Historical Experience and Enlightenment of the CPC’s Handling of Religious Issues in the Southern Xinjiang Region in the 1950s

The southern Xinjiang region of Xinjiang is an area where ethnic minorities live in compact communities. Historically, religion had a profound influence on the politics, economy, law, culture, and social customs of the southern Xinjiang region. In the 1950s, especially after the establishment of the socialist system, southern Xinjiang faced the major historical task of guiding religion to adapt to socialist society. The southern Xinjiang region earnestly implemented the Party’s policy of freedom of religious belief, adhered to the separation of religion from politics, united and educated religious figures to establish an anti-feudal united front, brought about fundamental changes in the local religious situation, granted individuals the freedom not to believe in religion, made belief or non-belief a personal choice, and saw the emergence of a considerable number of non-believing groups among ethnic minorities—something unprecedented in the history of southern Xinjiang. During this period, the Party’s handling of religious issues in southern Xinjiang was characterized by caution, steadiness, flexibility, and gradualism. It successfully achieved its goals without causing major social upheaval, and it enabled the people of all ethnicities in southern Xinjiang to truly enjoy the freedom to believe or not to believe in religion. This still holds important enlightenment for handling religious issues in Xinjiang under the new circumstances today.

新疆南疆地区是少数民族聚居的地区。历史上，宗教对南疆地区的政治、经济、法律、文化、社会习俗等方面影响深刻。20世纪50年代，尤其是社会主义制度确立后，南疆面临着引导宗教与社会主义社会相适应的重大历史任务。南疆地区认真贯彻落实党的宗教信仰自由政策，坚持政教分离，团结教育宗教界人士建立反封建统一战线，使当地宗教状况发生了根本性变化，个人拥有不信仰宗教的自由，信教与否成为个人的选择，少数民族中出现了相当数量的不信教群体，这在南疆的历史上是前所未有的。这一阶段，党对南疆宗教问题的处理具有慎重、稳妥、灵活、渐进的特点，既成功达到了目的，又没有引起大的社会波动，还使南疆各族人民真正享有了信仰宗教和不信仰宗教的自由，对于当前处理新形势下新疆的宗教问题仍具有重要的启示作用。

I. Propagating and Implementing the Policy of Freedom of Religious Belief

一、宣传和贯彻宗教信仰自由政策

Respecting and protecting freedom of religious belief is one of the basic policies of the Communist Party of China toward religion. In the 1950s, the ethnic minority masses in southern Xinjiang “generally believed in Islam, and their religious concepts were very deep.” [1]1 Wang Enmao (1913–1985) was a senior CPC military and political leader who served as First Secretary of the CPC Xinjiang Sub-Bureau and later as First Secretary of the CPC Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Regional Committee, playing a key role in consolidating Party control in Xinjiang in the 1950s. To do a good job of mass work, unite the broad masses, stabilize social order, promote social democratic reform, and complete the socialist transformation, the southern Xinjiang region adhered to the principle of separation of religion from politics, adopted a cautious, steady, and flexible policy, propagated the policy of freedom of religious belief, and guided religion to gradually adapt to the newly born socialist society.

尊重和保护宗教信仰自由是中国共产党对待宗教的基本政策之一。20世纪50年代，南疆少数民族群众“普遍地信仰伊斯兰教，宗教观念很深”1。为做好群众工作、团结广大群众、稳定社会秩序、推动社会民主改革、完成社会主义改造，南疆地区坚持政教分离的原则，采取慎重、稳妥、灵活的方针，宣传宗教信仰自由政策，引导宗教逐步与新生的社会主义社会相适应。

(1) Strategically Propagating the Party’s Policy of Freedom of Religious Belief

(一)有策略地宣传党的宗教信仰自由政策

During the period of the Republic of China, the reactionary Kuomintang, in order to counter the spread of Marxism-Leninism in Xinjiang, counter the Soviet Union and the Three Districts Revolution, [2]2 “Rent reduction and anti-bullying” (减租反霸) was a mass movement in the early 1950s that preceded land reform, aimed at reducing feudal rents and suppressing local bullies and despots who had collaborated with the old regime. maliciously exploited the differences in belief between the Communist Party and religion, spreading rumors that communism would eliminate religion. Therefore, Wang Enmao, [3]3 “Struggle sessions” (斗争会) were mass meetings used during land reform and other campaigns to publicly denounce and humiliate class enemies, often involving physical violence. then First Secretary of the Party Committee of the Southern Xinjiang Region, pointed out that in the early period of entering Xinjiang, the focus among the masses should be on propagating the freedom to believe, and temporarily not propagating the freedom not to believe. “Propagate the policy of freedom of religious belief, so that the masses understand that freedom of religious belief is guaranteed by the law of the people’s government, smash the rumors spread by counterrevolutionaries that the people’s government is ‘anti-religion’ or ‘eliminates religion,’ and strengthen the close relationship between the people’s government and the people.” [4]4 “Fruits of land reform” (土改果实) was a standard term for the land, property, and means of production confiscated from landlords and redistributed to poor peasants. Only when conditions were basically mature should the Party’s policy of freedom of religious belief be comprehensively propagated and implemented. The Party’s propagation of the policy of freedom of religious belief in southern Xinjiang broke the rumors created by the reactionary Kuomintang that “the Communist Party wants to eliminate religion” and stabilized the religious sentiments of the believing masses. In the early period of the Party’s governance in southern Xinjiang, this policy laid a solid mass foundation for the believing masses to enthusiastically participate in socialist construction and respond to the Party’s various calls, and also helped consolidate the Party’s governing foundation, maintain ethnic unity, and safeguard the unity of the motherland.

民国时期，国民党反动派为对抗马列主义在新疆的传播，对抗苏联和三区革命，别有用心地利用共产党和宗教的信仰差异，曾散布共产主义要消灭宗教的谣言。因此，时任南疆地区党委第一书记的王恩茂指出，进疆初期在群众之中要注重宣传信教的自由，暂不宣传不信教的自由，“宣传宗教信仰自由的政策，使群众了解宗教信仰自由，在人民政府的法律上得到了保证，粉碎反革命分子说人民政府是‘反教’‘灭教’的谣言，增强人民政府与人民的亲密关系”2,待条件基本成熟后再对党的宗教信仰自由政策全面地予以宣传和贯彻。党在南疆宣传宗教信仰自由的政策，打破了国民党反动派制造的“共产党要消灭宗教”的谣言，安定了信教群众的宗教情感。党在南疆执政初期，这项政策为信教群众踊跃参加社会主义建设和响应党的各项号召奠定了坚实的群众基础，也有助于巩固党的执政基础，维护民族团结和祖国统一。

With the victorious completion of democratic reform and socialist transformation, the social situation in southern Xinjiang underwent great changes. On the one hand, the backward social economy had been considerably improved, the political consciousness of the masses had been raised, the Party organization had developed considerably, Party organizations at all levels had been universally established in various places, a large number of Party members from various ethnic groups had been developed, the Party had established a very high prestige among the masses of all ethnicities, the Party’s policy of freedom of religious belief was understood by more and more people, and work had a preliminary foundation. On the other hand, democratic reform and socialist transformation objectively weakened the influence and foundation of religion, touched the vital interests of the feudal religious privileged stratum, and the diehards among the feudal landlord class, unwilling to see the abolition of the exploitative system, attacked the Party’s leadership and the socialist system, using religion to carry out various sabotage activities. At the same time, backward elements in religious circles were also unwilling to see the weakening of religious forces, attempting to restore certain abolished feudal religious privileges, forcing young people to study scriptures, forcing others to fast and pray, and wantonly attacking and slandering Party members and Youth League members who did not believe in religion. From 1952 to 1955, a series of separatist and sabotage activities using religion occurred, such as four organized, programmatic, and planned counterrevolutionary riots that occurred consecutively in the Hotan region. [5]5 The “cooperative period” refers to the mid-1950s movement to collectivize agriculture by organizing peasants into agricultural producers’ cooperatives, a step toward full collectivization. In response to the above problems, on March 5, 1958, the Autonomous Region Party Committee issued the “Opinions on Comprehensively Propagating Freedom of Religious Belief among the Masses in Conjunction with the Socialist and Communist Education Movement,” exposing and criticizing bad people and bad deeds in religious circles, striking at the reactionary arrogance of diehards, and decided to comprehensively propagate the Party’s policy of freedom of religious belief throughout Xinjiang, emphasizing that both the freedom to believe and the freedom not to believe should be propagated, and determined that the steps of propaganda should be first among Party members and Youth League members, then among the general masses, thus ensuring the smooth progress of education.

随着民主改革和社会主义改造的胜利完成，南疆社会状况发生了很大变化。一方面，落后的社会经济有了相当的改善，群众的政治觉悟有所提高，党组织有了较大发展，党的各级组织已在各地普遍建立起来，还发展了一大批各民族党员，党在各族群众中也树立起了很高威信，党的宗教信仰自由政策为越来越多的人所了解，工作有了初步的基础。另一方面，民主改革和社会主义改造在客观上削弱了宗教的影响与基础，触及封建宗教特权阶层的切身利益，封建地主阶级中的顽固分子不甘心剥削制度的消灭，攻击党的领导和社会主义制度，利用宗教进行各种破坏活动；同时，宗教界的落后分子也不甘心宗教势力的削弱，企图恢复已被取缔的某些宗教封建特权，强迫青少年学习经文，强迫他人封斋、做礼拜，对不信教的党团员肆意攻击污蔑。1952年—1955年，发生了一系列利用宗教进行的分裂破坏活动，如在和田地区连续发生了四起有组织、有纲领、有计划的反革命暴乱。针对上述问题，1958年3月5日，自治区党委发布《关于结合社会主义、共产主义教育运动，在群众中全面宣传宗教信仰自由的意见》,揭露批判宗教界的坏人坏事，打击顽固分子的反动气焰，并决定在全疆全面宣传党的宗教信仰自由政策，强调既要宣传信教有自由的一面，也要宣传不信教也有自由的一面，并确定宣传的步骤是先党、团员，后一般群众，从而保证了教育的顺利进行。

At the same time, the Party Committee of the Southern Xinjiang Region also attached importance to the propaganda and education of Marxist atheism. In March 1950, Wang Enmao, in his “Report on Religious Issues” submitted to the Xinjiang Sub-Bureau, [6]6 “Democratic figures” (民主人士) was a term for non-CCP intellectuals, professionals, and former elites who were co-opted into the united front to lend legitimacy to Party policies. emphasized, “We Communists do not believe in religion; on the contrary, we hold from the viewpoint of historical materialism that religion, like political parties and the state, will eventually wither away,” but this can only gradually disappear through long-term education and continuous social progress. Therefore, in the long run, propaganda and education on atheism are also necessary. From the second half of 1958 to the end of 1960, southern Xinjiang continued to implement the policy of freedom of religious belief, combined with the rectification of people’s communes, the socialist and communist education movement, and the development of industry, agriculture, science, education, culture, and health. First, atheist education was carried out within the Party to help Communist Party members draw a clear line between communism and religious belief. At the same time, a struggle against bad people and bad deeds was carried out among the upper echelons of religion. On June 6, 1959, when carrying out the reform of the religious system, the Autonomous Region Party Committee proposed to begin atheist education within the Party, in institutions of higher learning, and among cadres at and above the county level, and pointed out that atheist education is a long-term process of ideological education.

同时，南疆地区党委也重视马克思主义无神论的宣传教育。1950年3月，王恩茂在写给新疆分局的《关于宗教问题的请示报告》中强调，“我们共产党人是不信仰宗教的，相反，我们按照历史唯物主义观点认为宗教同政党、国家一样最终是要消亡的”,但要经过长期教育和社会不断进步才能逐渐消亡，因此，从长期来看，无神论的宣传和教育也是必需的。从1958年下半年至1960年底，南疆继续执行宗教信仰自由政策，结合整顿人民公社、社会主义和共产主义教育运动及工农业、科教文卫事业的发展，首先在党内进行无神论教育，帮助共产党员划清共产主义同宗教信仰的界限，同时在宗教上层开展反对坏人坏事的斗争。1959年6月6日，自治区党委在进行宗教制度改革时提出开始在党内、大专院校、县以上干部中进行无神论教育，并指出无神论教育是个长期的思想教育过程。

In summary, the Party’s flexible and strategic propagation of the policy of freedom of religious belief in southern Xinjiang not only adhered to the Marxist view of religion and strengthened the guiding ideology of scientific atheism of the Communist Party of China, but also successfully caused the rumors created by reactionary forces that “the Communist Party wants to eliminate religion” to collapse of their own accord, completely dispelled the doubts and worries of the believing masses of all ethnicities and religious figures that “the Communist Party does not allow people to believe in religion,” unified ideological understanding, stabilized the religious sentiments of the masses of all ethnicities, and greatly won the trust and support of the masses of all ethnicities and religious figures for the Party and the government.

总之，党在南疆灵活地、有策略地宣传宗教信仰自由政策这一做法，不仅坚持了马克思主义宗教观，坚定了中国共产党的科学无神论的指导思想，而且成功地使反动势力制造的“共产党要消灭宗教”的谣言不攻自破，彻底打消了各族信教群众和宗教界人士关于“共产党不让人信仰宗教”的疑虑和担心，统一了思想认识，安定了各族群众的宗教情感，极大地赢得了各族群众和宗教界人士对党和政府的信任和拥护。

(2) Adhering to the Separation of Religion from Politics, Correctly Handling Phenomena of Religious Interference in Administration, Justice, Marriage, and Education

(二)坚持政教分离，正确处理宗教干预行政、司法、婚姻、教育等现象

In the early period after the founding of New China, phenomena of religious interference in administration, justice, marriage, and education still generally existed in southern Xinjiang. While protecting lawful religious activities, the Communist Party of China always adhered to the principle of separation of religion from politics, widely and deeply propagating among the masses of all ethnicities in southern Xinjiang that religious belief is a private matter for individual citizens, and that no one may use religion to interfere in administration, justice, marriage, or education. At the same time, adhering to the principle of acknowledging history and taking reality into account, it adopted the practice of allowing temporary existence and gradual abolition, effectively avoiding contradictions between religious figures and believing masses on the one hand and the Party and the government on the other.

新中国成立初期，南疆仍普遍存在着宗教干涉行政、司法、婚姻、教育等现象。中国共产党在保护合法宗教活动的同时，始终坚持政教分离原则，向南疆各族群众广泛深入宣传宗教信仰是公民个人的私事，任何人不得利用宗教干涉行政、司法、婚姻和教育。同时，还本着承认历史、照顾现实的原则，采取了允许暂时存在、逐步废除的做法，有效避免了宗教界人士和信教群众与党和政府之间的矛盾。

First, adhere to the separation of education and religion. In the early years after the founding of New China, in southern Xinjiang, new-style schools had not yet been well established, and it was also impossible to greatly expand and develop new-style schools. The children of ordinary masses mostly preferred to attend scripture schools, and the consciousness of the broad masses had not yet reached the level of demanding the abolition of scripture schools. Therefore, the Southern Xinjiang Regional Party Committee believed that the conditions for abolishing scripture schools were not yet mature at that time, but “reforms in each scripture school are possible and necessary, such as opposing forced attendance at scripture schools, abolishing reactionary preaching, and adding some courses on the political content of New Democracy, etc.” [3]3 “Struggle sessions” (斗争会) were mass meetings used during land reform and other campaigns to publicly denounce and humiliate class enemies, often involving physical violence. At the same time, in accordance with the relevant education policies of the Common Programme, the old education system was reformed, various types of old-style schools were transformed, universal education was implemented in a planned and step-by-step manner, secondary education and higher education were strengthened, technical education was emphasized, the spare-time education of workers and on-the-job education of cadres were strengthened, and the teacher corps was vigorously cultivated. By the end of the 1950s, education at all levels and of all types in southern Xinjiang had been greatly developed, a relatively complete modern national education system was initially established, and religion and education were gradually separated.

一是坚持教育与宗教相分离。新中国成立初期的南疆，新式学校尚未办好，大量扩大和发展新式学校也做不到，一般群众的子弟大多愿意进经文学校，广大群众的觉悟还没有达到要求取消经文学校的程度。因此，南疆区党委认为此时取消经文学校的条件还未成熟，但“各经文学校进行改革是可以的和必须的，如反对强迫进经文学校，取消反动的说教和增加一些新民主主义政治内容的课程等”3。同时，按照《共同纲领》的有关教育政策，改革旧有教育制度，改造各类旧式学校，有计划有步骤地实行普及教育，加强中等教育和高等教育，注重技术教育，加强劳动者的业余教育和在职干部教育，大力培养教师队伍。至20世纪50年代末期，南疆各级各类教育得到大力发展，较为完整的现代国民教育体系初步建立，宗教与教育逐步分离。

Second, adhere to the separation of the judiciary, marriage, and religion. In August 1952, in the process of implementing the spirit of the Second Party Congress of the Autonomous Region, some religious figures raised the demand to establish religious courts and for the government to recognize the “three talaqs.” [4]4 “Fruits of land reform” (土改果实) was a standard term for the land, property, and means of production confiscated from landlords and redistributed to poor peasants. On June 18, 1953, the United Front Work Department of the Xinjiang Sub-Bureau of the Central Committee of the CPC gave a clear response: “On the issue of religious courts, it should be explained to religious circles that our country can only have one law, and two laws cannot coexist simultaneously. Therefore, all kinds of legal disputes concerning marriage, land, property, civil matters, etc., shall be handled by the People’s Courts, and religion shall not interfere with the state judiciary. … On issues concerning marriage … all divorce and marriage procedures should be handled by the relevant government organs.” [5]5 The “cooperative period” refers to the mid-1950s movement to collectivize agriculture by organizing peasants into agricultural producers’ cooperatives, a step toward full collectivization.

二是坚持司法、婚姻与宗教相分离。1952年8月，在贯彻自治区第二届党代会精神的过程中，有些宗教界人士提出成立宗教法庭、政府应承认“三个塔拉克”4的要求。1953年6月18日，中共中央新疆分局统战部对此作了明确的回答：“宗教法庭问题，应向宗教界讲明，我们国家只能有一个法律，不能有两种法律同时并存。因此，婚姻、土地、财产、民事等凡属法律的各种纠纷问题，由人民法院处理，宗教不得干涉国家司法。……关于婚姻方面的问题……一切离婚结婚手续应由政府有关机关掌握。”5

The Party’s implementation of the policy of freedom of religious belief in southern Xinjiang was of epoch-making significance for the ethnic minorities there. Religion no longer interfered with administration, the judiciary, marriage, education, etc., and religious belief truly became a personal choice for citizens. The Party’s religious work in southern Xinjiang won the heartfelt support of the people of all ethnicities, and also laid a mass foundation for southern Xinjiang’s rent reduction and anti-hegemon struggle, land reform, socialist transformation, and the democratic reform of the religious system.

党在南疆贯彻落实宗教信仰自由政策，对于南疆的少数民族具有划时代的意义。宗教不再干涉行政、司法、婚姻、教育等，宗教信仰真正成为公民个人的选择。党在南疆的宗教工作得到各族人民的衷心拥护，也为南疆减租反霸、土地改革、社会主义改造以及进行宗教制度的民主改革奠定了群众基础。

II. Prudently and Steadily Advance the Democratic Reform of Religion

二、慎重稳步推进宗教民主改革

In Chinese history, religion was often linked with the feudal political system and economic system, becoming a tool for oppressing and exploiting the broad masses of religious believers. After the founding of New China, these feudal privileges and exploitative systems were detrimental to the political, ideological, and economic liberation of religious believers. When promoting democratic reform, the Party committees and governments in the southern Xinjiang region fully considered the mass character and complexity of religion and adopted more prudent and steady steps.

中国历史上，宗教往往同封建政治制度和经济制度联系在一起，成为压迫剥削广大信教群众的工具。新中国成立后，这些封建特权和剥削制度不利于信教群众在政治上、思想上和经济上获得解放。南疆地区党委和政府在推动民主改革时，充分考虑到宗教的群众性和复杂性，采取了更加慎重稳妥的步骤。

(1) Prudently and Steadily Handle Religious Issues in Democratic Reform

(一)慎重稳步地处理民主改革中的宗教问题

After the founding of New China, the Party Central Committee instructed that democratic reform in Xinjiang must resolutely implement the policy of “prudence and steady progress” (later changed to “prudence and steadiness”), deeply mobilize the people of all ethnicities, unite all forces that can be united, carry out the struggle in a guided and step-by-step manner, adopt a series of steady and gradual measures, in order to successfully complete the task of overthrowing the landlord class and create a solid social foundation for the reform of the religious system.

新中国成立后，党中央指示，新疆民主改革必须坚决贯彻执行“慎重稳进”(后改为“慎重稳步”)的方针，深入发动各族人民，团结一切可以团结的力量，有领导、有步骤地开展斗争，采取一系列稳妥渐进的措施，以期胜利完成推翻地主阶级的任务，并为宗教制度改革创造坚实的社会基础。

In carrying out democratic reform in Xinjiang, the primary issue was how to handle the problem of waqf land. [6]6 “Democratic figures” (民主人士) was a term for non-CCP intellectuals, professionals, and former elites who were co-opted into the united front to lend legitimacy to Party policies. The waqf land system was a feudal exploitative system concealed under the cloak of Islam, a tool used by a small number of religious feudal lords and upper-level religious figures to exploit the broad masses of Muslim working people. There were many types of waqf land. Deng Liqun and Gu Bao, in their 1952 investigation, found 24 names, which could be roughly divided into six categories of waqf land by ownership. [7]7 The “anti-feudal united front” was a tactical alliance of the CPC with all social forces (including non-communist democrats and religious figures) opposed to the feudal landlord system, as part of the broader strategy of the “people’s democratic dictatorship.” There were many drawbacks and confusions in the ownership, management rights, and income distribution of waqf land. Its existence, like the general feudal exploitative land ownership system, seriously hindered the development of agricultural productive forces in southern Xinjiang and was once a major social problem in the rural areas of southern Xinjiang.

在新疆进行民主改革，首要的是如何处理瓦合甫地6的问题。瓦合甫地制度是一种在伊斯兰教掩盖下的封建剥削制度，是少数宗教封建主和宗教上层剥削广大穆斯林劳动人民的工具。瓦合甫地的种类繁多，邓力群、谷苞于1952年调查到的就有24种名称、大致可分为六类所有权性质的瓦合甫地7。瓦合甫地的所有权、管理权、收益分配等方面存在着诸多弊端和混乱，它的存在和一般的封建剥削的土地所有制一样，严重地阻碍了南疆农业生产力的发展，曾是南疆农村一大社会问题。

In view of the religious nature and complexity of waqf land, the Party committees and governments in the southern Xinjiang region, in accordance with the guiding policy of “prudence and steadiness,” issued instructions on August 11, 1951, on mobilizing the masses for rent reduction and anti-hegemon struggle, proposing policies and slogans for adjusting land tenancy relations. First, the various waqf lands occupied and used by the landlord class were adjusted for cultivation by landless or land-poor peasants. As soon as this measure was proposed, it immediately mobilized the broad masses of peasants, fundamentally reforming the use relationship of the waqf land system, through which the landlord class had for many years annexed land and plundered peasant property. In the land reform movement, part of the waqf land continued to be adjusted to local peasants, and the formerly landless serfs obtained their own land. At the same time, mosques and lamaseries were allowed to retain part of their temple land and temple property to maintain temple expenses and the livelihood of religious professionals. These measures won the approval and support of religious believers and religious figures, enabling the smooth progress of land reform. When the socialist transformation movement reached its climax, most religious figures, influenced by the socialist transformation, showed varying degrees of progress in their thinking compared to before, and were also very active. 70%–75% of rural religious professionals successively joined agricultural production cooperatives. In cities, some religious professionals, based on their family circumstances, either joined agricultural cooperatives if they were originally mainly engaged in agriculture, or entered public-private partnerships (including cooperative stores, groups, and commissioned sales) if they were mainly engaged in commerce. [8]8 The “Three Great Transformations” (三大改造) refers to the socialist transformation of agriculture, handicraft industry, and capitalist industry and commerce carried out from 1953 to 1956. At the same time, to increase income, some religious professionals began to actively participate in productive labor.

鉴于瓦合甫地具有的宗教性质和复杂性，南疆地区党委和政府根据“慎重稳进”的指导方针，于1951年8月11日发出关于发动群众减租反霸的指示，提出了调剂土地租佃关系的政策和口号，首先把地主阶级所占有、占用的各种瓦合甫地调剂给无地少地的农民耕种。这一措施一经提出，立刻就动员了广大的农民，把多年来地主阶级借以兼并土地、掠夺农民财产的瓦哈甫地制度，在使用关系上进行了根本性的改革。在土地改革运动中，继续将部分瓦合甫地调剂给当地的农民，昔日无地的农奴有了自己的土地。同时，也允许清真寺和喇嘛庙保留一部分寺院土地和寺产，以维护寺庙的开支和宗教职业人员的生活。这些措施得到了信教群众和宗教界人士的赞同和支持，使土地改革得以顺利进行。在社会主义改造运动达到高潮时，大多数宗教界人士在社会主义改造的影响下，思想情况较之前亦有不同程度的进步，表现得亦很积极，农村70%—75%的宗教职业者先后均参加了农业生产合作社，城市中有些宗教职业者根据他们的家庭情况原以农为主的分别参加了农业社或以商业为主的公私合营(包括合作商店、小组、经销代销)8。同时，为了增加收入，部分宗教职业人员开始积极参加到生产劳动中。

Religious professionals gradually separated from the religious land, waqf land, and actively devoted themselves to socialist construction to adapt to democratic reform, which laid the foundation for the subsequent complete abolition of the religious exploitative system.

宗教职业人员逐渐与宗教土地瓦合甫地剥离，并为适应民主改革而积极投身于社会主义建设，这为此后彻底废除宗教剥削制度奠定了基础。

(2) Promoting the Democratic Reform of the Religious System

(二)推动宗教制度的民主改革

In 1956, the socialist transformation was basically completed, the socialist system was basically established, and the people of all ethnicities in Xinjiang, together with the people of the whole country, entered socialist society. Under the leadership of the Party, the socialist consciousness of the masses of all ethnicities in southern Xinjiang was greatly enhanced, and the abolition of religious feudal privileges and the feudal exploitative system became an inevitable requirement. In January 1959, the Party Committee of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region held its Seventh United Front Work Conference. Based on the spirit of the Central Committee of the CPC’s approval and forwarding of the Report on the Current Work on Islam and Lamaism by the Party Group of the State Ethnic Affairs Commission, [9]9 “Study day system” (学习日制度) was a regularized form of political indoctrination where specific days were set aside for organized study of Party policies and ideology. and in light of Xinjiang’s actual conditions, it specifically proposed the reform of the religious system in Xinjiang. In April, the Party Committee of the Autonomous Region issued the Instructions on the Reform of the Islamic and Lamaist Systems, deciding to carry out religious system reform in conjunction with various tasks.

1956年，社会主义改造基本完成，社会主义制度基本确立，新疆各族人民与全国人民一道进入社会主义社会。在党的领导下，南疆各族群众的社会主义觉悟有了较大提高，废除宗教封建特权和封建剥削制度成为必然要求。1959年1月，新疆维吾尔自治区党委召开第七次统战工作会议，根据中共中央批转国家民委党组《关于当前伊斯兰教喇嘛教工作问题的报告》9精神，并结合新疆的实际，有针对性地提出新疆宗教制度改革。4月，新疆自治区党委下发《关于伊斯兰教、喇嘛教制度改革的指示》,决定结合各项工作进行宗教制度改革。

1. Gradually Abolish Religious Feudal Privileges

1.逐步废除宗教封建特权

First, abolish the feudal privilege system of “granting kouhuan.” [10]10 “Rectification” (整风) refers to the Party’s method of correcting ideological and work-style errors through criticism and self-criticism, often in campaign form. In Islam at that time, religious privilege systems such as “kouhuan” and “xiangqian” were very serious. All actions of believers and the appointment and dismissal of imams in mosques had to seek “kouhuan” from the religious leader. The jiaofang system [11]11 “Four absences” and “four increases” (四无、四多) are local slogans from Zepu County; the exact content is not specified in the text, but they refer to positive changes in the behavior and attitudes of religious figures after ideological education. seriously interfered with all aspects of believers’ lives, and arbitrarily threatened or even punished believers deemed to have violated religious doctrines or rules. Tibetan Buddhism also had similar religious privileges, such as possessing large amounts of livestock and pastures, employing herders without paying wages; annually apportioning five major scripture-reading expenses to the masses, each time as much as 1,000 yuan and at least 300 yuan; for reciting scriptures for the deceased, in addition to the deceased’s clothing, horses, etc., being given to lamas for free, the family had to pay the lamas fees ranging from 100 to 700 yuan; for droughts or moving pastures, scriptures were recited, costing several hundred yuan each time. The Report on the Current Work on Islam and Lamaism pointed out: “Abolish all feudal privileges of religion, including the unauthorized appointment of tribal leaders and the private possession of weapons by imams.” The first item among the main contents of religious system reform proposed by the Seventh United Front Work Conference of the Autonomous Region Party Committee was the abolition of all religious feudal privileges, such as the unauthorized appointment of imams and granting “kouhuan.” [10]10 “Rectification” (整风) refers to the Party’s method of correcting ideological and work-style errors through criticism and self-criticism, often in campaign form. In accordance with this directive spirit of the Central Committee and the Autonomous Region Party Committee, the Party committees in the southern Xinjiang region resolutely abolished religious feudal privileges such as the inheritance of religious leadership and “granting kouhuan.”

其一，废除“放口唤”的封建特权制度。在当时的伊斯兰教中，“口唤”“匣钱”等宗教特权制度十分严重，教徒的一切行动、清真寺阿訇的任免等都必须向教主讨“口唤”。教坊制度严重干涉教民各方面的生活，且任意威胁甚至处罚被认为是违反了教义教规的信徒。藏传佛教中也同样拥有宗教特权，如占有大量牲畜和草场，雇工放牧不给工钱；每年给群众摊派5次大经费用，每次多则1000元，少则300元；给亡人念经，除亡人的衣物、马匹等要无偿给喇嘛外，还要付给喇嘛100元至700元不等的费用；天旱、转场时要念经，每次数百元。《关于当前伊斯兰教喇嘛教工作问题的报告》中指出：“废除宗教的一切封建特权，包括擅自委派部落头人，阿訇私藏武器。”自治区党委第七次统战工作会议提出宗教制度改革的主要内容中，第一条即废除一切宗教封建特权，如擅自放阿訇、给“口唤”等10。南疆地区党委根据中央和自治区党委这一指示精神，坚决废除了教主继承、“放口唤”等宗教封建特权。

Second, abolishing the privilege of forcing belief in religion. Before the founding of New China, the religious privileged stratum forced the masses to engage in religious activities; if one did not believe in religion or participate in religious activities, they would be severely punished. According to the recollection of a resident of a certain village in Kashgar, in the past, if an adult male did not go to the mosque to perform namaz, the village landlord would send someone to arrest him and blacken his face. If this happened in winter, they might also pour cold water on him, or simply throw him into a pond to soak for a while. At that time, any man who did not go to pray and wanted to avoid punishment had either to flee to a distant place or lie in bed pretending to be ill [11]11 “Four absences” and “four increases” (四无、四多) are local slogans from Zepu County; the exact content is not specified in the text, but they refer to positive changes in the behavior and attitudes of religious figures after ideological education.. The Party Committee of the Southern Xinjiang Region resolutely implemented the spirit of the "Directive on the Reform of the Religious System of Islam and Lamaism," and on the basis of protecting the masses’ freedom of religious belief, it also emphasized that the masses had the freedom not to believe in religion, that children and youths must not be forced to chant scriptures or attend scripture schools, that young people must not be forced to become *mullahs* or lamas, and that no one was allowed to discriminate against lamas who returned to secular life, married, and established careers. Temples must not force the masses to become lamas, force fasting, force children to study scriptures, or force them to become lamas. Lamas had the freedom to return to secular life.

其二，废除强迫信教的特权。新中国成立前，宗教特权阶层强迫群众从事宗教活动，如果不信教或不参加宗教活动就会受到严惩。据喀什某村居民回忆，以前成年男子如果不到礼拜寺做乃玛孜，村里的地主就会指使人把他抓起来，给他涂成黑脸。要是事情发生在冬天，还可能向他身上泼凉水，或者干脆扔到涝坝里浸一番。当时，哪个男人不去做礼拜，又要逃避惩罚，除非远走他乡，或是躺在床上装病11。南疆地区党委坚决贯彻落实《关于伊斯兰教、喇嘛教宗教制度改革的指示》的精神，在保护群众宗教信仰自由的基础上，又强调群众有不信教的自由，不得强迫少年儿童念经和上经文学校，不得强迫青少年当满拉、喇嘛，任何人不得歧视喇嘛还乡还俗、成家立业。寺庙不得强迫群众当喇嘛，强迫封斋，强迫儿童学经文、当喇嘛。喇嘛有还俗的自由。

Third, abolishing the privilege of religious interference in secular life. In tradition, religious figures held great power; they constantly interfered in all aspects of the daily lives of the ethnic minority masses. Besides punishing industrial workers and peasants who did not perform namaz or observe the fast, they also managed transactions in the bazaar (market). Marriage, divorce, childbirth, children’s circumcision, funerals, division of inheritance, tenancy, pawn, buying and selling land, loans, slaughtering livestock, etc., all required inviting an *akhund* to recite scriptures and pray or to affix a seal as a witness. In many matters involving Muslim marriage, property inheritance, debts, and neighborhood disputes, "arbitration" was often carried out by religious judges. According to the aforementioned meeting spirit and document directives, after 1958, all these religious feudal privileges of interfering in secular life in Southern Xinjiang were abolished.

其三，废除宗教干预世俗生活的特权。在传统中，宗教界人士的权力很大，他们时刻干预少数民族群众生活的各个方面，除了处罚不做乃玛孜和不封斋的手工业工人和农民，还管理巴扎(集市)上的交易，结婚、离婚、生育、小儿割礼、丧葬、分遗产、租佃、典当、买卖土地、借贷、杀牲等都要请阿訇念经祈祷或盖摹作证，在涉及穆斯林婚姻、财产继承、债务以及邻里纠纷等许多方面，往往由宗教法官实行“仲裁”。根据上述的会议精神和文件指示，1958年以后，南疆这些干预世俗生活的一切宗教封建特权被废除。

Fourth, abolishing the privilege of religious leaders privately establishing religious schools. Before the founding of New China, religious leaders privately established religious schools; children from the age of four had to attend scripture schools to study scriptures. The reform of the religious system required the abolition of the privilege of religious leaders privately establishing religious schools. At the same time, a large number of public schools, private schools, and literacy classes were established, and the vast majority of people attended national education schools or participated in labor.

其四，废除宗教头目私设宗教学校的特权。新中国成立前，宗教头目私设宗教学校，儿童4岁起就要上经文学校学习经文。宗教制度改革要求废除宗教头目私设宗教学校的特权，同时，创办了大量的公立学校、民办学校和扫盲班等，绝大多数人都上了国民教育学校或参加了劳动。

Because the feudal privileges of religious leaders were abolished, the civil rights, personal freedom, and personal property of the working people were guaranteed. The phenomenon of religious institutions infringing upon judicial power, financial power, educational power, and even diplomatic power ceased to exist. All this merely removed the feudal privileges of religious leaders, without the slightest hindrance to people’s normal religious beliefs. Mosques, *mazars* [tombs of saints], etc., remained open as before, and religious believers had full freedom to engage in religious activities. Therefore, the abolition of the feudal privileges of religious leaders also won the heartfelt support of religious believers.

由于废除了宗教头目的封建特权，劳动人民的公民权利、人身自由和个人财产得到了保障。宗教机构侵犯司法权、财政权、教育权乃至外交权的现象不复存在。凡此，只是去掉了宗教头目的封建特权，而对于人们正常的宗教信仰没有一丝一毫的妨碍。清真寺、麻扎等都是照旧开放的，信教群众有着从事宗教活动的充分自由。因此，废除宗教头目的封建特权，同样得到了信教群众的衷心拥护。

2. Gradually abolishing the feudal temple management system

2.逐步废除封建寺庙管理制度

In the early days of the founding of New China, the various mosques in Southern Xinjiang were mainly divided according to religious districts (*jiaogu*), and within each religious district, mosques were further divided into different grades. The mosques were not independent of each other but had a subordinate relationship. The *Aksu City Gazetteer* records: In the old days, the division of religious districts in Aksu County included three types: administrative district level, county level, and sub-county district level. County and district-level religious districts had *akhund* offices responsible for managing religious affairs in that area and appointing subordinate religious personnel. The *Kazi Guzati* was the chief *akhund*, the head of religious teaching for the entire county, managing all religious activities in the county, appointing and dismissing district-level heads of religious teaching and various *akhunds*, and witnessing various contracts and documents [12]12 *Kazi Guzati*: a senior Islamic judge or chief religious official in the region..

新中国成立初期，南疆的各清真寺主要按教区进行划分，各教区内部又分为不同等级的清真寺，清真寺之间并不是独立的，而是具有隶属关系。《阿克苏市志》载：旧时，阿克苏县教区的划分有行政区级、县级和县以下的区级3种。县、区级教区设有阿訇办事处，负责管理该区域的宗教事务，委派下属宗教人员。卡孜古扎提是最大的阿訇，全县的掌教，管理全县的宗教活动，任免县辖区级掌教和各阿訇，并为各种契约、文书作证12。

The hierarchical system within mosques was also quite prominent. The orthodox schools in various places had *Ailaimu*, *Muputi*, *Kazi*, *Reyisi*, and other *akhunds* managing religious affairs in various localities [13]13 *Ailaimu* (Alim): a learned religious scholar. *Muputi* (Mufti): an Islamic jurist qualified to issue legal opinions. *Kazi* (Qadi): an Islamic judge. *Reyisi* (Rais): a supervisor or enforcer of religious law.. In the Qing Dynasty, these *akhunds* were appointed by the prince-beks (*wang gong beke*), and during the Republic of China period, they were appointed by the then county government. The county-level senior *akhund* had the power to appoint and dismiss *Ailaimu*, *Kazi*, *Reyisi*, and other religious leaders at the sub-county district level.

清真寺内部的等级制度也比较突出。各地正统派设有艾来木、木甫提、卡孜、热依斯等阿訇掌管各地宗教事务13。这些阿訇在清朝时是由王公伯克任命的，在民国时期由当时的县政府任命。县级的大阿訇有权任免县以下各区的艾来木、卡孜、热依斯等宗教头目。

Mosques also had a system of punishing believers through religious courts. For believers who violated religious law, after interrogation by the *Kazi*, sentencing by the *Muputi*, and approval by the *Ailaimu*, the *Reyisi* would organize people to carry out the punishment. For minor offenses, fines were imposed; for serious offenses, both fines and beatings were applied. Religious courts handled cases based on religious law and could impose the death penalty, imprisonment, fines, corporal punishment, and various other penalties.

清真寺还有通过宗教法庭对教民进行处罚的制度。凡违反教法的教民，经卡孜审讯，木甫提定罪，艾来木批准，便由热依斯组织人执行。轻者罚款，重者打罚并举。宗教法庭依据宗教法规处理案件，可以判处死刑、徒刑、罚款、体罚和其他种种刑罚。

Besides Islam, the feudal temple management system in Lamaism (Tibetan Buddhism) was also quite prominent, such as the corvée system (where believers regularly performed miscellaneous services for lamaseries), the system of sending sons (according to Lamaist rules, if a family had two sons, one had to be sent to become a lama, etc.), and through religious doctrines and precepts, strict control was exercised over the spiritual and material life of believers.

除了伊斯兰教外，喇嘛教(藏传佛教)中的寺庙封建管理制度也比较突出，如服役制(即教徒按期为喇嘛庙服杂役等),送子制(按喇嘛教规定二子送一子当喇嘛等),并通过教规教律对教徒精神生活和物质生活实行严格的约束等。

In January 1959, through the democratic reform of the religious system, the outdated temple management system was basically abolished, and temple democratic management committees were universally established in various temples. Within the framework of the Constitution and laws and regulations, the democratic management committees led temples in carrying out normal religious activities and safeguarded the legitimate rights and interests of religious believers.

1959年1月，经过宗教制度的民主改革，不合时势的寺院管理制度基本被废除，各寺庙普遍建立了寺庙民主管理委员会。民主管理委员会在宪法和法律法规的范围内，领导寺庙开展正常的宗教活动，维护信教群众的合法权益。

3. Gradually abolishing religious exploitation

3.逐步废除宗教剥削

Before the founding of New China, the religious income of Islamic clergy mainly came from three sources: first, collecting rent and interest from property owned by religious institutions, collectively known as *waqf* property. This mainly consisted of *waqf* land, but also included *waqf* houses, *waqf* water mills, etc.; second, religious taxes; third, other religious income. This was also a primary means by which religion oppressed and exploited believers under the feudal system. Abolishing the economic roots of religious oppression and exploitation became an important part of the reform of the religious system.

新中国成立前，伊斯兰教教职人员的宗教收入主要有三个来源：一是依靠宗教机构所拥有的财产收取租息，这些宗教的财产统称为瓦合甫。其中主要是瓦合甫地，另外也有瓦合甫房、瓦合甫水磨等；二是宗教捐税；三是其他宗教收入。这也是封建制度下宗教压迫剥削教徒的主要途径。废除宗教压迫和剥削的经济根源，成为宗教制度改革的重要内容之一。

During the democratic reform, part of the *waqf* land was redistributed to peasants who had little or no land, winning the support and endorsement of the broad masses. In 1958, according to the spirit of the central government’s directives on the reform of the religious system, the Southern Xinjiang region began taking measures to completely abolish the remaining feudal religious land exploitation system, and during the movement to establish people’s communes, temple religious land was turned over to collective ownership, completely ending the feudal religious land system.

民主改革中，将部分瓦合甫地调剂给无地少地的农民，得到了广大群众的拥护和支持。1958年，根据中央关于宗教制度改革的指示精神，南疆地区开始采取措施彻底废除残留的封建宗教土地剥削制度，并在人民公社化运动中将寺院宗教土地归集体所有，彻底结束了宗教封建土地制度。

Besides *waqf* land, religious taxes were also a heavy burden on the heads of the Muslim masses. Before the founding of New China, the religious taxes levied year-round mainly included *ushur* grain, *zakat*, *bider*, *qibuli* grain, livestock slaughter tax, Kurban Festival gifts, *naiz*, *ziati*, etc. After the founding of New China, although the religious burden on believers was greatly reduced, it was still not fundamentally eliminated. In December 1958, the "Report on the Current Work Concerning Islam and Lamaism" pointed out that it was necessary to abolish "the system of ownership of the means of production by lamaseries and mosques, as well as exploitation systems such as usury and unpaid corvée labor, and ban illegal commerce," and abolish "the behavior of temples extorting money and property from the masses... but voluntary donations by the masses were not to be interfered with." The Seventh United Front Work Conference of the Party Committee of the Autonomous Region clearly stated: "Abolish the system of ownership of the means of production by temples and lamaseries, and exploitation systems such as land leasing and unpaid corvée labor. Do not use religion to impose forced levies or extort money and property from the masses. Abolish religious taxes such as *ushur* and *zakat*." From then on, all types of religious tax systems that were incompatible with the socialist system were completely abolished.

除了瓦合甫地外，宗教税也是压在穆斯林群众头上的一项沉重的负担。新中国成立前，常年征收的宗教税主要有乌守尔粮、扎卡提、比的尔、其布里粮、宰牲税、古尔邦节礼物、奶孜、孜阿提等。新中国成立后，信教群众的宗教负担虽减少很多，但仍未从根本上革除。1958年12月，《关于当前伊斯兰教、喇嘛教工作的报告》指出，必须废除“喇嘛庙和清真寺的生产资料所有制和高利贷、无偿劳役等剥削制度，取缔非法商业”,废除“寺庙敲诈勒索群众财物的行为……但群众自愿的布施不加干涉”。自治区党委第七次统战工作会议明确提出“废除寺院寺庙的生产资料所有制和土地出租、无偿劳役等剥削制度。不得利用宗教巧立强行摊派，敲诈勒索群众财物，废除‘乌守尔’‘扎卡提’等宗教课税”。自此，各类与社会主义制度不相适应的宗教课税制度被彻底废除。

By 1960, the Southern Xinjiang region had basically completed the democratic reform of the religious system. Through the democratic reform of the religious system, religious feudal privileges, the feudal temple management system, and the feudal exploitation system were basically abolished, and the economic burden on the working people was greatly reduced. This created favorable conditions for the development of production and the improvement of living standards for the people of all ethnic groups, and also laid the political foundation for the adaptation of religion to socialist society.

至1960年，南疆地区基本完成了对宗教制度的民主改革。通过宗教制度民主改革，宗教封建特权、封建寺庙管理制度和封建剥削制度基本被废除，劳动人民的经济负担大大减轻，这为各族群众发展生产、改善生活创造了有利条件，也奠定了宗教与社会主义社会相适应的政治基础。

III. Establishing an Anti-Feudal United Front with Religious Figures

三、同宗教界人士建立反封建统一战线

The united front is the political advantage and strategic policy of the Chinese Communist Party for rallying people’s strength and pooling their forces. Because religious figures held a special status and played a special role among the ethnic minority masses, most of whom were religious believers, the Party Committee and government of the Southern Xinjiang Region fully considered the specific circumstances of religious figures and established an anti-feudal united front with them. Therefore, the Party’s governance in Southern Xinjiang gained the understanding and support of the broad masses of religious figures, greatly reducing various obstacles.

统一战线是中国共产党凝聚人心、汇聚力量的政治优势和战略方针。由于宗教界人士在多数人信教的少数民族群众中具有特殊的地位和作用，南疆地区党委和政府充分考虑宗教界人士的具体情况，与他们建立起反封建统一战线。因此，党在南疆的治理得到了广大宗教界人士的理解和支持，极大地减少了各种阻力。

(I) Eliminating the Doubts of Religious Figures

(一)消除宗教界人士的疑虑

In the early period after the founding of New China, religious figures in Southern Xinjiang were generally unclear about the Party’s religious policy. Rumors circulated in society at the time that imams and all those who made a living through religion would be classified as landlords, and that mosques would be used as warehouses. In a township in the Tasihong District of Shule County, a symposium of religious figures was convened. Of the more than twenty imams who attended, only a few had their heads wrapped in white cloth; the rest dared not do so. In the Se’ai District (a pilot area for land reform) of Shufu County, an imam of middle-peasant status, upon hearing that the land reform team had arrived, prayed and wept at home, fearing he would be classified as a landlord and subjected to struggle sessions. Among the Xinjiang committee representatives attending the second enlarged meeting of the China Islamic Association, some believed that after the implementation of socialist transformation, freedom of religious belief would no longer exist, and that in the future no one would become an imam.

新中国成立初期，南疆宗教界人士普遍对党的宗教政策不清楚，当时社会流传谣言说，阿訇和一切靠宗教吃饭的人都要划成地主成分，礼拜寺要做仓库。疏勒县塔斯洪区有个乡召开宗教界座谈会，到会有20多个阿訇，只有几个头上缠白布，其他的都不敢缠。疏附县色艾区(土地改革试办区)有个中农成分的伊玛目听说土改队来了，在家里一面祈祷一面哭，害怕把自己划成地主而被批斗。在参加中国伊斯兰教协会第二次会员扩大会议的新疆委员代表中，有一些人认为实行社会主义改造后，宗教信仰就不自由了，以后没人当阿訇了。

In response to this situation, Wang Enmao, in a March 1950 report to the CPC Xinjiang Sub-Bureau, stated, “I believe that adopting the method of imam conferences is good.” At a September meeting of county Party secretaries and cadres at the regimental level and above in the Southern Xinjiang region, he pointed out: “We should not only refrain from opposing imams, but must also unite with and utilize progressive imams to participate in patriotic movements and the defense of world peace, as well as in work to support the various policies and decrees of the people’s government, and through them overcome some of the bad practices among imams.” [1]1 Wang Enmao (1913–1985) was a senior CPC military and political leader who served as First Secretary of the CPC Xinjiang Sub-Bureau and later as First Secretary of the CPC Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Regional Committee, playing a key role in consolidating Party control in Xinjiang in the 1950s. On October 22 and November 20, 1951, the Xinjiang Sub-Bureau successively required Party committees at all levels to use the form of convening symposia of imams and mullahs to propagate the justice of rent reduction and anti-bullying [2]2 “Rent reduction and anti-bullying” (减租反霸) was a mass movement in the early 1950s that preceded land reform, aimed at reducing feudal rents and suppressing local bullies and despots who had collaborated with the old regime. and the relevant policies and decrees, to dispel their ideological concerns, to win their support for the peasants’ movement for emancipation, and to pay attention to taking care of religious figures and their families during rent reduction and anti-bullying.

针对这种情况，王恩茂在1950年3月写给中共中央新疆分局的报告中说“我认为采取阿訇会议的方式是好的”,并在9月召开的南疆地区县委书记及团以上干部会议上指出：“我们不仅不应反对阿訇，而且必须团结与利用进步的阿訇参加爱国运动与保卫世界和平，以及拥护人民政府各种政策法令等工作，并经过他们克服阿訇中间一些坏的行为。”141951年10月22日和11月20日，新疆分局先后要求各级党委通过召开阿訇、毛拉座谈会的形式，宣传减租反霸的正义性及有关政策法令，解除其思想顾虑，争取他们支持农民的翻身运动，在减租反霸中注意照顾宗教界人士及其家属。

(2) Distinguishing between Religious Clergy and Landlord-Bullies

(二)区分宗教教职人员与地主恶霸分子

During the rent reduction and anti-bullying movement, in the process of struggling against the landlord class, Southern Xinjiang peasants, due to insufficient understanding, struggled indiscriminately against anyone who oppressed them, struggling against imams who engaged in religious exploitation together with bullies. In response to these phenomena, Secretary Wang Enmao engaged in serious reflection and pointed out, “Not every imam is a landlord, nor is every landlord an imam.” “A concrete analysis of imams must be made; do not casually raise the slogan of opposing imams, nor can imams be eliminated. During rent reduction and anti-bullying and the land reform to be carried out subsequently, attention should be paid to uniting religious figures… Appropriate consideration should be given to the interests of religious figures, but this must in no way affect the progress of the rent reduction and anti-bullying and land reform movements.” [3]3 “Struggle sessions” (斗争会) were mass meetings used during land reform and other campaigns to publicly denounce and humiliate class enemies, often involving physical violence.

在减租反霸运动中，南疆农民在同地主阶级斗争的过程中，由于认识不足，斗争起来不管不顾，只要是压迫他们的都斗争，将进行宗教剥削的阿訇与恶霸一起斗争。针对这些现象，王恩茂书记进行了认真地思考，并指出“不是每个阿訇都是地主，亦不是每个地主都是阿訇”,“要对阿訇进行具体的分析，不要随便就提出反对阿訇的口号，也不能消灭阿訇。在减租反霸和其后将要开展的土地改革中，应注意团结宗教人士……对宗教人士的利益要给予适当的照顾，但绝不能影响到减租反霸和土地改革运动的进程”15。

Secondly, different approaches were adopted for different types of religious figures. For ordinary religious professionals in rural areas, they could receive the fruits of land reform like peasants; for religious figures whose families were of landlord status, even if they had previous crimes, as long as they thoroughly abided by the law and reformed, they were persuaded not to be struggled against by the masses and were given consideration in the confiscation and distribution of property. [4]4 “Fruits of land reform” (土改果实) was a standard term for the land, property, and means of production confiscated from landlords and redistributed to poor peasants. During the cooperative period, [5]5 The “cooperative period” refers to the mid-1950s movement to collectivize agriculture by organizing peasants into agricultural producers’ cooperatives, a step toward full collectivization. religious figures with the ability to work were encouraged to actively join cooperatives and participate in productive labor to support themselves. For those who were elderly, had lost their ability to work, had no economic resources, lived in towns and cities, and lacked the conditions for labor, living subsidies were issued. For those imams who were landlord-bullies and truly needed to be dealt with, when handling them and propagating to the masses, they were only referred to as landlord-bullies, without mentioning their identity as imams, thereby uniting the vast majority of law-abiding religious figures and the broad masses of religious believers.

其次，对于不同的宗教界人士，采取了不同的对待处理方式。对于农村一般宗教职业者，可与农民一样分得土改果实；对宗教界人士，其家庭是地主成分，以前虽有罪恶，只要彻底守法改过，也说服群众不予斗争并在没收分配财产时予以照顾16。在合作社时期，鼓励凡有劳动能力的宗教界人士积极入社参加生产劳动，自食其力。对于年老和失去劳动能力、没有经济来源、家住城镇不具备劳动条件的宗教界人士发给生活补助费。对于确实需处理的阿訇中的地主恶霸，在处理和向群众宣传时也只讲他们是地主恶霸，不提他们的阿訇身份，从而团结了绝大多数守法的宗教界人士和广大的信教群众。

By distinguishing religious clergy from landlord elements at the policy level, the Party committee and government of the Southern Xinjiang region greatly divided the landlord class, narrowed the scope of attack, expanded the scope of unity, and stabilized the thinking of religious figures, becoming the key to advancing democratic reform in Southern Xinjiang.

南疆地区党委和政府从政策上把宗教教职人员与地主分子区别开来，从而大大分化了地主阶级，缩小了打击面，扩大了团结面，稳定了宗教界人士的思想，成为南疆推进民主改革的关键。

(3) Absorbing Representative Religious Figures into Land Reform Committees at All Levels

(三)吸收宗教界代表人物参加各级土改委员会

In the early period of land reform, the mindsets of religious figures, landlords, rich peasants, middle peasants, and poor and hired peasants varied greatly. The Southern Xinjiang region, through convening symposia of religious figures, absorbing religious figures into land reform committees, and organizing visits for religious figures, enabled them to understand land reform (such as the socialist transformation of animal husbandry and private industry and commerce) policies, participate in land reform propaganda, and thus become an important force driving the smooth progress of land reform. On November 17, 1952, the United Front Work Department of the Southern Xinjiang Regional Party Committee convened a symposium of democratic figures from 30 counties and 1 city in Southern Xinjiang, with a total of 119 participants, including 43 religious professionals. Participants were organized to visit nearby rural land reform sites. After thorough and meticulous propaganda, figures from the Islamic circles expressed to government workers their support for land reform. [6]6 “Democratic figures” (民主人士) was a term for non-CCP intellectuals, professionals, and former elites who were co-opted into the united front to lend legitimacy to Party policies.

土改初期，宗教界人士、地主、富农、中农、贫雇农心态各异。南疆地区通过召开宗教界人士座谈会、吸收宗教界人士参加土改委员会、组织宗教界人士参观等方式，使他们了解土改(如畜牧业以及私营工商业的社会主义改造)政策，参加土改宣传，从而成为推动土地改革顺利进行的一支重要力量。1952年11月17日，南疆地区党委统战部召开了南疆30个县、1个市的民主人士座谈会，共有119人参加会议，其中宗教职业者43人，并组织与会人员参观附近农村的土改。经过深入细致地宣传，伊斯兰教界人士纷纷向政府工作人员表示，拥护土地改革17。

In January 1953, Wang Enmao, then First Secretary of the Xinjiang Sub-Bureau, pointed out at the Fifth Southern Xinjiang Regional Conference of Cadres at the County Level and Above that the pilot land reform in Southern Xinjiang from September to December 1952 was successful and healthy. One of its experiences was the emphasis on the work of the anti-feudal united front, the convening of symposia of democratic figures and various united front meetings, the absorption of democratic figures into land reform committees, and the adoption of a policy of differential treatment towards the landlord class. This reduced resistance to the land reform movement, increased assistance, gained broader social sympathy, and was more conducive to fully mobilizing the masses. [7]7 The “anti-feudal united front” was a tactical alliance of the CPC with all social forces (including non-communist democrats and religious figures) opposed to the feudal landlord system, as part of the broader strategy of the “people’s democratic dictatorship.”

1953年1月，时任新疆分局第一书记的王恩茂在南疆地区第五届县级以上干部会议上指出，1952年9月—12月南疆的土改试办是胜利的、健康的，其经验之一是重视了反封建统一战线工作，召开了民主人士座谈会议和各种统战会议，吸收了民主人士参加土改委员会，并对地主阶级采取了区别对待的政策，因而减少了土改运动的阻力，增加了助力，得到了更为广泛的社会同情，更有利于我们充分地发动群众18。

(4) Strengthening Policy Education for Religious Figures

(四)加强对宗教界人士的政策教育

Emphasizing ideological education, eradicating narrow nationalism and the remnants of historical feudal exploitation, and gradually guiding religious figures to establish the path of socialism and accept the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party were the means to consolidate and develop the Party’s united front with religious circles. In the early period after the founding of New China, the Party, mainly in conjunction with various social reforms, propagated the Party’s relevant policies to patriotic religious figures through methods such as organizing study and visits, conducting ideological education work, and gradually enabling them to accept socialist ideas. With the deepening of the socialist cause, ideological education for religious figures gradually became regularized. From 1954 to 1955, various localities, through holding study sessions, universally carried out propaganda and education on socialist transformation policies for religious figures, enabling them to understand the policies and raise their awareness, persuading and educating religious clergy to actively participate in the work of the Three Great Transformations, [8]8 The “Three Great Transformations” (三大改造) refers to the socialist transformation of agriculture, handicraft industry, and capitalist industry and commerce carried out from 1953 to 1956. and using religious figures to propagate the Party’s policies to the masses, enabling them to actively participate in socialist construction. Starting from February 1955, propaganda and education on patriotism and the policy of regional ethnic autonomy were carried out among the people of all strata throughout Xinjiang, including religious figures, further strengthening unity among all ethnic groups and maintaining social stability. In 1956, the autonomous region held the first study session for Islamic figures. Through the study sessions, religious figures changed their erroneous views, actively participated in productive labor, and threw themselves into socialist construction. According to the *Kashi City Annals*, in October 1953, the United Front Work Department of the Kashi Municipal Party Committee held a study class for 37 religious figures, organizing them to study the Party’s principles and policies to raise their political and ideological awareness. Subsequently, from 1956 to 1965, more than ten study classes were held, organizing democratic, ethnic, religious, and industrial and commercial figures to study the Party’s line, principles, and policies in various periods, enabling them to keep pace with the situation and follow the Party. Each study class lasted about 2-3 months, with around 50-60 participants. In 1959, Kashi City established a study day system for religious circles. [9]9 “Study day system” (学习日制度) was a regularized form of political indoctrination where specific days were set aside for organized study of Party policies and ideology. Through rectification, [10]10 “Rectification” (整风) refers to the Party’s method of correcting ideological and work-style errors through criticism and self-criticism, often in campaign form. religious figures generally raised their ideological awareness. For example, in Zepu County, a positive phenomenon of “four absences” and “four increases” emerged among religious figures. [11]11 “Four absences” and “four increases” (四无、四多) are local slogans from Zepu County; the exact content is not specified in the text, but they refer to positive changes in the behavior and attitudes of religious figures after ideological education.

重视思想教育，破除狭隘民族主义和历史上遗留的封建剥削残余，逐步引导宗教界人士树立走社会主义道路，接受中国共产党领导，是巩固和发展党同宗教界统一战线的途径。新中国成立初期，党主要结合各项社会改革，通过组织学习、参观等方式对宗教界爱国人士宣传党的有关政策，进行思想教育工作，使他们逐步接受了社会主义思想。随着社会主义事业的深入发展，对宗教界人士的思想教育逐步走上正轨。1954年—1955年，各地通过举办学习会，向宗教界人士普遍开展社会主义改造政策的宣传教育，使他们了解政策、提高认识，说服教育宗教教职人员积极参加三大改造工作，并通过宗教界人士向群众宣传党的政策，使他们积极参与到社会主义建设中。从1955年2月起，在全疆各阶层人民群众，包括宗教界人士中进行了爱国主义和民族区域自治政策的宣传教育，进一步增强各民族间的团结，维护了社会的稳定。1956年，自治区举办了第一期伊斯兰教人士学习会。通过学习会，宗教界人士改变了错误观念，积极参加生产劳动，积极投入到社会主义建设中。据《喀什市志》统计，1953年10月，喀什市委统战部举办37人参加的宗教界人士学习班，组织他们学习党的方针政策，以提高政治思想觉悟。之后，从1956年—1965年举办10多期学习班，组织民主、民族宗教和工商界人士学习党各个时期的路线、方针、政策，使他们紧跟形势跟党走。每期学习班时间约有2—3个月，参加人数达50—60人左右。1959年，喀什市建立起宗教界的学习日制度19。宗教界通过整风，宗教界人士普遍提高了思想觉悟。如，泽普县就出现了宗教界人士“四无”和“四多”的好现象20。

4. Historical Experience and Lessons of the Party’s Handling of Religious Issues in the Southern Xinjiang Region of Xinjiang in the 1950s

四、20世纪50年代党处理新疆南疆地区宗教问题的经验启示

History is the best textbook. The successful practice of the Party in handling religious issues in the Southern Xinjiang region of Xinjiang in the 1950s constitutes important experience and a valuable asset for the Party’s religious work. Conducting a historical investigation and summarizing its experience still holds significant reference value for comprehensively, accurately, and fully implementing the Party’s strategy for governing Xinjiang in the New Era and for handling religious issues under the new circumstances.

历史是最好的教科书。20世纪50年代党处理新疆南疆地区宗教问题的成功实践，是党的宗教工作的重要经验和宝贵财富。对其进行历史考察和经验总结，对于当前完整准确全面贯彻落实新时代党的治疆方略，处理新形势下的宗教问题，仍具有重要的借鉴意义。

(1) Religious Work Must Be Subordinate to and Serve the Party’s Central Work in a Specific Period

(一)宗教工作必须服从服务于党在特定时期的中心工作

Marxism has consistently held that handling religious issues must be subordinated to and serve the Party’s central work in a given period. The Chinese Communist Party persists in continuously adapting Marxism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times, combining the basic principles of Marxism with the concrete realities of Chinese religion. In the Party’s century-long practice of religious work, it has proposed and developed a series of basic views and basic policies on religious issues, gradually forming a theory of religious work suited to China’s national conditions, namely the theory of religious work for socialism with Chinese characteristics and the Party’s theory of religious work for the New Era.

马克思主义一贯主张，处理宗教问题要服从并服务于党在一定时期的中心工作。中国共产党坚持不断推进马克思主义中国化时代化，把马克思主义的基本原理同中国宗教的具体实际相结合，在党的百年宗教工作实践中提出和发展了一系列关于宗教问题的基本观点和基本政策，逐步形成了符合我国国情的宗教工作理论，即中国特色社会主义宗教理论和新时代党的宗教工作理论。

During the period of socialist revolution and construction, the main task facing the Party was to realize the transition from New Democracy to socialism, carry out the socialist revolution, advance socialist construction, and lay the fundamental political prerequisite and institutional foundation for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation [21]21 This refers to the “two centenary goals” (两个一百年奋斗目标): completing the building of a moderately prosperous society (全面建成小康社会) by the centenary of the CPC’s founding in 2021, and building a modern socialist country by the centenary of the PRC’s founding in 2049. The “first centenary goal” has been declared achieved.. Therefore, the main task of the Party’s religious work in this period was to carry out reform of religious institutions for the sake of “building up the country” [22]22 “Building up the country” (兴国) is a shorthand for the second of four historical periods of the CPC’s struggle, as defined in the Party’s 2021 “Resolution on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party over the Past Century”: the period of socialist revolution and construction (1949-1978).. The Party Central Committee fully considered the particularity and complexity of religious issues in Xinjiang, and considered that conditions for reforming religious institutions in Xinjiang were not yet ripe at that time. It was necessary to handle matters cautiously and steadily, and to deal flexibly with religious issues according to the central tasks of different stages. In the early 1950s, in order to smash the rumor that “the Communist Party wants to abolish religion,” win over and unite the broad masses of religious believers, and consolidate the Party’s governing foundation, the focus of the Party’s work was to propagate freedom of religious belief; in order to carry out land reform smoothly, it also adopted a policy of establishing an anti-feudal united front with religious figures, absorbing religious figures into the land reform committees, thereby ensuring the smooth completion of democratic reform; after 1958, greater emphasis was placed on propagating to the broad masses the freedom not to believe in religion, and propaganda and education on atheism were strengthened; at the end of 1958, the socialist system was basically established, the political, social, and mass foundations for reforming religious institutions were basically consolidated, and carrying out reform of religious institutions became an inevitable requirement for social development and progress.

社会主义革命和建设时期，党面临的主要任务是实现从新民主主义到社会主义的转变，进行社会主义革命，推进社会主义建设，为实现中华民族伟大复兴奠定根本政治前提和制度基础21。因此，这一时期党宗教工作的主要任务是为“兴国”而进行宗教制度改革。党中央充分考虑到新疆宗教问题的特殊性、复杂性，认为此时在新疆进行宗教制度改革尚不具备条件，需慎重稳妥处理，根据不同阶段的中心任务对宗教问题灵活处理。20世纪50年代初期，为粉碎“共产党要消灭宗教”的谣言，争取团结广大信教群众，巩固党的执政基础，党工作的重点是宣传宗教信仰的自由；为顺利进行土地改革，又采取了同宗教界人士建立反封建统一战线的政策，把宗教界人士吸收到土改委员会，从而保证了民主改革的顺利完成；1958年以后，更加重视向广大群众宣传不信教的自由，加强了无神论宣传教育；1958年底，社会主义制度基本确立，宗教制度改革的政治基础、社会基础和群众基础基本夯实，进行宗教制度改革成为社会发展进步的必然要求。

The Chinese Communist Party has never viewed religious issues in isolation, but rather links the handling of religious issues with the cause of revolution and construction. The specific strategies for implementing religious policy serve the central work of a particular period. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a New Era. The main task facing the Party is to achieve the First Centenary Goal, embark on the new journey toward achieving the Second Centenary Goal, and continue advancing toward the grand goal of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Therefore, the key task of the Party’s religious work is to fully implement the Party’s theory of religious work for the New Era, better organize and guide religious believers to strive together with the broad masses of the people for the comprehensive building of a modern socialist country and the realization of the Chinese Dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. In Xinjiang, implementing the Party’s theory, principles, and policies on religious work for the New Era must also be subordinated to and serve the general goal of Xinjiang’s work of achieving social stability and lasting peace. The key task is to adhere to the direction of sinicization of religion in China and actively guide religion to adapt to socialist society.

中国共产党从来就不是孤立地看待宗教问题的，而是把处理宗教问题同革命和建设事业联系在一起的，贯彻落实宗教政策的具体策略是为特定时期的中心工作服务的。党的十八大以来，中国特色社会主义进入新时代。党面临的主要任务是实现第一个百年奋斗目标，开启实现第二个百年奋斗目标新征程，朝着实现中华民族伟大复兴的宏伟目标继续前进。因此，党的宗教工作重点任务是全面贯彻新时代党的宗教工作理论，更好地组织和引导信教群众同广大人民群众一道为全面建成社会主义现代化强国、实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦而团结奋斗。在新疆，贯彻落实新时代党的宗教工作理论和方针政策，也必须服从并服务于实现社会稳定和长治久安的新疆工作总目标，重点任务是坚持我国宗教中国化方向，积极引导宗教与社会主义社会相适应。

(II) The principle of separation of religion and state must be upheld

(二)必须坚持政教分离原则

The state implements the separation of religion and state, and the separation of education and religion. This is one of the basic principles and attitudes of a Marxist political party towards religion. In the 1950s, the Chinese Communist Party’s religious work in the Southern Xinjiang region was highly effective. The previously widespread phenomena in Southern Xinjiang of religion interfering in administration, judicature, marriage, and education were gradually eliminated, and the principle of separation of religion and state was well reflected. Ethnic minority groups bid farewell to the history of universal religious belief, gained the freedom not to believe in religion, and gradually changed the situation where ethnicity and religion were conflated.

国家实行政教分离、教育与宗教分离，这是马克思主义政党对待宗教的基本原则和态度之一。20世纪50年代，中国共产党在南疆地区的宗教工作是卓有成效的，南疆原先存在的宗教干预行政、司法、婚姻、教育的普遍现象逐步消除，政教分离的原则得到了较好体现。少数民族群众告别了全民信教的历史，拥有了不信教的自由，逐步改变了民族和宗教不分的情况。

In the New Era, in the process of implementing the policy of freedom of religious belief, the Party must uphold the principle of separation of religion and state, making religion truly a private matter for individual citizens. Regarding the relationship between religion and state, all religions must carry out religious activities within the scope permitted by national laws, regulations, and policies, and must not interfere in politics or government affairs, nor interfere in the implementation of state functions such as administration, judicature, education, marriage, and family planning; they must not use religion to disrupt normal social order, work order, or life order, nor interfere in the secular life of citizens; they must not use religion to oppose the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party and the socialist system, or to undermine ethnic unity and national unification. Regarding the relationship between religion and ethnicity, religion should no longer bear the ethical morality and value pursuits of a nation or a group in the form of belief, nor exist in an institutionalized “sacred” form, but should completely become a private matter for citizens in the modern sense, serving only personal life and providing individuals with self-cultivation, self-discipline, psychological comfort, spiritual support, etc. Religion must not be tied to ethnicity; there is no so-called “Muslim ethnicity.” Ethnic minorities such as the Uyghurs can either believe in religion or not believe in religion, can either believe in Islam or believe in other religions; no one may force others to believe in religion or not to believe in religion.

新时代，党在贯彻落实宗教信仰自由政策过程中，必须坚持政教分离原则，使宗教真正成为公民个人的私事。在政教关系上，一切宗教都必须在国家法律法规政策允许的范围内开展宗教活动，不得干预政治和政府事务，不得干预国家的行政、司法、教育、婚姻、计划生育等国家职能的实施；不得利用宗教妨碍正常社会秩序、工作秩序、生活秩序，不得干预公民的世俗生活；不得利用宗教反对中国共产党的领导和社会主义制度、破坏民族团结和国家统一。在宗教与民族的关系上，宗教不再以信仰的形式负载着一个民族或一个群体的伦理道德和价值追求，不以制度化的“神圣”形式存在，而是完全成为现代意义上的公民的个人私事，仅仅为个人生活服务，为个体提供修身养性、洁心自律、心理慰藉、精神支柱等。宗教不得与民族捆绑，没有所谓的“穆斯林民族”。维吾尔族等少数民族既可以信仰宗教也可以不信仰宗教，既可以信仰伊斯兰教也可以信仰其他宗教，任何人不得强迫他人信仰宗教或不信仰宗教。

(III) Advancing the sinicization of Islam in Xinjiang must uphold the leadership of the Party

(三)推进新疆伊斯兰教中国化必须坚持党的领导

After Islam was introduced into the Xinjiang region, it began a process of localization, exhibiting regional characteristics and ethnic features. The localization of Islam in Xinjiang was accomplished within the inertia and logic of Chinese history and culture, and was a gradual, surface-to-depth historical process. Historically, due to the mutual exploitation between the ruling class and religion, Islam in Xinjiang never underwent major reforms of its religious institutions. It was even less possible for Islam to actively develop a doctrine and system of the ruler being primary and religion subordinate, or separation of religion and state. This is one of the reasons for the shallow degree of sinicization, weak foundation, and slow progress of Islam in Xinjiang. After the establishment of the socialist system, in order to comply with the fundamental transformation of the political and economic system, the Chinese Communist Party set about reforming religious institutions. At this point, the face of Islam in Xinjiang underwent a fundamental change, and the process of sinicization of Islam in Xinjiang achieved a qualitative leap. The fundamental reason for this was that the Party carried out democratic reform of religious institutions cautiously, steadily, and resolutely, abolishing those religious institutions incompatible with the socialist political and economic system.

伊斯兰教传入新疆地区以后，就开启了本土化的历程，并表现出地域特征和民族特色。新疆伊斯兰教本土化是在中国历史文化惯性和逻辑中完成的，是一个渐进的、由表及里的历史过程。历史上，由于统治阶级与宗教的互相利用，新疆伊斯兰教从来就没有进行过大的宗教制度的改革，伊斯兰教更不可能主动发展出一套政主教从或政教分离的学说与制度，这也是新疆伊斯兰教中国化程度不深、基础不牢、进程缓慢的原因之一。社会主义制度确立后，为顺应政治经济制度的根本性变革，中国共产党着手进行宗教制度的改革。至此，新疆伊斯兰教的面貌发生了根本性变化，新疆伊斯兰教中国化进程实现了质的飞跃，其根本原因在于党慎重稳步又坚决地进行宗教制度的民主改革，废除了与社会主义政治经济制度不相适应的宗教制度。

In the New Era, to deeply advance the sinicization of Islam in Xinjiang, the Party’s leadership over religious work must be upheld. Historical experience and practical reality have repeatedly proven that to effectively advance the sinicization of Islam in Xinjiang, the principle of “state presence” must be upheld, highlighting the state’s prominent position and the effectiveness of its role. The most essential characteristic of socialism with Chinese characteristics is the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party. The Party’s comprehensive, systematic, and holistic leadership over religious work is an important part of the Party’s leadership over all work in the New Era. The Party’s leadership over religious work in the New Era must be strengthened and improved. Establishing and perfecting a strong leadership mechanism is one of the main contents of the Party’s theory, principles, and policies on religious work in the New Era, and is also the fundamental political guarantee for doing a good job of religious work in the New Era. As the guiding subjects for the sinicization of Islam in Xinjiang, Party and government departments must, crucially, think deeply, see clearly, and grasp accurately regarding “guidance,” achieving “guidance” that is methodical, powerful, and effective, firmly grasping the initiative in religious work, and ensuring the correct political direction for the sinicization of Islam in Xinjiang. Specifically, Party and government departments mainly guide the overall situation and direction of the interpretation of religious scriptures, firmly establish state authority, enhance state awareness, citizenship awareness, and rule-of-law awareness, guide Islam to submit to and serve the overall situation of national governance, perfect the religious governance system, and guide Islamic circles to consciously love the country and support the Party, abide by the law, adapt to society, and integrate into culture.

新时代，深入推进新疆伊斯兰教中国化，必须坚持党对宗教工作的领导。历史经验和现实实践一再证明新疆伊斯兰教中国化的有效推进，必须坚持“国家在场”原则，突出国家的显位和作用效度。中国特色社会主义最本质的特征是中国共产党的领导。党全面、系统、整体领导宗教工作是新时代党领导一切工作的重要一环，必须加强和改进党对新时代宗教工作的领导。建立健全强有力的领导机制是新时代党的宗教工作理论和方针政策的主要内容之一，也是做好新时代宗教工作的根本政治保证。党政部门作为新疆伊斯兰教中国化的引导主体，关键是要在“导”上想得深，看得透，把得准，做到“导”之有方，“导”之有力，“导”之有效，牢牢掌握宗教工作主动权，确保新疆伊斯兰教中国化的正确政治方向。具体来说，党政部门主要引导宗教经典阐释的大局与方向，牢固树立国家权威，增强国家意识、公民意识、法治意识，引导伊斯兰教服从服务于国家治理大局，完善宗教治理体系，引导伊斯兰教界自觉爱国拥党、尊法守法、适应社会、融入文化。

(Author’s brief introduction: Yan Shaohua, Associate Professor at the Party School of the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps [23]23 The Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps (新疆生产建设兵团) is a state-owned economic and paramilitary organization in Xinjiang, directly under the central government, responsible for border defense, development, and ethnic stability., doctoral candidate in Religious Studies at Minzu University of China)

（作者简介：闫韶华，新疆生产建设兵团党委党校副教授，中央民族大学宗教学专业博士研究生）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心