和睦和谐，支持各宗教对外友好交流，加强宗教法治化建设，保护合法、制止非法、遏制极端、抵御渗透、打击犯罪，特别要防止境外极端主义思潮影响，严密防范和坚决打击利用宗教进行的各种渗透颠覆破坏活动、极端活动、暴力恐怖活动、民族分裂活动等，维护国家安全稳定。新时代，维护意识形态安全是维护国家安全的重要方面。习近平总书记指出:“能否做好意识形态工作，事关党的前途命运，事关国家长治久安，事关民族凝聚力和向心力。”因此，必须高度重视和加强党对信教群众意识形态的领导。信息技术的发展使互联网成为当前引领意识形态方向的主阵地，必须发挥网络在引导主流意识形态上的影响力，坚决打击利用网络鼓吹和煽动宗教极端思想、民族分裂思想的行为，使互联网成为抵御西方意识形态渗透的最大增量。

(III) Adhere to the Marxist stance to develop and improve the theory of socialism with Chinese characteristics on religion

（三）坚持马克思主义立场发展和完善中国特色社会主义宗教理论

As a political party armed with Marxism, the Communist Party of China, through the Anti-Christian Movement, deeply recognized the universality, mass character, and complexity of religious issues. It has always treated the handling of religious issues as part of the struggle against imperialism and feudalism and for national independence and liberation, and has always safeguarded the interests of the country and the nation. The viewpoints and experiences gained in dealing with religious issues formed during the struggle have left a valuable legacy for the Party’s subsequent formation of religious theory, principles, and policies. Over the forty years of reform and opening up, when observing, understanding, and handling religious issues, the Communist Party of China has always adhered to the Marxist people-centered stance, regarding the fundamental interests of both religious believers and non-believers, as well as the special interests of religious believers, as the foothold of the Party’s religious work. Taking meeting the fundamental needs of religious believers and safeguarding their fundamental rights and interests as the starting point, it strives to realize the aspirations of the broad masses of religious believers for a better life, unites and leads religious believers in building socialism with Chinese characteristics, and jointly realizes the Chinese Dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

作为以马克思主义武装的政党，中国共产党通过非基督教运动深刻认识到宗教的广泛性、群众性和宗教问题的复杂性，始终将处理宗教问题作为反帝反封建和谋求民族独立国家解放的一部分，始终维护国家和民族利益，在斗争中形成的对待宗教问题的观点和经验教训，为党日后的宗教理论和方针政策的形成留下宝贵财富。改革开放四十年来，中国共产党在观察、认识和处理宗教问题时，始终坚持马克思主义人民立场，把信教群众和不信教群众的根本利益、信教群众的特殊利益视为党的宗教工作立足点，以满足信教群众根本需求，保障信教群众根本权益为出发点，努力实现广大信教群众对美好生活的向往，团结带领信教群众建设中国特色社会主义，共同实现中华民族伟大复兴中国梦。

The Communist Party of China has summarized historical experiences and lessons, and in the exploration of adapting Marxist religious theory to the Chinese context, has created the theory of socialism with Chinese characteristics on religion. This theory adheres to dialectical materialism and historical materialism, and contains the Party’s views on the essential attributes of religion, such as its nature, development, and social role. It creatively summarizes and refines the “five characteristics” of religious issues—mass character, long-term nature, ethnic character, international character, and complexity—which have become an important basis for the Party to correctly judge and handle religious issues. In the practice of revolution, construction, and reform, it has gradually formed major principles and policies such as freedom of religious belief, managing religious affairs according to law, the independent and self-managed operation of our country’s religions, and actively guiding religions to adapt to the socialist society. It adheres to Party leadership and the separation of religion from politics, upholds the principle of mutual respect in belief and unity and cooperation in politics, and consolidates and develops the Party’s patriotic united front with religious circles. Practice has proven that the theory of socialism with Chinese characteristics on religion is a scientific and progressive theoretical system. Only by adhering to and developing the theory of socialism with Chinese characteristics on religion, and only by long-term adherence to the basic policy on religious work, can we maintain the correct direction in religious work.

中国共产党总结历史经验教训，在马克思主义宗教理论中国化的探索中创立了中国特色社会主义宗教理论。该理论秉承辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义，包含了党对宗教本质、发展、社会作用等基本属性的观点；创新性地总结提炼出宗教问题具有群众性、长期性、民族性、国际性和复杂性的“五性”特征，成为党正确研判和处理宗教问题的重要依据；在革命、建设和改革实践中逐步形成了宗教信仰自由、依法管理宗教事务、我国宗教独立自主自办、积极引导宗教与社会主义社会相适应等重大原则和方针政策；坚持党的领导、政教分离，秉承信仰上互相尊重、政治上团结合作的原则，巩固和发展党同宗教界的爱国统一战线。实践证明，中国特色社会主义宗教理论是科学的、与时俱进的理论体系，只有坚持和发展中国特色社会主义宗教理论，只有长期坚持宗教工作基本方针，才能在宗教工作中坚持正确的方向。

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心