A Historical Examination of the Islamization of China in Xinjiang

Historically, the gradual move toward Sinicization has been the main historical characteristic of the development of foreign religions in China, and Islam in Xinjiang is no exception. After Islam was introduced into Xinjiang in the late 9th and early 10th centuries, aside from a short period of propagation through coercive means such as force, Islam actively adapted to the local human geography and customs of the Xinjiang region in order to survive and develop. It continuously adjusted to, absorbed, and integrated with local original religious beliefs and cultural practices, ultimately taking root and developing in Xinjiang, steadily moving toward Sinicization.

从历史上看，逐步走向中国化，是我国外来宗教发展的主要历史特点，我国新疆伊斯兰教也不例外。公元9世纪末10世纪初，伊斯兰教传入我国新疆后，除了短时期内通过武力等强制手段传播外，伊斯兰教为了生存发展，主动适应新疆地区的人文风土，不断与当地原有宗教信仰和文化习俗进行调适、吸纳和融合，最终得以在新疆生根发展，不断走向中国化。

On the basis of examining the historical trajectory of the continuous Sinicization of Islam in Xinjiang, this article attempts to sort out its concrete manifestations of Sinicization from four dimensions: political, cultural, customary, and conceptual.

在考察新疆伊斯兰教不断走向中国化历史轨迹的基础上，本文尝试从政治、文化、习俗、观念四个维度去梳理其走向中国化的具体表现。

I. Politically Adapting to the Chinese Historical Tradition of Separation of Religion from Politics, with Politics Dominating and Religion Subordinating

一、政治上适应中国政教分离、政主教从的历史传统

The traditional Chinese relationship between religion and politics is one of separation, with politics dominating and religion subordinating; that is, religion submits to and serves the political power. This is the most important characteristic of the relationship between religion and the political superstructure in China. As a cultural tradition, it has been inherited and transmitted throughout the long history of the Sinicization of Islam in Xinjiang. Looking back at history, Islam is a religion with a relatively strong political coloring, and the regimes it established were basically theocratic in nature. However, examining the local regimes historically established in the Xinjiang region, such as the Kara-Khanid Khanate, the Eastern Chagatai Khanate, and the Yarkent Khanate, it is not difficult to find that these regimes were characterized by the separation of religion from politics, not theocracy. Islam played the role of submitting to the interests of the ruling class and serving the political superstructure. During the Kara-Khanid period, the Muslim work *Kutadgu Bilig* clearly states: "Laws and regulations are all formulated by the monarch" and "The sovereign is by nature the master of the state." This fully demonstrates that although the Kara-Khanid Khanate, as a local regime in Xinjiang, treated Islam as the official religion, the systems and laws were formulated by the Khan, the secular ruler, rather than implementing rule according to Islamic law. During the Yarkent Khanate period, the khanate implemented a system of religious mentorship. Although this system highlighted the influence of religion on the secular regime and the ruling class, religious affairs and secular affairs were still separated; within the khanate, royal power remained superior to religious authority. The anonymous *History of Kashgar* records: "Abdul Karim Khan was very just. He personally held court twice a week. On one side sat the Qadi and the Mufti, and on the other side sat the Vizier (Prime Minister) and the Hakim... Cases related to Islamic law (Sharia) were handled by the Qadi and the Mufti, while matters belonging to customary law (Adat) were handled by the Emirs led by the Vizier." Clearly, the Yarkent Khanate was still a local regime in Xinjiang with a separation of religion from politics. After the fall of the Yarkent Khanate, the Dzungar Khanate established the rule of the Afaq Khoja in southern Xinjiang. As a religious leader, Afaq naturally implemented theocratic rule. Although the Afaq Khoja ruled southern Xinjiang, in reality he was merely an agent "handling Muslim affairs for the Dzungars." The so-called "Afaq Khoja regime" was not a level of local government. The subsequent so-called "Black Mountain Khoja regime" was the same.

中国传统政教关系是政教分离、政主教从，即宗教服从和服务于政权。这是中国宗教与政治上层建筑关系的最重要特点，它作为一种文化传统在新疆伊斯兰教走向中国化的历史长河中沿袭传承。回顾历史，伊斯兰教是一个政治色彩较为深厚的宗教，其建立的政权基本上都是政教合一性质的政权。而回顾新疆地区历史上建立的喀喇汗王朝、东察合台汗国、叶尔羌汗国等地方政权，不难发现这些政权都是政教分离而不是政教合一的政权，伊斯兰教充当服从统治阶级利益、服务政治上层建筑的角色。喀喇汗王朝时期穆斯林著作《福乐智慧》中明确表述：“典章法度都由自君主制订”、“国君天生就是社稷之主”。这充分表明，作为新疆地方政权的喀喇汗王朝，虽然把伊斯兰教作为官方宗教来对待，但制度和法律由作为世俗统治者的汗王来制定，而不是按照伊斯兰教法实施统治。叶尔羌汗国时期，汗国实行宗教导师制。这一制度虽然凸现了宗教对世俗政权和统治阶级的影响力，但宗教事务与世俗事务还是分开的，在汗国内仍是王权高于教权。佚名的《喀什噶尔史》记载：“阿不都·克力木汗非常主持公道，每星期亲自出庭两次，他的一侧坐着喀孜和穆夫提，另一侧坐着维齐（宰相）和阿奇木······与伊斯兰法（沙里阿特）有关的案件，由喀孜和穆夫提来处理，而属于习惯法（阿达特）的事情，则由以维齐为首的异密们去处理”。显然，叶尔羌汗国仍是一个政教分离的新疆地方政权。叶尔羌汗国灭亡后，准噶尔汗国在南疆建立了阿帕克和卓统治。作为宗教领袖，阿帕克自然施行的是政教合一的统治。阿帕克和卓虽然统治了南疆，而实际上他只是“为准噶尔办理回务”的代理人，所谓的“阿帕克和卓政权”并不是一级地方政权。在其后出现的所谓“黑山派和卓政权”，同样如此。

After losing its status as the official religion, Islam in Xinjiang was still able to manage its relationship with the political superstructure, demonstrating a strong adaptability to different political environments. During the Western Liao period, the rulers implemented a tolerant religious policy towards all religions, with equal status for all faiths. During this phase, Islam in Xinjiang lost its exclusive official status for the first time. This change in the political status of Islam inevitably led to changes within Islam itself. In some places, wavering in faith appeared: "With the impact of other religions and the decline of public morals, some Muslims who had recently converted and whose faith was not deeply rooted began to waver, or even converted to other religions." [1]1 This quote is from a Chinese scholarly source on the history of Islam in Xinjiang. The famous 12th-century Western Liao Muslim poet Ahmad Yugnaki described the social conditions of the time in his work *The Gift of the Truth*: "Scholars have abandoned good deeds, hermits have forsaken piety, philosophers even dance the lively Sama. Those who forbade heterodoxy have vanished without a trace, while heresies run rampant." [2]2 Ahmad Yugnaki (12th century) was a poet of the Western Liao period. The *Sama* is a Sufi whirling dance. Faced with changes in the social and political environment, the Islamic community accordingly adjusted its strategies. On the one hand, it actively managed relations with the Western Liao rulers, directly participating in and assisting the Western Liao's rule and administration. They not only collected tribute, monitored public sentiment, and maintained local order for the Western Liao rulers, but some religious elites even joined the Western Liao ruling group. The religious community also ordered that during prayers in all mosques, the *Khutbah* (sermon) be recited in the name of the Western Liao ruler. Reciting the *Khutbah* in the name of a ruler on Friday is a basic form of claiming sovereignty in the Islamic world. Reciting the *Khutbah* in the name of a non-Muslim ruler is extremely rare in the history of world Islam.

在失去官方宗教地位后，新疆伊斯兰教依然能处理好与政治上层建筑的关系，表现出了适应不同政治环境的较强适应性。西辽时期，统治者推行各宗教宽容的宗教政策，各宗教地位平等。在这一阶段，新疆伊斯兰教首次失去一教独尊官方地位。伊斯兰教政治地位的变化，必然引起伊斯兰教内部的变化。有的地方出现了信仰上的动摇，“随着其他宗教的冲击和世风日下，那些入教不久、信仰不甚牢固的一些穆斯林，开始发生动摇，或是改信了其他宗教。”12世纪西辽著名穆斯林诗人玉克乃克在《真理的入门》中描述了当时的社会状况：“学者丢弃了善功，隐士舍弃了虔诚，哲人竟跳起欢快的萨玛手舞足蹈。禁止异教的人已经无影无踪，异端邪说却猖獗风行。”面对所处社会政治环境的变化，伊斯兰教界随之调整策略，一方面主动与西辽统治者处理好关系，直接参与和协助西辽的统治与管理，不但为西辽统治者代收贡赋、监视民情，维持地方治安，有的宗教上层还跻身于西辽统治集团。宗教界还下令，各清真寺在礼拜时，以西辽统治者的名字念胡特巴（虎土白）。而星期五“虎土白”（胡特巴）念名，是伊斯兰世界独立君王称制的基本表现形式。以不信仰伊斯兰教统治者的名字念虎土白，这在世界伊斯兰教史上都是极为罕见的。

After the Qing government unified Xinjiang, under the basic principle of "cultivating their teachings without changing their customs, and aligning their governance without altering their suitability," it deeply promoted the policy of separating religion from politics. To embody the authority of the central imperial power and national unity, the Qing vigorously implemented the *Great Qing Legal Code* in Xinjiang, explicitly abolishing the provision for handling capital crimes according to Islamic law. During the Jiaqing and Daoguang reigns, the *Regulations for the Muslim Regions* were compiled and implemented. [3]3 The *Regulations for the Muslim Regions* (回疆则例) were Qing dynasty legal codes specifically governing the Muslim-majority regions of Xinjiang. In addition, effective measures were taken, such as prohibiting *Ahungs* from interfering in government affairs and forbidding "examining scriptures to adjudicate (punish) crimes," demonstrating the Qing government's firm resolve to implement the separation of religion from politics. During this period, the relationship between Islam in Xinjiang and the political superstructure was prominently manifested in its submission to and adaptation of Qing law, further deepening the direction of Sinicization.

清政府统一新疆后，在“修其教不易其俗，齐其政不易其宜”的基本原则下，深入推行政教分离政策。为了体现中央王权权威和国家的统一，清朝在新疆大力推行《大清律》，明确废止了按照伊斯兰教法来处理死刑罪的规定。在嘉庆、道光年间，又编撰实施《回疆则例》。除此之外，还采取了禁止阿訇干预政务、禁止“查经议（治）罪” 等有力措施，显示了清政府实行政教分离的坚定决心。在这一时期，新疆伊斯兰教与政治上层建筑的关系突出表现为对清政府法律的服从和适应，进一步深化了中国化方向。

II. Culturally Integrating with Local Social and Cultural Traditions

二、文化上融合当地社会文化传统

The introduction of Islam was a significant event in Xinjiang's history, involving a major ideological transformation and profound impact. As a foreign cultural system, Islam experienced both conflict and confrontation with, as well as absorption and integration into, the local culture of the Xinjiang region. *Kutadgu Bilig* deeply contains "not only the traditional culture of Turkic-speaking peoples and Arab-Islamic culture, but also Central Plains culture dominated by Confucian thought, Indian Buddhist culture, ancient Greek culture, and Persian culture." [4]4 *Kutadgu Bilig* (Wisdom of Royal Glory) is an 11th-century work of Islamic didactic poetry written in the Karakhanid Turkic language. Additionally, the book discusses how to treat astrologers, dream interpreters, *Kams* (shamans), and other issues, reflecting the state of cultural diversity in society at that time. Another Kara-Khanid Muslim work, the *Compendium of the Turkic Dialects*, includes a considerable number of pre-Islamic religious terms and related folk songs and proverbs, such as *Kam*, incantation, divination, monk, and amulet. For example, although Islam had already been introduced for over a hundred years, the book still used the term "Tangri," the supreme god of the local old religions, to refer to the one God of Islam, and used the local term "to clean" to replace the Arabic specific term "circumcision." "Undoubtedly, until the mid-to-late 11th century, Muslims of the Kara-Khanid dynasty still retained many concepts from the old religions, and some pre-Islamic religions were still active." [5]5 This quote is from a Chinese scholarly source on the history of Islam in Xinjiang. As Ahmad Amin said in *The History of Arab-Islamic Culture*: "Every nation's understanding of Islam inevitably mixes in many traditions of its own ancient religions; every nation's understanding of Islamic terminology inevitably simulates it, making it approximate its own religious terms." [6]6 Ahmad Amin (1886–1954) was an Egyptian historian and writer. The above examples fully illustrate the selective attitude of Islam towards absorbing local traditional culture during its spread in Xinjiang.

伊斯兰教的传入，是新疆历史上思想变革和意识形态冲击较大、影响深远的一次事件。伊斯兰教作为一种外来文化体系，它与新疆地区本土文化既有冲突对抗，也有吸收融合。《福乐智慧》中深含的“不仅有操突厥语诸民族的传统文化和阿拉伯伊斯兰文化，还有以儒家思想为主的中原文化、印度佛教文化、古希腊文化和波斯文化等。”另外该书也谈到了如何对待星占士、圆梦者、喀木等问题，反映出当时社会文化多元性的状态。另一喀喇汗王朝穆斯林著作《突厥语大词典》中收录了相当数量的前伊斯兰时期的宗教术语及与此相关的民谣、格言，如喀木、念咒、占卜、和尚、护身符等。再如，虽然当时伊斯兰教已传入100多年，但书中依然延用了当地旧宗教中的最高神“腾格里”来称谓伊斯兰教的唯一神，以当地语“弄干净”来取代阿拉伯语的专有名词“割礼”。“毋庸置疑，直到11世纪中后期，喀喇汗朝的穆斯林仍保留着许多旧宗教的观念，伊斯兰教以前的一些宗教还处于活动之中。”也正如艾哈迈德·爱敏在《阿拉伯-伊斯兰文化史》中所说：“每一个民族之了解伊斯兰教，必定掺杂着本民族许多古代宗教的传统；每一个民族了解伊斯兰教的术语，必定模拟它，使它近似自己的宗教术语。”上述例子充分说明了伊斯兰教在新疆传播过程中对当地原有传统文化的选择性吸纳态度。

Music and dance were excellent cultural traditions of the various ethnic minorities in the Xinjiang region at that time. For orthodox Islam, however, music and dance were opposed, especially their use in religious ceremonies. But after Sufism was introduced into Xinjiang, it did not prohibit local music; instead, it incorporated music into its devotional activities. This stance greatly promoted the development of secular music in local society, leading to the creation of the classic artistic masterpiece, the *Twelve Muqams*. Similarly, this stance also created conditions for the development of Sufi music, and some melodies and poems from the *Twelve Muqams* were used as ritual music for Sufi devotional activities.

音乐歌舞是当时新疆地区各少数民族的优秀文化传统。对伊斯兰教正统派来讲，却是反对音乐歌舞的，特别是反对在举行宗教仪式时辅以音乐歌舞。但苏非派传入新疆后，并没有禁止当地音乐，反而在修行活动中融入了音乐。这一主张极大推动了当地社会世俗音乐的发展，产生了经典艺术代表作《十二木卡姆》。同样这一主张也为苏非音乐的发展创造了条件，并将十二木卡姆的有些曲调和诗歌用来作为苏菲修行活动的仪式音乐。

The art of religious architecture also fully embodies the characteristics of the Islamization of Xinjiang in the Chinese context. After Islam was introduced into Xinjiang, mosques consistently adopted the local flat-roofed vernacular residential architectural model, and to date there is no record of early Arab-domed mosques in Xinjiang. Even today, mosques in the vast rural areas of southern Xinjiang still retain the tradition of the flat-roofed vernacular style. This fact also fully demonstrates Islam’s adaptability to local architectural culture and social life. In the mid-to-late 19th century, after the invasion of Xinjiang by Yakub Beg, a native of the Central Asian Khanate of Kokand, he built and expanded Arab-arched Islamic architecture represented by the minaret of the Id Kah Mosque in Kashgar and the Afaq Khoja Mazar, in order to achieve the goal of using Islam to control and exploit the broad masses of Muslims. In the early 20th century, when the Russian consul in Xinjiang, N. V. Bogoyavlensky, arrived in Kashgar, he still described the local mosques as follows: “Even the mosques are not built splendidly; they are also made of mud and straw, with flat roofs like civilian houses, only much larger in area.” From this, it can be inferred that the mosques in Kashgar at that time were still mainly of the flat-roofed vernacular style. Due to factors such as earthquakes and war, the Id Kah Mosque minaret and the Afaq Khoja Mazar complex built by Yakub Beg suffered considerable damage and no longer attracted the attention of this Russian consul. In 1773, the Beitulla Mosque in Yining, built with funds specially approved by the Qianlong Emperor of the Qing Dynasty, was completed. This was the first mosque in the history of the Uyghur people in Xinjiang to adopt the traditional Chinese palace style. The minaret of this mosque can still be seen today. In the later period of the Qing Dynasty, with the migration and integration of Hui Muslims from the interior, a number of traditional Chinese palace-style mosques were successively built in places such as Urumqi, Hami, Yining, Wushi, and Changji. These all fully demonstrate the absorption and acceptance of traditional Chinese culture by Islam in Xinjiang in terms of architecture.

宗教建筑艺术也充分体现了新疆伊斯兰教走向中国化的特点。伊斯兰教传入新疆后，清真寺一直采用当地平顶民居式建筑模式，至今尚未见到关于新疆伊斯兰教早期有阿拉伯穹顶式清真寺的记载。就是在今天，南疆广大乡村的清真寺仍保留着平顶民居式样的传统。这一点也充分说明了伊斯兰教对当地建筑文化和社会生活的适应性。19世纪中后期，中亚浩罕汗国人阿古柏入侵新疆后，为了实现利用伊斯兰教控制压榨广大穆斯林的目的，才新建扩建了以喀什艾提尕尔清真寺邦克楼、阿帕克和卓麻扎为代表的阿拉伯拱顶式伊斯兰教建筑。20世纪初，沙俄驻新疆领事尼·维·鲍戈亚夫连斯基到喀什噶尔时，对当地清真寺还仍有这样的描述：“甚至清真寺建的也不华丽，同是草泥砌成，平顶和民房一样，只是面积大的多。”由此可以推断，当时喀什噶尔的清真寺主要还是平顶民居式样。由于地震及战争等因素，阿古柏修建的艾提尕尔清真寺邦克楼、阿帕克和卓麻扎建筑群受到很大损害，已引不起这位沙俄领事的注意了。1773年，经清朝乾隆帝御批专款的伊宁拜图拉清真寺建成，这是新疆地区维吾尔族历史上建立的第一座中国传统宫殿式样的清真寺。如今仍可看到当时清真寺的宣礼塔。在清朝后期，随着内地回族穆斯林的迁入融入，乌鲁木齐、哈密、伊宁、乌什、昌吉等地先后建立了一批中国传统宫殿式清真寺，这些都充分说明了新疆伊斯兰教在建筑上对中华传统文化的吸收和接纳。

III. Acceptance of Original Customs and Old Religious Elements in Social Practices

三、习俗上接纳原有风俗习惯和旧有宗教成分

As is well known, alcohol is prohibited in Islamic doctrine. The various ethnic groups in Xinjiang have historically had the custom of drinking alcohol. After the introduction of Islam, this custom was not eradicated but was preserved. The Kara-Khanid Khanate, the first local regime in Xinjiang to adopt Islam, specifically established the office of cupbearer. *Wisdom of Royal Glory* [7]7 *Wisdom of Royal Glory* (福乐智慧, *Kutadgu Bilig*): An 11th-century didactic work written by Yusuf Khass Hajib of the Kara-Khanid Khanate, considered a classic of Uyghur and Central Asian literature. also includes a dedicated chapter (Chapter 37) discussing the qualifications required for a cupbearer. *Compendium of the Turkic Dialects* [8]8 *Compendium of the Turkic Dialects* (突厥语大词典, *Dīwān Lughāt al-Turk*): An 11th-century dictionary of Turkic languages compiled by Mahmud al-Kashgari, a Kara-Khanid scholar. also discusses wine and drinking vessels and includes a quatrain describing drinking: “A flagon slender like a goose’s neck, / A cup of wine bright as an eye, / Drives away all sorrow and worry from the heart, / Wishing to be forever drunk and never wake.” During the Yarkent Khanate period, drinking was quite prevalent among the palace nobility. According to *A History of Islam in the Xinjiang Region of China*, in that year (1522), the Yarkent Sultan Said Khan injured his health due to excessive drinking. Also, according to *Annals*, “In the month of Muharram in the year 1045 AH, in the khan’s city of Yarkent, Sultan Muhammad Khan met with such a dreadful incident (referring to death from excessive drinking).” These facts strongly illustrate Islam’s adaptation to the local social custom of drinking.

众所周知，伊斯兰教教义中是禁酒的。新疆各民族历史上都有饮酒习惯。伊斯兰教传入后，这一习惯没有杜绝而是保留了下来。新疆地区历史上第一个信仰伊斯兰教的地方政权喀喇汗王朝就专门设有侍酒官一职。《福乐智慧》中还设有专章（第37章）论述侍酒官应具备的条件。《突厥语大词典》中也谈到酒和酒具，并收有一首描述饮酒的四行诗：“一壶细长似鹅颈，一杯美酒亮如睛，驱尽心头忧和愁，但愿长醉不愿醒。”叶尔羌汗国时期，王宫贵族饮酒较为盛行。据《中国新疆地区伊斯兰教史》称，这一年（1522年），叶尔羌赛德汗因纵酒过度伤了身体。另据《编年史》载：“回历1045年的一月，在汗城叶尔羌，速檀穆罕穆德汗出了这样可怖的事件（指饮酒过度而死）。”这些都有力说明了伊斯兰教对当地社会生活饮酒习惯的适应。

For orthodox Islamic sects, mazar pilgrimage is also prohibited. However, influenced by Sufism, mazar pilgrimage became a typical feature of the Islamization of Xinjiang in the Chinese context. The reason mazar pilgrimage was widely accepted and, to a certain extent, sanctified, besides the influence of Sufism, is that “mazar pilgrimage in Xinjiang has certain origins in the region’s original ancestor worship and primitive religious beliefs.” In pilgrimage activities, the influence of previously prevalent religions such as Zoroastrianism and Shamanism can be clearly seen. For example, during mazar pilgrimages, some people carve a hollow in a clod of earth, place fire seeds inside, light it, and place it around the mazar. This is clearly a remnant of the Zoroastrian fire-worshipping custom. Around socially influential mazars, branches are densely inserted, adorned with a dazzling array of hanging objects: small flags, yak tails, goat horns, entire sheepskins stuffed with wheat straw or the like, interspersed with various shapes of copper, iron, or wooden carved ornaments, and diamond-shaped or triangular small strings sewn from colored cloth. The nearby shrubs are tied with strips of cloth. In 1874, after the British scholar Ney Elias visited the Afaq Khoja Mazar, he recorded in his travelogue: “The mark of the saint’s tomb is four high poles, decorated with yak tails and banners with Arabic scriptures, along with large antelope horns found from the nearby mountains.” Lin Zexu [9]9 Lin Zexu (林则徐): A Qing Dynasty official (1785–1850) best known for his role in the lead-up to the First Opium War. He was exiled to Xinjiang in the 1840s, where he wrote about local conditions. personally witnessed the scene of mazar pilgrimage and expressed his puzzlement: “They do not bow to clay idols, but kneel for long periods in namaz (prayer). Why do they alone kowtow at mazars, where long poles hang horse and yak tails?” Historically, during every Eid al-Fitr and Eid al-Adha, there was a custom of collectively dancing the Sama dance in the square of the Id Kah Mosque in Kashgar, a practice that continues to this day. In many places, there is also a tradition of dancing the Sama dance after the mazar pilgrimage. This dance is very similar to the trance-dance movements of Shamanic shamans. This shows the profound influence of Shamanism on mazar pilgrimage. Ma PinYan, a Xinjiang religious studies expert, vividly called it “Shamanic worship cloaked in the garb of Islam.” Furthermore, in the 1980s, when a female *bakhshi* [10]10 *Bakhshi* (巴合西): A term used in Central Asia and Xinjiang for a traditional healer, fortune-teller, or shaman, often combining Islamic and pre-Islamic practices. in Kuqa County performed a trance-dance, her dance movements included postures such as the *anjali mudra* [11]11 *Anjali mudra* (合十): A hand gesture of respect and greeting common in Indian religions and Buddhism, formed by pressing the palms together. and lotus hand, which are quite different from the hand gestures of Uyghur folk dance. Postures like the *anjali mudra* and lotus hand are all dance postures from Buddhist murals, remnants of Buddhism. After the Kazakh people generally accepted Islam, they not only allowed Shamanic activities to continue but also permitted them to adopt Islamic forms. For example, when Shamanic rituals were held for rain during drought or fire-worshipping rituals during livestock epidemics, in addition to proceeding according to ancient traditions, a copy of the Quran was always hung high on a rope strung between two trees. When the shaman recited prayers or blessings, the name of the one God of Islam was added at the end.

对伊斯兰教正统派而言，麻扎朝拜也是禁止的。但受苏非派影响，麻扎朝拜却在新疆成为伊斯兰教中国化的一个典型特征。麻扎朝拜之所以能够被广泛接受并一定程度上被神圣化，除了受苏非派影响外，“新疆的麻扎朝拜与本地区原有的祖先朝拜和原始宗教信仰有一定渊源关系”。在朝拜活动中，可清晰看到祆教、萨满教等以前所流行过的宗教的影响。如，在朝拜麻扎时，有人在土块上刻个窝，里面放上火籽，点燃后放在麻扎周围，这显然是祆教拜火习俗遗留。而社会影响大的麻扎，周围密密麻麻插满树枝，上面挂的装饰物琳琅满目，有小旗、牛尾、羊角，或用麦草等填充起来的整个羊皮，间或挂有各种形制的铜、铁、或木刻花饰，以及用各色布缝制的菱形、三角形小串，附近的灌木层绑满了碎布条。1874年英国学者依莱阿斯游览阿帕克和卓麻扎后，在他游记里记述：“圣墓的标志是四根高柱上，上面装饰着牦牛尾和带有阿拉伯经文的旗幡，还有从附近山中找来的大羚羊角。”林则徐曾亲见麻扎朝拜的情形，对此他还产生了疑惑，即“不从土偶折腰肢，长跪空中纳祃兹（礼拜）。何独叩头麻乍尔（麻扎），长竿高挂马牛氂。”历史上每逢肉孜节、古尔邦节，喀什艾提尕尔清真寺广场就有集体跳萨玛舞的习俗，并延续至今。不少地方在麻扎朝拜结束后也有跳萨玛舞的传统。这种舞蹈与萨满教巫师的跳神动作十分相近。由此可见萨满教对麻扎朝拜的影响之深，新疆宗教研究专家马品彦先生形象地称之为“披着伊斯兰教外衣的萨满教崇拜”。再如，在上世纪80年代库车县的女巴合西在跳神时，其舞蹈动作中有合十、莲花手等舞姿，与维吾尔族民间舞蹈的手势是大不相同的。合十、莲花手等舞姿均为佛教壁画中的舞姿，是佛教的遗留物。哈萨克族普遍接受伊斯兰教后，不但容许萨满教继续活动，而且还允许他们采用伊斯兰教的形式。如萨满教在举行天旱求雨仪式，或牲畜发生疫病举行拜火仪式时，除了按照古老的传统进行之外，都要在两棵树之间，用一根绳子把《古兰经》高高挂在下面。萨满在诵念祷文或祝词时，末尾都加上伊斯兰教唯一神的名字。

From the perspective of traditional festivals, Nowruz is the first and most important of the seven major festivals of Zoroastrianism, the former state religion of Persia. The festival is set annually on March 21 of the Gregorian calendar. In Persian, it means “rainy spring day” or “spring festival,” equivalent to the traditional Chinese “Spring Festival.” After the introduction of Islam, this festival was not only not banned but has continued to this day, becoming an important festival for six Muslim ethnic groups in Xinjiang, including the Uyghur, Kazakh, and Kirgiz peoples. Lin Zexu recorded in a poem, “The *dervishes* [12]12 *Dervish* (海兰达尔): A member of a Sufi Muslim religious order, often known for asceticism and ecstatic practices like dancing or whirling. with hair hanging down in two braids, / Vying in song and dance, they rush to Nowruz.” This vividly depicts the scene of people celebrating Nowruz, with Sufis singing and dancing to pray for a bountiful year.

从传统节日看，诺鲁孜节是原波斯国教祆教七大节日中的第一个节日，也是最重要的节日。节日定在每年公历3月21日，波斯语为“春雨日”“迎春节”，相当于中国传统的 “春节”。伊斯兰教传入后，这一节日不但没有被禁止，反而一直延续到今天，成为维吾尔、哈萨克族、柯尔克孜族等新疆六个信仰伊斯兰教民族的重要节日。林则徐有诗记载，“海兰达尔发双垂，歌舞争趋努鲁斯（诺鲁孜）。”生动描述了当时人们庆祝诺鲁孜节，苏非唱歌跳舞祈求丰年的场面。

Islam’s restrictions and requirements regarding women’s attire have always been strict. However, in Xinjiang, a region where multiple religions coexist and diverse cultures blend, the actual implementation of the Islamic rule on women wearing the veil also exhibited regional characteristics. This is a true reflection of the inclusive and tolerant character of Chinese culture in Xinjiang, a phenomenon rarely seen in other parts of the world. In the mid-19th century, the Russian officer Chokan Valikhanov recorded in his *Kashgar*: “Here, Islam follows local customs and habits; religious fanaticism is somewhat restrained. Women enjoy freedom. This phenomenon, not found in other Muslim countries, is a powerful piece of evidence.” He witnessed firsthand the superior status of women there: “A black or white face veil is also an indispensable part of urban women’s attire. However, when women wear this *chachvan* [13]13 *Chachvan* (恰得纱): A type of face veil traditionally worn by some Muslim women in Central Asia and Xinjiang, often made of black or white horsehair., it is entirely a decoration to enhance their beauty; their faces are always exposed.” In the late 19th century, the Russian explorer M. V. Pevtsov also discovered during his survey of Kashgar that “women in the more prosperous towns and villages do not wear the veil, and those doing business in the markets have never covered their faces.” He also lamented at the time, “The custom of Muslim women wearing the veil, strictly observed in Kashgar during the Yakub Beg period, is now beginning to be frequently violated. It seems that over time it will completely disappear.” Additionally, in Korla, he also observed that the women there, “except for the particularly devout elderly, generally no longer cover their faces and freely participate in male social activities.”

伊斯兰教对妇女穿着的限制与要求是一贯严格的。但在新疆这个多种宗教并存、多元文化交融的地区，伊斯兰教关于妇女戴面纱的规定在实际执行中也表现了地域化特色，这是中华文化包容宽容品格在新疆的真实体现，这一现象也是在世界其他地区所少见的。19世纪中叶，沙俄军官乔汗·瓦里汗诺夫在《喀什噶尔》中记载，“在这里，伊斯兰教要遵循当地风俗习惯，宗教狂热有所收敛。妇女享有自由。这一现象是其他穆斯林国家不曾有的，是一个强有力的佐证。”他亲眼目睹那里妇女地位的优越感，“黑色或白色的掩面的纱亦是城市妇女不可缺少的装束。不过妇女披上这种恰得纱完全是一种美容增色的打扮，她们的脸总裸露在外”。19世纪末沙俄探险家别夫佐夫在考察喀什噶尔时也发现，“在较为繁华的村镇的妇女并不戴面纱，而那些市场上做买卖的人从来就没有遮过脸”。他当时也是非常感叹，“在阿古柏时期在喀什噶尔严格遵守的穆斯林妇女要戴面纱的这一习俗，现在也开始常常被违反，看来随着时间的推移将会全部消失”。另外在库尔勒他也看到了那里的妇女，“除特别虔诚的老人外，一般都不再掩盖自己的脸面而且自由地参与男性社交活动”。

IV. Formation of National Consciousness and Patriotic Concepts in Thought

四、观念上形成国家意识和爱国观念

In the process of Sinicization, the patriotic sentiments and national consciousness of the vast majority of Muslims in Xinjiang gradually took shape, achieving an elevation from the spontaneous to the conscious. The khans of the Kara-Khanid Khanate consistently regarded themselves as Chinese, and customarily prefixed their names with the title “Tao Hua Shi” (桃花石), believing themselves to be kings of a local Chinese polity and their dynasty a local Chinese dynasty. Mahmud al-Kashgari, in his *Compendium of the Turkic Dialects* (《突厥语大词典》), also mentions “Tao Hua Shi” and offers an explanation of “Qin” (秦): “Tao Hua Shi. The name of the country ‘Machin.’ This country is four months’ journey from Qin. Qin was originally divided into three parts: first, Upper Qin, located in the east, called Tao Hua Shi; second, Middle Qin, called Khitai; third, Lower Qin, called Barkhan, which is in Kashgar. But now it is considered that Tao Hua Shi is Machin, and Khitai is ‘Qin.’” This exposition “plainly reflects the ‘China consciousness’ of the Kara-Khanid Khanate, which is extremely valuable and rare.” [14]14 “Tao Hua Shi” (桃花石) is a historical Chinese term used by Central Asian peoples to refer to China or the Chinese, derived from the Tuoba clan of the Northern Wei dynasty. In 1840, after the outbreak of the Opium War between China and Britain, China was reduced to a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society, and Xinjiang, situated on the nation’s border, also suffered foreign invasion and oppression. In 1865, Yakub Beg invaded Xinjiang, imposing thirteen years of reactionary and tyrannical rule that plunged people of all ethnicities into dire suffering. [15]15 Yakub Beg (1820–1877) was a Central Asian warlord who invaded Xinjiang in 1865 and established an independent kingdom, ruling until his defeat by Qing forces in 1877. Inspired by their patriotic sentiments, the vast majority of Muslims rose up in resistance, actively cooperating with the central government of the Qing dynasty to expel the invading forces, thereby powerfully safeguarding national unity and territorial integrity. This heroic act elevated the national consciousness and patriotic sentiments of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang, including the vast majority of Muslims. During the War of Resistance Against Japan, people of all ethnicities across Xinjiang vigorously supported the national anti-Japanese front. In the early stages of the war, they raised funds to purchase ten fighter planes named “Xinjiang,” which participated in the Battle of Wuhan. In 1938, at a critical moment in the Chinese nation’s resistance struggle, Ma Liangjun, a representative figure of the Islamic community in Xinjiang, delivered numerous anti-war speeches, proclaiming that “patriotism is part of the faith” and declaring with shared indignation: “We have only one enemy—Japan. We must unite in the war of resistance. Though I am a seventy-year-old man, I am willing to lead all the Hui compatriots of Xinjiang to fight for the salvation of the nation!” In 1943, Xinjiang launched a “one county, one plane” campaign. Sons and daughters of all ethnicities across the Tianshan Mountains, including the vast majority of Muslims, exceeded their targets. In one year, the whole of Xinjiang raised 5.37 million yuan and donated 144 planes, more than double the original plan of 64. The Uyghur poet L. Mutellip (1922–1945) also inspired the people of all ethnicities in Xinjiang to fight heroically for the salvation of the motherland with his poem “China”: “China! China! You are my homeland!” In sum, during this life-and-death struggle for the Chinese nation, the people of all ethnicities in Xinjiang, including the vast majority of Muslims, displayed a great spirit of patriotism characterized by “unity against external aggression and solidarity in the War of Resistance.”

在中国化进程中，新疆广大穆斯林的爱国情怀和国家意识逐渐形成，实现了从自发到自觉的升华。喀喇汗王朝的可汗一直认为是中国人，汗的名字前面则习惯冠以“桃花石”的称号，他们认为，自己就是中国地方政权的国王，他们的王朝是中国的地方王朝。马赫穆德·喀什噶里在《突厥语大词典》也提到“桃花石”，对“秦”作出解释，即“桃花石。‘马秦’国之名。这个国家距秦有四个月的路程。秦原来分作三部分：第一，上秦，地处东方，被称之为桃花石；第二，中秦，被称之为契丹；第三，下秦，被称之为巴尔罕，这就在喀什噶尔。但是，现在认为桃花石就是马秦，契丹就是‘秦’。”这一论述“朴实地反映了喀喇汗王朝的‘中国意识’，极为难能可贵。”1840年，中英鸦片战争爆发后，中国沦为半殖民地半封建社会，处在祖国边疆的新疆也遭到了外来的侵略压迫。1865年，阿古柏入侵新疆，进而实行了13年的反动恐怖统治，致使各族人民陷入SSHR之中。广大穆斯林在爱国情怀的感召下奋起反抗，积极配合清朝中央政府驱逐入侵势力，有力维护了祖国统一和领土完整。这一壮举升化了包含广大穆斯林在内的新疆各族人民的国家意识和爱国情怀。抗日战争时期，全疆各族人民奋力支援全国抗日前线，在抗战初期捐款购买了10架命名“新疆号”的战斗机参加了武汉保卫战。1938年，在中华民族抗日斗争的关键时刻，新疆伊斯兰教界代表人士马良骏多次发表抗战演说，宣传“爱国是信仰的一部分”，同仇敌忾地讲“我们只有一个敌人——日本，我们要一致抗战，我虽然是一个七十岁老朽，我愿率领全疆的回族同胞为救国而战！”1943年，新疆又开展了“一县一机”运动，天山南北包括广大穆斯林在内的各族儿女超额完成任务，一年中全疆共募集537万元，捐献飞机144架，超过原计划64架的一倍多。维吾尔诗人黎·穆塔里甫（1922-1945）也以一首《中国》激励着新疆各族人民为拯救祖国而英勇斗争，“中国！中国！你就是我的故乡！”总之，在这场事关中华民族生死存亡的抗日斗争中，新疆包括广大穆斯林在内的各族人民表现出了“一致对外，团结抗日”的伟大爱国主义精神。

V. Conclusion

五、结语

Through a historical investigation of the Sinicization of Islam in Xinjiang, we can derive four important insights.

通过对新疆伊斯兰教走向中国化的历史考察，我们可以从中得到四点重要启示。

First, the Sinicization of religion in China has different standards and connotations in different periods. Analyzing the historical trajectory of the Sinicization of Islam in Xinjiang, the main characteristics of this process in history are fourfold: political submission to the ruling administration of the contemporary regime, cultural integration with local culture, acceptance of local social customs and traditions in practice, and identification with the concept of a unified China in outlook.

第一，我国宗教中国化在不同时期有不同的标准和内涵。从考察新疆伊斯兰教中国化的历史轨迹来分析，历史上新疆伊斯兰教走向中国化主要特点有四个方面：即政治上服从当时政权的统治管理、文化上融合当地文化、习俗上接纳当地社会习俗传统、观念上认同中国大一统。

Second, integration and coexistence are the mainstream and characteristic of religious relations in Xinjiang. Since the 16th century, although Islam has held a dominant religious position in the Xinjiang region, it has inherited and developed the Chinese religious cultural tradition of “pluralistic harmony.” In the process of moving toward Sinicization, it coexisted harmoniously with other religions, maintaining the historical pattern of multiple religions coexisting, and continuing to maintain a relationship of mutual integration, absorption, respect, and tolerance with other religions. This allowed it, from the very beginning, to take deep root in the fertile soil of Chinese culture and achieve deep integration with Chinese culture.

第二，交融共存是新疆宗教关系的主流和特点。自16世纪以来，伊斯兰教虽然在新疆地区一直居于主要宗教地位，但它继承发扬了中国宗教“多元通和”的宗教文化传统，在走向中国化过程中，与其他宗教和谐共处，继续保持了多教并存的历史格局，继续保持了与其他宗教互相融合吸收、尊重包容的关系，使得自身一开始就深深扎根于中华文化沃土之上，实现了与中华文化的深度融合。

Third, adaptation to the society in which it exists is a universal law and basic trend of religious survival and development. It is an inevitable requirement of that society and, moreover, an internal need for religion to achieve its own development and safeguard its own interests. In this regard, the renowned Russian Orientalist Vasily Bartold also pointed out that all religions must inevitably adapt to actual living conditions. [16]16 Vasily Bartold (1869–1930) was a prominent Russian historian of Islam and Central Asia. In the course of its development, Islam in Xinjiang has also traversed a tortuous path, but it was able to actively engage in self-adjustment and actively adapt to the society in which it existed. Not only was it not eliminated by society, but it became, as Engels put it, a “religion adapted to the times,” achieving normal and orderly transmission and development. The historical process of the Sinicization of Islam in Xinjiang further confirms the Marxist view that “the development of religion is determined by the development of society; only by integrating with the historical process of social development can the laws of religious development be found.”

第三，与所处社会相适应是宗教生存发展的普遍规律和基本趋势，它是所处社会的必然要求，更是宗教实现自身发展、维护自身利益的内在需求。对此，俄国著名东方学家巴托尔德也曾指出，一切宗教都必然要适应实际的生活状况。新疆伊斯兰教在发展历程中，也曾走过曲折道路，但它能主动自我调试，主动适应所在社会，不但没有被社会所淘汰，而且成为了恩格斯所讲的“适应时势的宗教”，实现了正常有序的传承发展。新疆伊斯兰教中国化的历史进程则进一步印证了马克思主义的观点，即“宗教的发展由社会发展所决定；只有结合社会发展的历史进程才能找到宗教的发展规律”。

Fourth, gradually moving toward Sinicization is the historical tradition of Islam in Xinjiang. Among the five major religions currently existing in China, except for Daoism, all are exogenous religions. But whether endogenous or exogenous, all have gradually adapted to Chinese society for their own survival and development, continuously Sinicizing, and becoming Chinese religions. The development of Islam in Xinjiang fully demonstrates this point as well. Precisely because of this, Islam in Xinjiang has come to differ from the Islam of its place of origin, the Arabian Peninsula, acquiring Chinese endowments, Chinese characteristics, and Chinese qualities. However, it must also be clearly recognized that, due to insufficient absorption of traditional mainstream Chinese culture, the Sinicization of Islam in Xinjiang is not deep, its foundation is not solid, and the process is slow. Especially when encountering countercurrents of de-Sinicization such as religious extremism, “Saudization,” and “Arabization,” the original achievements of Sinicization are prone to regression. This was fully demonstrated in Xinjiang in previous years.

第四，逐步走向中国化是新疆伊斯兰教的历史传统。中国现有五大宗教中除道教外，都是外源型宗教。但无论内生还是外源，都为了自身生存发展而逐渐与中国社会相适应，不断中国化，成为中国的宗教。新疆伊斯兰教的发展也充分证明了这一点。正因为如此，新疆伊斯兰教才形成了区别于原产地阿拉伯半岛的伊斯兰教，具有了中国禀赋、中国特质、中国品格。但也要清醒看到，由于对中国传统主流文化吸收不够，新疆伊斯兰教中国化程度不深、基础不牢、进程缓慢。尤其是当遭遇宗教极端、“沙化”“阿化”等去中国化逆流冲击时，原有中国化成果容易出现倒退。前些年在新疆已充分表明了这一点。

At the Third Central Symposium on Work in Xinjiang, Xi Jinping put forward the scientific thesis of “adhering to the direction of Sinicizing Islam in Xinjiang and achieving the healthy development of religion,” which pointed the fundamental direction and provided the fundamental guidance for deeply advancing the Sinicization of Islam in Xinjiang. [17]17 The Third Central Symposium on Work in Xinjiang was held in September 2020, where Xi Jinping outlined the Party’s strategy for the region, emphasizing stability, development, and religious Sinicization. For the present and for a period to come, adhering to the direction of Sinicizing Islam in Xinjiang must, on the basis of the original historical foundation of Sinicization, draw on historical experience and lessons, focus on leading with the core socialist values, use Chinese culture to permeate and nourish, and make efforts in deep-level, foundational, and strategic work, to ensure that Islam in Xinjiang achieves healthy development and healthy transmission along the direction of Sinicization.

在第三次中央新疆工作座谈会上，习近平提出了“坚持新疆伊斯兰教中国化方向，实现宗教健康发展”的科学论断，为新疆深入推进伊斯兰教中国化指明了根本方向，提供了根本遵循。当前和今后一个时期，坚持新疆伊斯兰教中国化方向，必须在原有中国化历史基础上，汲取历史经验教训，注重以社会主义核心价值观引领，用中华文化浸润，着力在深层次、基础性、战略性工作上下功夫，确保新疆伊斯兰教沿着中国化方向实现健康发展和健康传承。

Online editor: Rainbow

网络编辑：彩虹