An Analysis of the Relationship between the Anti-Christian Movement and the Founding of the Chinese Socialist Youth League

In January 1922, the Chinese Young Men’s Christian Association announced that the World Student Christian Federation would hold its eleventh annual conference at Tsinghua University on April 4 [1]1 The World Student Christian Federation (WSCF) was an international ecumenical student organization founded in 1895., arousing dissatisfaction and concern among contemporaries over the expansion of Christianity and imperialist aggression, leading to the outbreak of the Anti-Christian Movement [2]2 The Anti-Christian Movement (非基督教运动) was a Chinese anti-imperialist and anti-religious movement in the 1920s, primarily targeting Christianity as an instrument of foreign imperialism.. From the founding of the Shanghai Anti-Christian Student League on March 4, 1922, to the gradual subsiding of social debate on religious questions by June and the suspension of anti-religious organizations in various localities, this constituted the first phase of the Anti-Christian Movement. During this period, local Socialist Youth Leagues established Anti-Christian leagues, carried out the Anti-Christian Movement, and gave impetus to the founding of the Chinese Socialist Youth League. Subsequently, the outbreak of the Zhili-Fengtian War and the reorganization of the Beijing government meant that new social hotspots overshadowed the Anti-Christian Movement. In 1924, the Anti-Christian Movement [3]3 The second phase of the Anti-Christian Movement, from 1924, focused on reclaiming control of missionary-run educational institutions. erupted again in the form of the movement to reclaim educational rights.

1922年1月，中国基督教青年会宣布世界基督教学生同盟于4月4日在清华大学举行第十一届年会1,引起时人对基督教扩张及帝国主义侵略的不满与担忧，导致非基督教运动的爆发2。自1922年3月4日上海非基督教学生同盟成立，至6月间社会上关于宗教问题的争论逐渐平息、各地反教组织暂停活动，这是成为非基运动的第一阶段。在此期间，各地方社会主义青年团组建非基同盟，开展非基运动，催生了中国社会主义青年团。随后，直奉战争爆发、北京政府改组，新的社会热点盖过非基运动。1924年，非基运动3以收回教育权运动的形式再度爆发。

Current academic circles have already conducted some research on the early history of the Youth League. Hu Xianzhong analyzed the historical context of the League’s founding and the gradual process of establishing Party-League relations [4]4 Hu Xianzhong, “A Study of the Historical Process of the Establishment of the Party-League Relationship in the Early Period of the Chinese Communist Youth League,” *Chinese Youth Social Sciences*, no. 3 (2012).. Li Yan studied the shift in the League’s focus in its early period from students to young workers and peasants [5]5 Li Yan, “A Study of the Chinese Socialist Youth League’s Shift in Work Focus to Young Workers and Peasants,” *Journal of the China Youth University for Political Sciences*, no. 4 (2011).. However, there are few works by scholars addressing the Anti-Christian Movement, which was the first large-scale political practice of the Youth League during its founding period, and their views differ. Gu Changsheng proposed that the League initiated and led the Anti-Christian Movement [6]6 Gu Changsheng, *Missionaries and Modern China* (Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 1981), p. 298.. Xue Xiaojian argued that participation in the Anti-Christian Movement was merely individual behavior by League members, not an organized activity [7]7 Xue Xiaojian, “The Chinese Socialist Youth League and the Anti-Christian Movement,” *Journal of the Party School of the CPC Central Committee*, no. 1 (2003).. Based on letters and reports from Comintern representatives, Tao Feiya suggested that the Chinese Communist Party led the Anti-Christian Movement through the Youth League [8]8 Tao Feiya, “The Chinese Communist Party and the Anti-Christian Movement in the Early 1920s,” *Historical Research*, no. 6 (2000).. Zhou Donghua, however, argued that the Comintern materials contain elements contrary to historical facts and are unreliable [9]9 Zhou Donghua, “A Re-examination of the Comintern and the Anti-Christian Movement,” *Journal of Zhejiang University (Humanities and Social Sciences)*, no. 4 (2005).. This article intends to focus on analyzing contemporary news reports and the memoirs of participants, to sort out the background of the outbreak of the Anti-Christian Movement and the circumstances of local League organizations’ participation in the movement, and to explore the interactive relationship between the Anti-Christian Movement and the founding of the Youth League, with the aim of achieving a more comprehensive understanding of the League’s early history.

当前学界对青年团的早期历史已有一定的研究。胡献忠分析了团成立的历史脉络以及党团关系逐步确立的过程4。李艳研究了团成立初期工作重点由学生向青年工农转移的情况5。然而，涉及青年团在创建时期的第一次大规模政治实践即非基运动的著者不多，且观点各异。顾长声提出团发起并领导了非基运动6。薛晓建认为参与非基运动只是团员的个人行为，并非有组织的活动7。陶飞亚依据共产国际代表的信件和报告，提出中国共产党依托青年团领导了非基运动8。周东华则认为共产国际的资料存在悖于史实之处，并不可信9。本文拟通过重点分析当年的新闻报道及亲历者的回忆材料，梳理非基运动爆发的背景及各地团组织参与运动的情形，探讨非基运动与青年团的成立之间的交互关系，以期更加全面地认识团的早期历史。

I. The Background of the Outbreak of the Anti-Christian Movement

一、非基督教运动爆发的背景

In the Anti-Christian Movement, those who criticized Christianity included liberals, anarchists, Marxists, and others, and their theories were varied, including rationalism, pragmatism, and various kinds of socialism. Tracing back, almost all of these theories can be found in the religious question debate initiated by the Young China Association at the end of 1920 and the First Congress of the Communist and Revolutionary Organizations of the Peoples of the East convened by the Comintern in early 1922 [10]10 The First Congress of the Communist and Revolutionary Organizations of the Peoples of the East, also known as the Congress of the Toilers of the Far East, was convened by the Comintern in Moscow and Petrograd in early 1922..

在非基运动中，批判基督教的一方包括自由主义者、无政府主义者、马克思主义者等，其理论五花八门，包括理性主义、实用主义以及各种社会主义等。溯而望之，这些理论几乎都能从少年中国学会在1920年底发起的宗教问题讨论、共产国际在1922年初召开的远东各国共产党及民族革命团体第一次代表大会10中找到踪迹。

(I) The Young China Association Initiates the Religious Question Debate

(一)少年中国学会发起宗教问题讨论

The debate on religious questions originated from the movement to establish a state religion at the beginning of the Republic of China. The Provisional Constitution of the Republic of China stipulated the people’s freedom of religious belief. However, on June 22, 1913, Yuan Shikai issued the “Order to Honor and Respect Confucius,” declaring the veneration of Confucius. On August 15, the Confucian Association petitioned parliament to “establish Confucianism as the state religion” [11]11 The Confucian Association (孔教会) was a conservative organization founded in 1912 that advocated making Confucianism the state religion., sparking the movement for a state religion. These actions provoked widespread resistance from all sectors, especially causing concern among religious circles about the issue of freedom of belief. On December 27, Christians in Beijing, together with believers from Catholicism, Daoism, Buddhism, Islam, and other faiths, formed a Religious Federation, emphasizing freedom of belief and opposing the establishment of a state religion [12]12 The Religious Federation (宗教联合会) was a short-lived interfaith coalition formed to defend religious freedom.. After a power struggle among political, academic, religious, and local warlord forces, the state religion movement failed, but the debate on religious questions did not cease.

宗教问题的讨论缘于民国之初的国教运动。《中华民国临时约法》规定了人民的宗教信仰自由。然而，1913年6月22日，袁世凯发布《通令尊崇孔圣文》,宣布尊孔。8月15日，孔教会提请议院“定孔教为国教”11,掀起国教运动。以上行为招致各界普遍抵制，尤使宗教界对信仰自由问题产生担忧。12月27日，北京的基督教徒联合天主教、道教、佛教和伊斯兰教等教的信徒组成宗教联合会，强调信教自由，反对设定国教12。经过政界、学界、宗教界及地方军阀等多方势力角力，国教运动失败了，但对宗教问题的争论并未停息。

The formal beginning of the religious question debate came with the Young China Association’s resolution that members must not believe in religion. On July 17, 1920, member Zeng Qi wrote to the head of the Review Department, Zuo Shunsheng [13]13 Zeng Qi (曾琦, 1892–1951) was a founding member of the Young China Association and later a leader of the Chinese Youth Party. Zuo Shunsheng (左舜生, 1893–1969) was a historian and politician, also a member of the Chinese Youth Party., demanding that “persons with religious superstition shall not be introduced into membership” [14]14 “Letter from Zeng Qi to Zuo Shunsheng,” *Young China*, vol. 2, no. 3 (September 1920).. The Review Department passed the proposal and further stated that “those already in the association who have religious beliefs should voluntarily withdraw” [15]15 “Minutes of the Young China Association Review Department,” *Young China*, vol. 2, no. 4 (October 1920).. Some members strongly opposed this resolution, triggering the religious question debate. Tian Han argued that “freedom of belief is enshrined in the provisional constitution,” and that people’s religious life and their material and intellectual life “mutually assist and harmonize,” which was not only harmless to the Young China Association but precisely what members lacked [16]16 Tian Han, “A Discussion of Religious Issues,” *Young China Religious Question Special Issue*, no. 1 (December 1920).. Yun Daiying responded to Tian Han’s views, acknowledging that the Review Department’s attitude toward believers was too arbitrary and that the relevant motion should be rescinded, but at the same time pointing out that “religion is after all somewhat superstitious” and not worth relying on as a spiritual support [17]17 Yun Daiying, “A Reply to Tian Han on Religious Issues,” *Young China Religious Question Special Issue*, no. 2 (January 1921)..

宗教问题讨论正式发端于少年中国学会关于会员不得信教的决议。1920年7月17日，会员曾琦致信评议部主任左舜生13,要求“有宗教上迷信之人，皆不得介绍入会”14。评议部通过了该提议，并提出“已入本会而有宗教信仰者，自请出会”15。部分会员强烈反对此决议，引发了宗教问题讨论。田汉提出，“信教自由，载在约法”,且人们的宗教信仰生活与物质、头脑生活“相辅助相调和”,不仅对少年中国并无害处，反而恰恰是会员们所欠缺的16。恽代英回应田汉的观点，他承认评议部对信教者的态度太过武断，相关议案应该撤销，但同时指出“宗教究竟是有些迷信”,不值得作为精神的寄托17。

At the end of 1920, the Young China Association invited prominent academic figures to give lectures on religious questions, compiled and edited 27 speeches and other articles, and published three issues of the “Young China Religious Question Special Issue.” Among them, Wang Xinggong, Li Shizeng, Li Huang, Bertrand Russell, and others took a critical stance toward religion, arguing that religion was anti-science, anti-human nature, imprisoned thought, and hindered evolution, suitable only as an object of academic study, and advocated replacing religion with science and aesthetics. Tian Han, Liang Shuming, Zhou Zuoren, and others affirmed the value of religion and opposed its abolition, emphasizing its irreplaceable role in emotion, literature, ideals, and other areas. Christianity bore the brunt of this debate. The “crimes” and “evil deeds” of religion listed by the debaters were mostly described in Christian doctrine or committed by the church.

1920年底，少年中国学会邀请学界名人就宗教问题发表演讲，整理汇编演讲稿及其他文章27篇，推出3期《少年中国宗教问题号》。其中，王星拱、李石曾、李璜、罗素等对宗教持批判态度，认为宗教反科学、反人性、禁锢思想、阻碍进化，仅适合作为学术研究的对象，主张以科学和美学来代替宗教。田汉、梁漱溟、周作人等肯定宗教价值、反对破除宗教，强调宗教在情感、文学、理想等方面具有不可替代的作用。基督教在这场讨论中首当其冲。讨论者罗列的宗教“罪证”与“恶行”,多是基督教教义所述或教会所为。

On July 4, 1921, based on the view that “opposing religion, but considering it unreasonable to prohibit believers from joining the association,” the Young China Association voted to rescind the resolution banning believers from membership. After the religious question debate, an atmosphere of opposition to religion formed within the association; members were unwilling to introduce believers into the association, and believers were unwilling to join [18]18 “Minutes of the Young China Association Nanjing Conference,” *Young China*, vol. 3, no. 1 (August 1921).. It can be said that the religious question debate laid the groundwork for criticizing religion and served as a prelude to the Anti-Christian Movement.

1921年7月4日，少年中国学会基于“反对宗教，但认不许教徒入会为不合理”的观念，投票取消了禁止教徒入会的决议。经过宗教问题讨论，学会内部形成反对宗教的氛围，会员不愿介绍教徒入会，教徒也不愿加入学会18。可以说，宗教问题讨论为批判宗教埋下了伏笔，成为非基运动的预演。

(II) Lenin’s Theory of Imperialism Is Introduced into China

(二)列宁帝国主义理论传入中国

In modern times, the Chinese people’s understanding of imperialism deepened gradually. At the end of the 19th century, the concept of “imperialism” was introduced to China from Japan, and contemporaries mostly held a “vague xenophobia” [19]19 Li Dazhao, “On the Question of Imperialism,” *New Youth*, vol. 6, no. 5 (May 1919).. During the First World War, Japan coerced China into signing the Twenty-One Demands, giving the Chinese people a more direct experience of imperialist aggression. With the successive convening of the Paris Peace Conference and the Washington Conference, China gradually became more active on the international political stage, and its understanding of imperialism became deeper and more concrete. In contrast, Soviet Russia, through its two declarations to China, proposed abolishing all unequal treaties signed between Tsarist Russia and China and renouncing various privileges, allowing the Chinese people to see the dawn of equality and solidarity for all humanity.

近代以来，国人对帝国主义的认识由浅入深。19世纪末，“帝国主义”概念由日本传入中国，时人多持“笼统的排外主义”19。第一次世界大战期间，日本逼签《二十一条》,国人对帝国主义侵略有了更直观的感受。随着巴黎和会及华盛顿会议相继召开，中国在国际政治舞台上逐渐活跃，对帝国主义的认知也愈加深刻和具体。与之相比，苏俄通过两次对华宣言，提出废除帝俄时期与中国签订的一切不平等条约、放弃各种特权，让国人看到全人类平等、团结的曙光。

Anti-imperialism was the basic demand of the Anti-Christian Movement, and the anti-imperialist theory of modern China came from Soviet Russia. In June 1920, Lenin proposed the “Preliminary Draft Theses on the National and Colonial Questions,” incorporating the forces of national revolution in the colonies and semi-colonies of the East into the anti-imperialist camp. In June of the following year, in his “Written Report to the Third Congress of the Communist International,” Zhang Tailei used Lenin’s theory of imperialism to analyze China’s social conditions, pointing out that China was suffering “various hardships brought by Japanese imperialism” and that the task of the Communist Party was to develop a national movement against imperialism, “subordinating it to the communist movement of the Chinese proletariat” [20]20 Zhang Tailei, “Written Report to the Third Congress of the Communist International,” in *Selected Works of Zhang Tailei* (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1981), p. 45.. Around the time of the founding of the Chinese Communist Party, Lenin’s theory of imperialism had already been disseminated on a small scale in China but had not yet attracted widespread attention [21]21 See also: “The Communist International and the Chinese Revolution: A Collection of Materials on the First Congress of the Communist and Revolutionary Organizations of the Peoples of the East” (Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 1985)..

反帝是非基运动的基本诉求，近代中国的反帝理论来自于苏俄。1920年6月，列宁提出《民族和殖民地问题提纲初稿》,将东方殖民地和半殖民地国家的民族革命势力纳入反帝阵营。次年6月，在《致共产国际第三次代表大会的书面报告》中，张太雷运用列宁帝国主义理论分析中国社会状况，指出中国正遭受“日本帝国主义带来的种种苦难”,共产党的任务是发展反对帝国主义的民族运动，“使之从属于中国无产阶级的共产主义运动”20。中共建党前后，列宁帝国主义理论在中国已有小范围传播，但尚未引起普遍关注21。

From January 21 to February 2, 1922, the Congress of the Toilers of the Far East was held in Moscow and Petrograd. The congress had four agenda items. First, Grigory Zinoviev delivered a report on “The International Situation and the Results of the Washington Conference,” analyzing the international situation of imperialist aggression against the countries of the Far East after World War I and pointing out that the foremost task for all countries at that time was to carry out a national-democratic revolution against imperialism and feudalism. Second, representatives from the countries of the Far East introduced their respective national situations; Chinese representatives reported on the aggression against China by British and Japanese imperialism. Third, G. I. Safarov delivered a report on “The Position of Communists on the National and Colonial Questions and Their Cooperation with National Revolutionary Parties,” systematically expounding Lenin’s theory on the colonial and national liberation questions and analyzing the nature, tasks, strategies, and prospects of the national-democratic revolution in the countries of the Far East. Fourth, the “Manifesto of the First Congress of the Communist and Revolutionary Organizations of the Peoples of the East” was adopted, calling on “proletarians of all countries and oppressed peoples to unite” and strive for freedom, equality, and independence [22]22 “Manifesto of the First Congress of the Communist and Revolutionary Organizations of the Peoples of the East,” in *Selected Documents of the Communist International on the Chinese Revolution* (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1985), pp. 67–68.. During this period, the Young Communist International convened the Far Eastern Revolutionary Youth Congress, pointing out that Christianity focused on propagating the spirit of obedience and calling on the youth of all countries to struggle against the YMCA [23]23 “Resolution of the Far Eastern Revolutionary Youth Congress on the Struggle against the YMCA,” *The Guide Weekly*, no. 18 (March 1922)..

1922年1月21日至2月2日，远东大会在莫斯科和彼得格勒召开。大会议程有四项议程。其一，季诺维也夫作了《关于国际形势和华盛顿会议结果》的报告，分析一战后帝国主义侵略远东各国的国际形势，指出，各国当前最主要的任务是实行民族民主革命，反对帝国主义和封建主义。其二，远东各国代表介绍本国情况，中国代表报告了英、日帝国主义对中国的侵略。其三，萨发洛夫作《共产党人在民族殖民地问题上的立场及其与民族革命政党的合作》的报告，系统阐述列宁关于殖民地和民族解放的理论，分析远东各国民族民主革命的性质、任务、策略及前途等问题。其四，通过《远东各国共产党及民族革命团体第一次大会宣言》,号召“全世界无产者和被压迫民族联合起来”,争取自由、平等和独立22。在此期间，青年共产国际召开了远东革命青年代表大会，指出基督教着力宣传服从精神，要求各国青年与基督教青年会进行斗争23。

The Far Eastern Congress was crucial for helping the Chinese Communist Party understand the national conditions. The “first task” of the CPC after its founding was to “study China’s actual objective circumstances” in order to obtain “the most suitable practical plan for solving this problem.”[24]24 “Letter from the Central Bureau of the Communist Party of China to the Comrade in Charge of the Far Eastern Bureau of the Communist International,” *Selected Documents of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China*, Vol. 1 (Beijing: Central Party School Press, 1989), p. 31. In March 1922, the CPC delegates who had attended the Far Eastern Congress returned one after another, conveying revolutionary theory and an analysis of the situation, thereby enabling the CPC to clarify the revolutionary direction of opposing imperialism and feudalism. While the intellectual circles were still debating the future of religion and its relationship with science and philosophy, Chinese Communists had already identified Christianity as a tool used by capitalist countries to oppress and plunder, and had begun to criticize it. In this way, the target of the Anti-Christian Movement was extended to the imperialist countries behind Christianity.

远东大会对于帮助中国共产党认识国情至关重要。中共在成立后的“第一任务”是“研究中国的客观的实际情形”,从而得到“最合宜的实际的解决这个问题的方案”24。1922年3月，出席远东大会的中共代表陆续回国，传达了革命理论和形势分析，使中共明确了反帝反封建的革命方向。当知识界还在讨论宗教的前途命运及其与科学、哲学的关系时，中国共产党人已将基督教认定为资本主义国家实行压迫、掠夺的工具，并对其展开批判了。如此，非基运动的斗争对象得以延伸至基督教背后的帝国主义国家。

II. The Socialist Youth League Initiates the Anti-Christian Movement

二、社会主义青年团发起非基督教运动

From August 1920 onward, youth leagues were established in Shanghai, Beijing, Changsha, Wuhan, Guangzhou and other places under the leadership of the early organizations of the Communist Party. However, these league organizations were only loose groups “with a socialist tendency.”[25]25 “Report on the Work of the Chinese Socialist Youth League to the Third Congress of the Communist International,” *Selected Documents of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Youth League*, Vol. 1 (Beijing: China Youth Publishing House, 2022), p. 3. Due to reasons such as the complex beliefs of their members, frequent personnel changes, and difficulties in raising funds, around May 1921 most youth leagues fell into a state of work stoppage or de facto dissolution. In August, Zhang Tailei, acting on instructions from the Young Communist International and the Central Bureau of the CPC, set about reorganizing the league organizations. By November, local league organizations had gradually resumed operation, with the “Shanghai organ acting as the central authority,” stipulating that the league’s purpose was “to study Marxism.”[26]26 “Report on the Work of the Chinese Socialist Youth League to the Third Congress of the Communist International,” p. 3. At this time, the relationship between the Party and the League was close, with blurred boundaries, overlapping memberships, and no strict distinction in work; for the sake of secrecy, “many Party activities were carried out in the name of the League.”[27]27 “Report on the Work of the Chinese Socialist Youth League to the Third Congress of the Communist International,” p. 3. In early 1922, news of the upcoming Christian Conference ignited religious topics, and the Youth League “published many anti-Christian journals and pamphlets… and held anti-Christian conferences in Shanghai, Beijing, and Guangzhou.”[28]28 “Report on the Work of the Chinese Socialist Youth League to the Third Congress of the Communist International,” p. 3.

1920年8月起，上海、北京、长沙、武汉、广州等地在共产党早期组织的领导下建立了青年团。但是，这些团组织只是“带有社会主义的倾向”的松散团体25。由于成员信仰复杂、人事变动频繁、经费筹措困难等原因，1921年5月前后，大多青年团陷于工作停顿或事实解散的状态。8月，张太雷按照青年共产国际和中共中央局的指示，着手整顿团组织。至11月，各地方团组织逐渐恢复运转，“上海机关代理中央职权”,规定团以“研究马克思主义”为宗旨26。此时，党与团的关系密切，界线模糊，成员间互有交叉，工作上也没有严格区分，只是为了保密，“党的许多活动都以团的名义出现”27。1922年初，即将召开基督教大会的消息燃爆宗教话题，青年团“出版很多反基督教的刊物、小册子……在上海、北京、广州各地开反基督教大会”28。

(i) The Shanghai Socialist Youth League Takes the Lead

(一)上海社会主义青年团率先发起

The Shanghai Socialist Youth League was the first to establish an anti-Christian organization and launch the Anti-Christian Movement. Early Communist Party members and Youth League members carried out extensive theoretical discussion and propaganda work, winning broad support for the Anti-Christian Movement and enabling it to unfold nationwide. The Shanghai Socialist Youth League was founded on August 22, 1920, with Shi Cuntong, Shen Xuanlu, Chen Wangdao, Li Hanjun, Jin Jiafeng, Yuan Zhenying, Yu Xiusong, and Ye Tiandi as its initiators, and Yu Xiusong as its secretary. The Shanghai League assisted in establishing league organizations in various localities, playing the role of a provisional central organ, and was praised by the Young Communist International as “the best of the Chinese youth leagues.”[29]29 “Report on the Work of the Chinese Socialist Youth League to the Third Congress of the Communist International,” p. 3.

上海社会主义青年团最早建立非基督教组织，发起非基运动。早期共产党员和青年团员作了大量理论探讨及宣传工作，使非基运动得到广泛支持，在全国范围内陆续展开。上海社会主义青年团成立于1920年8月22日，施存统、沈玄庐、陈望道、李汉俊、金家凤、袁振英、俞秀松、叶天底为发起人，俞秀松任书记。上海团协助各地建立团组织，起到了临时中央机构的作用，被青年共产国际赞为“中国青年团中最好的一个”29。

In January 1922, the Far Eastern Congress of Revolutionary Youth adopted the “Outline on the Chinese Youth Movement,” which required the Youth League to “now engage in a universal struggle for freedom” and to “attack those counter-revolutionary groups.” The Shanghai League resolved to carry out practical revolutionary activities and launched the Anti-Christian Movement. On February 26, 1922, some Shanghai students met and decided to establish the Anti-Christian Student League. On March 4, they met again to finalize the League’s constitution, elect an executive committee, and formally announce the League’s establishment, marking the beginning of the Anti-Christian Movement.

1922年1月，远东革命青年代表大会通过《关于中国少年运动的纲要》,要求青年团“现在应从事普遍的争自由的运动”,“攻击那些反革命的团体”。上海团决心进行实际的革命活动，发起非基运动。1922年2月26日，一些上海学生开会决定成立非基督教学生同盟。3月4日，再次开会商定同盟章程，选举执行委员会，宣告同盟正式成立，非基运动由此开端。

On March 15 of the same year, the League’s organ, *The Vanguard*,[30]30 *The Vanguard* was the first central organ of the Chinese Socialist Youth League, first published on January 15, 1922. published for the first time the “Declaration,” “Telegram,” and “Constitution” of the Anti-Christian Student League. The “Telegram” called Christianity the “vanguard of colonization” and called on students nationwide to boycott the Christian Conference “gathered without cause in the capital of our weak nation, in order to forever purify our youth’s educational circles.”[31]31 “Declaration of the Anti-Christian Student League,” *The Vanguard*, No. 4, March 15, 1922. That issue of *The Vanguard* carried articles by Chen Duxiu, “Christianity and the Christian Church”; Xu Baihao, “Christianity and World Transformation”; and Luo Qiyuan, “Christianity and Communism.” These articles pointed out that Christianity and the Church were “demons” helping the bourgeoisie oppress and plunder the proletariat; that the Christian Conference was a “robbers’ conference of world capitalism… insulting our youth, deceiving our people, and plundering our country’s economy”;[32]32 “Declaration of the Anti-Christian Student League.” that Christian missionaries were the “vanguard” of capitalist countries’ aggression against China, and the intellectuals serving the Church were “guides” and “running dogs”;[33]33 Luo Qiyuan, “Christianity and Communism,” *The Vanguard*, No. 4, March 15, 1922. and they called on “proletarians of all countries to unite”[34]34 “Declaration of the Anti-Christian Student League.” to resist the “capitalist plunderism”[35]35 Chen Duxiu, “Christianity and the Christian Church,” *The Vanguard*, No. 4, March 15, 1922. behind Christianity. These arguments bore a clear Leninist stamp, and the judgment of Christianity was essentially copied from the Far Eastern Congress of Revolutionary Youth, representing the first time early Communist Party members and Youth League members used Lenin’s theory of imperialism to understand and analyze the national conditions.

同年3月15日，该团的机关报《先驱》30首次将非基督教学生同盟的《宣言》《通电》《章程》公之于众。《通电》称基督教为“殖民之先导”,号召全国学生抵制“无端集合于我弱国之首都”的基督教大会，“以期永洁我青年教育界”31。当期《先驱》登载了陈独秀的《基督教与基督教会》、许白昊的《基督教与世界改造》、罗绮园的《基督教与共产主义》。这些文章指出，基督教及教会是帮助资产阶级压迫、掠夺无产阶级的“恶魔”;基督教大会是“世界资本主义……污辱我国青年，欺骗我们人民，掠夺我国经济的强盗会议”32;基督教传教士是资本主义国家侵略中国的“先锋队”,为教会所服务的知识分子是“向导”和“走狗”33;号召“万国无产者团结起来”34,反抗基督教背后的“资本的掠夺主义”35。这些论述带有明显的列宁主义色彩，对基督教的评断基本照搬自远东革命青年代表大会，是早期共产党员及青年团员首次运用列宁的帝国主义理论认识和分析国情。

In March 1922, Dalin, a member of the Far Eastern Secretariat of the Communist International, was active in Shanghai, guiding the construction of the Youth League. According to his recollections, the Youth League launched the Anti-Christian Movement, “exposing the pro-imperialist nature of the YMCA… the entire months of March and the first half of April were spent in a nationwide student movement against Christianity,” to the extent that it “delayed preparations for convening the National Congress of the Socialist Youth League.”[36]36 S. A. Dalin, *Chinese Memoirs* (Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 1981), p. 81. Dalin’s words have a basis, because the League’s provisional central committee had originally planned to hold the national congress on April 1,[37]37 “Letter from the Provisional Central Committee of the Chinese Socialist Youth League to the Youth League Organizations in Various Places,” *Selected Documents of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Youth League*, Vol. 1, p. 7. but later adjusted the date to May 5 based on the actual situation.

1922年3月，共产国际远东书记处成员达林在上海活动，指导青年团的建设。据他回忆，青年团发起非基运动，“揭露基督教青年会的亲帝国主义实质……整个3月和4月上半月，都是在全国反对基督教的学生运动度过的”,以至于“延误了筹备召开社会主义青年团全国代表大会的工作”36。达林之言是有据可循的，因为团的临时中央原本打算于4月1日召开全国大会37,后根据现实情况调整至5月5日。

(ii) The Beijing Socialist Youth League Responds Immediately

(二)北京社会主义青年团立即响应

The Beijing Socialist Youth League was the first to respond to and support the call of the Shanghai League. Because Beijing was a gathering place for celebrities and a hotbed of diverse currents of thought, the Anti-Christian Movement, breaking away from the League’s leadership, manifested as an anti-religion movement guided by enlightenment thought.

北京社会主义青年团率先响应支持上海团的号召。由于北京名流云集、思潮繁杂，非基运动脱离团的领导表现为以启蒙思想为指引的非宗教运动。

In November 1920, the Beijing League was established, initiated by more than 40 people including Deng Zhongxia, Gao Junyu, He Mengxiong, Liu Renjing, Zhang Guotao, Luo Zhanglong, and Jin Jiafeng,[38]38 Jin Jiafeng was a founding member of the Shanghai Socialist Youth League and later joined the Beijing Socialist Youth League. with Gao Junyu as its secretary. The Beijing League did considerable work in carrying out the workers’ movement, establishing labor补习 schools, and assisting in setting up league organizations in northern cities such as Tianjin. In May 1921, the Beijing League temporarily dissolved, and on November 26, the league organization resumed its work.

1920年11月，北京团成立，由邓中夏、高君宇、何孟雄、刘仁静、张国焘、罗章龙、金家凤38等40余人发起，高君宇为书记。北京团在开展工人运动、创办劳动补习学校、协助天津等北方城市建立团组织等方面做了不少工作。1921年5月，北京团暂时解散，11月26日，团组织恢复工作。

The anti-religion movement in Beijing was a continuation of the 1920 discussion on religion within the Young China Association. In December 1920, under the guidance of Li Dazhao, Xiao Zisheng, Luo Zhanglong, and others, relying on the Beijing Marxism Study Society, established an Anti-Religion League, which published its platform, contacted teachers and students from various schools, and organized public lectures.[39]39 *Morning Post*, December 25, 1920. The League opposed superstitious metaphysics and feudal thought, advocated for the emancipation of thought and the promotion of civil rights, and became the predecessor of the Grand Anti-Religion League.

北京的非宗教运动是1920年少年中国学会宗教问题讨论的延续。1920年12月，在李大钊的指导下，萧子升、罗章龙等依托北京马克思学说研究会组建非宗教同盟，公布纲领、联络各校师生、组织公开讲座39。同盟反对迷信玄学和封建思想，主张解放思想和发扬民权，成为非宗教大同盟的前身。

On March 11, 1922, Jin Jiafeng, at the request of Chen Duxiu, contacted more than 80 people from both the Nationalist and Communist parties, and in the name of the Beijing Socialist Youth League initiated the “Beijing Grand Anti-Religion League,” with Jin Jiafeng as the convener and Xiao Zisheng as the secretary.[40]40 *Morning Post*, March 13, 1922. Although the Grand Anti-Religion League was initiated by the Beijing Socialist Youth League, its participants extended far beyond that. At the end of the first “Telegram” of the Beijing Grand Anti-Religion League, Jin Jiafeng was listed as the contact person, and signatories included Communists such as Li Dazhao and Zhang Guotao, Nationalists such as Cai Yuanpei and Li Shizeng, members of the Young China Association such as Wang Xinggong and Li Huang, and renowned figures from academia such as Wu Yu and Gao Yihan. The Young China Association also issued a telegram of support, expressing “boundless joy” that the Grand Anti-Religion League had “raised a call from on high, vowing to break through the poison of delusion.”[41]41 *Morning Post*, March 22, 1922.

1922年3月11日，金家凤应陈独秀要求，联络国、共两党80余人，以北京社会主义青年团的名义发起“北平非宗教大同盟”,金家凤为主持人，萧子升为干事40。非宗教大同盟虽然由北京社会主义青年团发起，参与成员却远不止于此。在北京非宗教大同盟第一次《通电》文末，金家凤为联络人，参与署名的有李大钊、张国焘等共产党人，蔡元培、李石曾等国民党人，王星拱、李璜等少年中国学会会员以及吴虞、高一涵等学界名流。少年中国学会还发出响应的通电，对非宗教大同盟“登高一呼，誓破迷毒”表示“不胜欢欣”41。

Compared with the Shanghai anti-Christian movement, the Beijing anti-religion grand alliance movement was more formidable in scale, but its propaganda and public opinion relied on Enlightenment thought as its theoretical tool. According to the recollection of Fan Tiren, an officer of the Anti-Religion Grand Alliance, at the first general meeting of the alliance held on April 9, the “Initiating Statement” was announced, declaring that “for the sake of respecting science, eradicating superstition, enhancing self-confidence, preserving the national character, opposing imperialist aggression, and striving for self-strengthening and self-governance, we have decided to launch an anti-religion movement,” and it “listed the various crimes of imperialism using religion to carry out aggression against our country.”[42]42 Fan Tiren, “The Anti-Religion Grand Alliance in 1922,” *Wenshi Ziliao Xuanji* (Selected Cultural and Historical Materials), vol. 38, p. 1. The Leninist overtones in its text were quite pronounced, indicating that Marxists within the alliance had attempted to steer the movement onto an anti-imperialist path. However, on March 21, the Anti-Religion Grand Alliance published a “Manifesto” and a “Telegram,” stating that the alliance took “scientific truth” and “humanitarianism” as its guiding principles, criticizing religion for fettering thought, destroying truth, and causing war, opposing the “Eleventh Conference of the World’s Christian Student Federation,” and demanding the “elimination of the poison of religion”; at the same time, it deliberately emphasized that the alliance distinguished only between “believers” and “non-believers” and had “nothing to do with any partisan role.”[43]43 “The Manifesto and Telegram of the Anti-Religion Grand Alliance,” *Chenbao* (Morning Post), March 22, 1922. On April 1, the Anti-Religion Grand Alliance issued another “Telegram,” stating that the alliance “only uses science to overcome religion,” did not discuss social issues, and was certainly not “xenophobic” or “radical.”[44]44 “The Anti-Religion Grand Alliance’s Telegram to the World’s Christian Student Federation,” *Chenbao*, April 2, 1922. Thus it can be seen that, due to the complex composition of the alliance’s membership and the fact that its scale had exceeded the control of the Communist Party and the Youth League,[45]45 At that time, the Chinese Communist Party and the Socialist Youth League had overlapping memberships and shared leadership in many local organizations, making it difficult for the Party to fully control the broader anti-religion movement. the movement did not take the track of anti-imperialism.

与上海的非基运动相比，北京的非宗教大同盟运动声势更加浩大，但舆论宣传上以启蒙主义思想为理论工具。据非宗教大同盟干事范体仁回忆，在4月9日召开的非宗教大同盟第一次大会上公布了《发起词》,宣布“我们为尊重科学、破除迷信，提高自信力、保持国民人格、反对帝国主义侵略、力图自强自治起见，决定发起非宗教运动”,并“列举了帝国主义利用宗教对我国进行侵略的种种罪行”42。其文字中的列宁主义意味相当浓厚，可见同盟内的马克思主义者曾试图将运动引向反帝的道路。但非宗教大同盟在3月21日发表了《宣言》和《通电》,指出同盟以“科学真理”“人道主义”为依归，批评宗教束缚思想、摧残真理、引起战争，反对“世界耶教学生第十一次开会”,要求“扫除宗教之毒害”;同时又特意强调同盟仅以“信教”与“非教”为区分，“与一切党派作用无关”43。4月1日，非宗教大同盟再次发表《通电》,表示同盟“只为以科学胜宗教”,并不讨论社会问题，更不“排外”或“过激”44。由此可见，由于同盟人员构成复杂，且规模已经超出共产党和青年团的掌控45,该运动并未走上反帝的轨道。

(III) The Guangdong Socialist Youth League Actively Carried Out the Anti-Christian Movement

(三)广东社会主义青年团积极开展非基运动

The Guangdong Socialist Youth League, drawing on the experience of Shanghai and Beijing, carried out the anti-Christian movement and developed it step by step into an anti-religion movement. The Guangdong anti-Christian movement was equally formidable in scale, not only attracting young people and members of the Kuomintang from neighboring provinces to participate but also engaging in direct confrontation with Christian forces.

广东社会主义青年团在吸取上海、北京经验的基础上开展非基运动，有步骤地发展为非宗教运动。广东非基运动同样声势浩大，不仅吸引周边省份的青年及国民党员参与进来，还与基督教势力进行直接对抗。

In August 1920, the Guangzhou Socialist Youth League was organized by Tan Pingshan, Chen Gongbo, Tan Zhitang, and others. In November, the Guangzhou League merged with the anarchist group Mutual Aid Society, and was later taken over by anarchists. In March 1921, the Mutual Aid Society withdrew from the Youth League, and soon afterward the Guangzhou League was dissolved. In December, Tan Pingshan, Zhang Tailei, and others resumed the activities of the Guangzhou League and began to establish the Guangdong League. On March 14, 1922, the Guangdong League was formally established, and together with the Guangdong Branch of the Chinese Communist Party, it was “basically the same set of personnel doing the work of both the Party and the League.”[46]46 “Guangdong Socialist Youth League,” *Guangdong Qingyun Shi Ziliao* (Historical Materials on the Youth Movement in Guangdong), vol. 1, p. 2.

1920年8月，由谭平山、陈公博、谭植棠等人组织了广州社会主义青年团。11月，广州团与无政府主义团体互助团合并，后被无政府主义者把控。1921年3月，互助团退出青年团，不久后广州团也宣告解散。12月，谭平山、张太雷等恢复广州团的活动，并筹建广东团。1922年3月14日，广东团宣告成立，与中共广东支部“基本上是一套人马干党、团两方面的工作”46。

The Guangdong League led the anti-Christian movement from both the propaganda and organizational fronts. On the one hand, it created a public opinion atmosphere opposing Christianity. On March 24, 1922, the *Guangdong Masses Daily*, edited by Chen Gongbo, reprinted the “Manifesto of the Non-Christian Student Alliance,” and subsequently opened a “Non-Christian Commentary” column, publishing telegrams from various places responding to the anti-Christian movement under the title “Echoes of the Anti-Religion Alliance,” becoming an important public opinion battleground for the Guangdong anti-Christian movement. The Guangdong League’s organ, the *Youth Weekly*, also joined in, publishing articles such as Zhang Qiuren’s “What Is the YMCA?” and Guo Shouzhen’s “The Proletariat and Christianity,” launching an attack on Christianity. The propaganda work of the Guangdong anti-Christian movement also included criticism of the “Chastity Movement.” On April 3, the Guangzhou YMCA held a chastity movement parade under the slogan “Petition to Abolish Prostitution,” on a scale “unprecedented in any previous parade.”[47]47 “The Chastity Movement Parade,” *Guangzhou Minguo Ribao* (Guangzhou Republican Daily), April 5, 1922.

广东团从宣传和组织两方面领导非基运动。一方面，营造反对基督教的舆论氛围。1922年3月24日，陈公博主编的《广东群报》转载《非基督教学生同盟宣言》,随后开辟“非基督教言论”专栏，登载各地通电响应非基运动的《非宗教同盟之应声》,成为广东非基运动的重要舆论阵地。广东团的机关刊物《青年周刊》也加入其中，刊登张秋人的《青年会是什么东西》和郭瘦真的《无产阶级与耶教》等文章，向基督教发起进攻。广东非基运动的宣传工作还包括批判“贞洁运动”。4月3日，广州基督教青年会举行以“请愿废娼”为口号的贞洁运动大游行，规模“为历来巡行所未有”47。

On the other hand, it organized anti-Christian student alliances and anti-religion alliances at various levels. Students from the Guangdong Public Law and Political Science College were the first to respond to the “Beijing-Shanghai Alliance,” establishing a school-level Non-Christian Student Alliance at the end of March 1922, and actively networked with schools such as Guangdong Higher Normal School and Guangdong Government Girls’ Junior Normal School.[48]48 “The Non-Christian Student Alliance of the Public Law and Political Science College,” *Guangdong Qunbao* (Guangdong Masses Daily), April 2, 1922. On April 4, Tan Pingshan and Ruan Xiaoxian initiated the Guangzhou Anti-Religion League. By mid-April, the Guangzhou anti-Christian movement had spread to counties such as Maoming, Xiangshan, Sanshui, and Kaiping.[49]49 “The Spread of the Anti-Christian Movement,” *Guangdong Qunbao*, April 15, 1922. On April 16, the Guangdong Non-Christian Student Alliance was formally established, with Shen Houpei as chairman and He Juefu drafting the “Constitution,” after which alliance committee members were elected according to the constitution.[50]50 “The Founding of the Guangdong Non-Christian Student Alliance,” *Guangdong Qunbao*, April 18, 1922. Among the alliance members, Shen Houpei, Lan Xiangkui, He Juefu, Ruan Xiaoxian, Zhou Qijian, Liu Ersong, and Liu Qinxi were all Guangdong League members. Shen Houpei and He Juefu were students at the Law and Political Science College and were very active and well-regarded in the movement. The Guangdong Non-Christian Student Alliance quickly developed into the Guangdong Anti-Religion Grand Alliance. On April 21, the Police and Prison School on Guangta Street in Guangzhou held a meeting to prepare for the establishment of an anti-religion alliance, and Guangdong Higher Normal School also wanted to “contact all schools in Guangzhou to organize a Guangdong Anti-Religion Grand Alliance,” which resonated widely among the schools. Subsequently, a teacher from Fuzhou Middle School stated that “Christianity is the lackey of imperialism,” which was particularly hateful, but that Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism were tarred with the same brush as Christianity, “bewitching people’s minds and hindering progress,” and wanted to “expand the Non-Christian Student Alliance into an Anti-Religion Alliance.”[51]51 “The Proposal to Expand into an Anti-Religion Alliance,” *Guangdong Qunbao*, April 25, 1922. On May 17, Guangdong League members He Shouying, Guo Shouhua, and others convened various groups and established the Guangdong Anti-Religion Grand Alliance at the Law and Political Science College.[52]52 “The Founding of the Guangdong Anti-Religion Grand Alliance,” *Guangdong Qunbao*, May 20, 1922. The alliance took advantage of mass gatherings such as the universal suffrage movement and the anniversary of the Huanghuagang Uprising[n] to distribute leaflets and give public speeches on the streets, expanding the influence of the anti-Christian movement.

另一方面，组织各级非基督教学生同盟和非宗教同盟。广东公立法政专门学校的学生最先响应“京沪同盟”,于1922年3月底组建校级非基督教学生同盟，并积极串联广东高等师范学校、广东官立女子初级师范学堂等校48。4月4日，谭平山与阮啸仙发起广州反宗教联盟。4月中旬，广州非基运动扩散至茂名、香山、三水、开平等县49。4月16日，广东非基督教学生同盟正式成立，沈厚培为主席，何觉甫起草《章程》,随后依据章程选举了同盟委员50。同盟成员中沈厚培、蓝祥奎、何觉甫、阮啸仙、周其鉴、刘尔崧、刘琴西等均为广东团员。沈厚培和何觉甫是政法学校的学生，在运动中十分活跃且受人拥戴。广东非基督教学生同盟迅速发展为广东非宗教大同盟。4月21日，广州光塔街警监学校开会筹建非宗教同盟，广东高师也想“联络广州各校组织一广东非宗教大同盟”,引起各校广泛共鸣。随后，福州中学的教员表示，“基督教为帝国主义之爪牙”,殊为可恨，但儒释道等宗教与基督教乃一丘之貉，“迷人思想，阻人进化”,欲将“非基督教学生同盟扩而充之为非宗教同盟”51。5月17日，广东团员何寿英、郭寿华等通召集各团体，于法政学校创建了广东非宗教大同盟52。同盟利用普选运动、黄花岗起义纪念日等群众聚集之机，上街散发传单、公开演讲，扩大非基运动的影响。

The Guangdong anti-Christian movement attracted the attention of the Communist International. On May 20, 1922, the Comintern representative in Guangdong, Ligin, reported to the Far Eastern Department of the Executive Committee of the Communist International on the recent work of the “Chinese Communist organization.” The report pointed out that the anti-Christian movement was the largest propaganda campaign in the past six months, that the Chinese Communist Party and the Youth League were the basic forces of the movement, that they provided “actual leadership” to the movement, and that they had “wrecked” the Christian conference.[53]53 “Report of Comrade Ligin to the Far Eastern Department of the ECCI,” May 20, 1922, in *Lian Gong (Bu), Gongchan Guoji Yu Zhongguo Guomin Geming Yundong* (The CPSU(B), the Comintern, and the Chinese National Revolutionary Movement), vol. 1, p. 104. It should be noted that Ligin’s report was not entirely accurate. What was disrupted by the anti-Christian movement was not the Christian conference itself, but the parade organized by Guangzhou church schools to promote the Christian conference,[54]54 The Christian conference in question was the Eleventh Conference of the World’s Christian Student Federation, originally scheduled for April 1922 in Beijing. which was canceled “for fear of the power and influence of the anti-religionists.”[55]55 “The Cancellation of the Church School Parade,” *Shenbao* (Shanghai News), April 15, 1922.

广东非基运动受到共产国际的关注。1922年5月20日，共产国际驻广东代表利金向共产国际执行会远东部汇报了“中国共产主义组织”近期的工作。报告指出，非基运动是近半年规模最大的宣传活动，中共及青年团是运动的基本力量，对运动“进行实际领导”,“搞垮了”基督教大会53。需要指出的是，利金的报告不完全准确。被非基运动冲垮的并非基督教大会，而是广州教会学校为宣传基督教大会而举办的游行活动54,该活动“因畏非教者之势焰”55而取消。

On a national scale, during March and April 1922, students in Changsha, Nanjing, Wuhan, Hangzhou, Tianjin, Tangshan, Baoding, Taiyuan, and other cities also successively established anti-Christian alliances or anti-religion alliances. Although some social celebrities, school teachers, and workers participated, the members were mainly young students. Given the blurred boundaries between the Chinese Communist Party and the Youth League in the early 1920s, and the League’s enormous influence among the student population, it can be argued that it was the local leagues that initiated the anti-Christian movement and were consolidated and grew within it, thereby preparing the ground for the founding of the Chinese Socialist Youth League.

从全国范围看，1922年3、4月间，长沙、南京、武汉、杭州、天津、唐山、保定、太原等地学生也纷纷组建非基督教同盟或非宗教同盟。虽有社会名流、学校教员以及工人参与，但成员主要是青年学生。鉴于20世纪20年代初中国共产党与青年团界限模糊的状态，以及团在学生群体中的巨大影响力，可以认为，正是各地方团发起了非基运动并在其中得到巩固和成长，为中国社会主义青年团的成立作了准备。

III. The Founding of the Chinese Socialist Youth League

三、中国社会主义青年团的成立

Around May 1922, 18 cities across the country had restored or newly established League organizations, with a total of over 5,000 League members. Faced with such a large number of local League organizations and the burgeoning anti-Christian movement, the Provisional Central Bureau could no longer meet the demands of leading the national youth movement. It was necessary to convene a national congress, adopt a formal constitution, organize central institutions, and build a “more solid foundation.”[56]56 “The Need for a National Congress,” *Xianqu* (The Vanguard), no. 8, May 1922.

1922年5月前后，全国已有18座城市恢复或新建了团组织，共有5000多名团员。面对规模庞大的地方团组织和蓬勃发展的非基督教运动，临时中央局已无法满足领导全国青年运动的要求，需要召开全国大会，通过正式章程，组织中央机构，建筑“更稳固的基础”56。

(I) The First National Congress of the Chinese Socialist Youth League

(一)中国社会主义青年团第一次全国代表大会

In March 1922, the Young Communist International representative Dalin came to China and, together with Qu Qiubai, representing the Chinese Communist Party, and Zhang Tailei, representing the Youth League, drafted the program and constitution of the Chinese Socialist Youth League and prepared for the First National Congress. On May 5, the First Congress of the League was convened in Guangzhou. Zhang Tailei presided over the opening ceremony, and 16 people, including Huang Bihun, Chen Duxiu, Zhang Guotao, Deng Zhongxia, and Dalin, delivered speeches. The following day, the congress began hearing reports and discussing motions. Discussions concluded on the evening of the 10th, and after the election of the Central Executive Committee, the congress was adjourned.

1922年3月，青年共产国际代表达林来华，与代表中国共产党的瞿秋白和代表青年团的张太雷拟定中国社会主义青年团纲领、章程，筹备第一次全国代表大会。5月5日，团的一大在广州召开。张太雷任开幕式主持人，黄璧魂、陈独秀、张国焘、邓中夏、达林等16人发表了演讲。次日，大会开始听取报告、讨论议案，至10日晚讨论完毕，选出中央执行委员会后闭会。

The congress adopted the *Program of the Chinese Socialist Youth League*, which analyzed China’s condition of suffering “international capital oppression,” clarified the League’s purpose of “struggling for the complete liberation of the proletariat,” set forth the League’s work guidelines in the three areas of politics, economics, and education, and stressed that “to achieve the goal of socialism, the proletariat and oppressed nations of the entire world must rise up together in revolution.”[57]57 The Zhili-Fengtian War (1922) was a conflict between the Zhili and Fengtian cliques, two major warlord factions in early Republican China, for control of the central government in Beijing. It adopted the *Constitution of the Chinese Socialist Youth League*, which made provisions concerning League members, organization, discipline, meetings, reports, organs, finances, and the organ newspaper. It adopted proposals including the *Resolution on Improving the Living Conditions of Young Workers and Peasants*, the *Resolution on Political Propaganda Campaigns*, the *Resolution on the Education Movement*, and the *Resolution on the Relationship between the Chinese Socialist Youth League and Various Chinese Organizations*, making concrete arrangements for the League’s work priorities. Finally, the congress elected Shi Cuntong, Gao Junyu, Zhang Tailei, Cai Hesen, Yu Xiusong, Zhu Wushan, Ruan Yongzhao, and He Chang to form the First Central Executive Committee as the leading organ of the Central Committee of the League, with Shi Cuntong serving as secretary.

大会通过了《中国社会主义青年团纲领》,分析中国遭受“国际资本压迫”的国情，明确青年团“为完全解放无产阶级而奋斗的宗旨”,阐述团在政治、经济、教育三个方面的工作方针，强调“要达社会主义的目的，非全世界无产阶级和被压迫民族共同起来革命不可”57。通过了《中国社会主义青年团章程》,对青年团在团员、组织、纪律、会议、报告、机关、经费、机关报等方面作了规定。通过了《青年工人农人生活状况改良的决议案》《关于政治宣传运动的决议案》《关于教育运动的决议案》《中国社会主义青年团与中国各团体的关系之决议案》等提案，对团的工作重点作出了具体安排。最后，大会选举施存统、高君宇、张太雷、蔡和森、俞秀松、朱务善、阮永钊、贺昌组成第一届中央执行委员会，作为团中央领导机关，施存统任书记。

The First National Congress established a unified national organization for the League, marking the formal founding of the Chinese Socialist Youth League. From then on, the League established Marxism as its guiding ideology, truly casting off the previous state of ideological confusion and complexity among local League organizations; it built a youth leadership core with a clear program, laying the organizational foundation for Chinese youth to play a role on the political stage.

第一次全国代表大会确定了团的全国统一的组织，标志着中国社会主义青年团正式成立。自此，团确立了马克思主义为指导思想，真正摆脱了过去各地团组织思想复杂混乱的状况；建立起纲领明确的青年领导核心，为中国青年在政治舞台上发挥作用奠定了组织基础。

(II) The Chinese Socialist Youth League’s Work Arrangements concerning the Anti-Christian Movement

(二)中国社会主义青年团关于非基督教运动的工作安排

In April and May 1922, the Anti-Christian Movement reached its climax. Newspapers such as *Morning Post*, *Republican Daily*, *L’Impartial*, *Modern Times*, and *Shenbao* frequently published critiques of Christianity, while various Christian denominations used publications such as *True Light*, *Life*, and *Youth Progress* to counterattack or reflect. In this situation, the Youth League attempted to lead and expand the Anti-Christian Movement.

1922年4、5月间，非基运动到达最高潮。《晨报》《民国日报》《大公报》《时事新报》《申报》等频频刊发批判基督教的言论，基督教各派则依托《真光》《生命》《青年进步》等刊进行回击或反思。在此情形下，青年团尝试领导、扩大非基运动。

The Youth League actively strove for leadership over various anti-religious organizations. In the *Resolution on the Relationship with Various Chinese Organizations*, the League made concrete stipulations concerning the attitude it should adopt in its interactions with other social organizations. The foremost among these were the “Young Men’s Christian Association” and “anti-Christian and anti-religious organizations.” Toward the former, the League adopted a dual strategy of both struggle and utilization. On the one hand, it adopted the view of the Far Eastern Revolutionary Youth Congress, holding that the YMCA combined with China’s bureaucratic forces to ensnare youth, “befouling them with

青年团积极争取对各非宗教团体的领导。在《与中国各团体的关系之决议案》中，青年团对自身与其他社会团体在交往中所持的态度作出了具体规定。首当其冲的便是“基督教青年会”和“非基督教及非宗教团体”。对于前者，青年团采取既斗争又利用的双重策略。一方面，采纳了远东革命青年代表大会的观点，认为青年会与中国官僚势力相结合，笼络青年“愚蒙沾染资本主义之毒”,因此要“宣传披露其罪恶……揭穿其目的及用心”。同时，由于经历了非基运动的思想碰撞，青年团承认教会在推广义务教育、开展慈善事业等方面的作用，表示对其“应利用之”。对于后者，青年团指出，基督教是“帝国主义最有势力的工具”,因而“非基督教团体所做的事正是我们所欲做的”;宗教是“常与旧势力结合”桎梏思想的东西，而非宗教团体否定一切宗教存在的价值和意义，能够助使青年获得思想自由并且认同革命。所以，对于非基督教、非宗教的团体要尽力帮助，并在其中建立团的组织，争取“达到指导的地位”58。但是，青年团并未趁势建立全国一级的非基督教或非宗教同盟，各地非基运动依然是分散且相对独立地进行活动。

The Youth League attempted to extend the influence of the Anti-Christian Movement into other areas. The first was national education. The "Resolution on the Educational Movement" pointed out that "the Christian forces are now everywhere in China's educational circles, fettering the thinking of young people." Therefore, it was necessary to expose the "hypocritical masks of threats and inducements" worn by church schools and to exclude them from the educational sphere[59]59 See note [59] in the original translation.. This proposition was not immediately implemented at the time. By 1924, the Anti-Christian Movement erupted again in the form of the "Movement to Reclaim Educational Rights," displaying a more distinct and direct anti-imperialist character. It lasted for nearly a year and achieved significant results in "excluding church schools." The second area was the labor movement. On April 17 and May 20, 1922, strikes broke out twice in succession at the Rihua Cotton Mill in Pudong, Shanghai. The Youth League organized Shanghai students to establish a strike economic support committee to comfort and encourage the workers. On May 24, the Central Executive Committee of the Youth League issued an "Appeal to All Circles and Organizations Across the Country to Aid the Textile Workers of Pudong, Shanghai," pointing out that among the more than 4,000 workers on strike under the oppression of the capitalists, over 2,000 were Catholics. They reminded members of the anti-religion leagues that they must not only liberate themselves from religion but also liberate these "men and women who are confused by religion" from it, so that they too might "become believers in anti-religion"[60]60 See note [60] in the original translation.. However, at this time, the tide of the labor movement had already drawn the full attention of young students. Opposing the oppression of the capitalists became the primary task. The religious veil had been lifted, and merely criticizing religion could no longer reflect the social demands of the time.

青年团试图将非基运动的影响扩大到其他领域。一是国民教育。《关于教育运动的决议案》指出，“现在中国教育界到处布满了基督教的势力，以锢蔽青年的思想”。因此，要揭露教会学校“威胁利诱的假面具”,将它们从教育界排除出 去59。这 一主张在当时没有得到立即施行。到了1924年，非基运动以“收回教育权运动”的形式再度爆发，表现出更加鲜明且直接的反帝色彩，持续了近一年之久，在“排除教会学校”方面取得了重大成果。二是工人运动。1922年4月17日和5月20日，上海浦东日华纱厂连续两次爆发罢工运动，青年团组织上海学生建立罢工经济后援会，慰问、鼓励工人。5月24日，团中央执行委员会发表了《请求全国各界和各团体援助上海浦东纺织工人书》,指出在受资本家压迫而罢工的4000多名工人中，有2000余人是天主教徒。他们提醒非宗教同盟中人不但要把自己从宗教中解放出来，还要将这些“被宗教迷惑者(着)的男女”从宗教中解放出来，让他们也“变成反宗教的信 徒”60。然 而，此时工人运动的大潮已将青年学生的目光尽数吸引过去，反对资本家的压迫成为主要任务，其宗教面纱已被揭开，仅仅是批判宗教已无法反映当时的社会诉求。

IV. Conclusion

四、结语

From April 4 to 9, 1922, the Christian Conference was held as scheduled, and the direct goal of the Anti-Christian Movement was not achieved. In May and June, the Zhili-Fengtian War[57]57 The Zhili-Fengtian War (1922) was a conflict between the Zhili and Fengtian cliques, two major warlord factions in early Republican China, for control of the central government in Beijing. broke out, the Beijing government was reorganized, and new issues such as Li Yuanhong's[58]58 Li Yuanhong (1864–1928) was a Chinese politician and military figure who served as President of the Republic of China on multiple occasions during the warlord era. advocacy for "abolishing the governorships and disbanding the troops" became the focus of public attention. The discussion of religious issues gradually waned. By June, schools began their summer vacations early, and many students left school to return to their hometowns, resulting in the loss of the main force of the Anti-Christian Movement. Thus, the Anti-Christian Movement came to a temporary halt.

1922年4月4日至9日，基督教大会如期召开，非基运动的直接目标落空。5、6月间，直奉战争爆发，北京政府改组，黎元洪力主“废督裁兵”等新问题成为人们关注的焦点，关于宗教问题讨论的声音逐渐式微。到6月份，各学校提前放暑假，众多学生离校返乡，非基运动的主力流失。于是，非基运动告一段落。

The formation and development of the Anti-Christian Movement were closely related to the Youth League. Local Youth League branches organized the Anti-Christian Movement in a planned manner, attracting various social strata to join and forming a nationwide social movement with broad influence. Although the Anti-Christian Movement flourished everywhere, it was not unified in its pace, and the Youth League failed to achieve unified leadership over it. Differences in political environments, cultural customs, and other factors across various regions gave the Anti-Christian Movement distinctive features in its organizational forms and propaganda methods in different areas. After its First National Congress, the Youth League attempted to expand and lead this movement, but changes in the situation temporarily frustrated this plan.

非基运动的形成及发展与青年团密切相关。各地方团有组织地发起非基运动，吸引各社会阶层加入，形成了全国范围影响广泛的社会运动。非基运动尽管遍地开花，却并非步调一致，青年团也未能实现对非基运动的统一领导。各地政治环境、文化习俗等方面的差异使不同地区的非基运动在组织形式、宣传方式上各有特色。青年团在一大后尝试扩大并领导这场运动，但局势的变化让这一打算暂时落空。

The Anti-Christian Movement was the realistic background for the founding of the Chinese Socialist Youth League and holds important historical significance. It continued the direction of the New Culture Movement, spread Marxism-Leninism, and expanded the League's influence among young students. The Youth League tempered its early members through the movement, enhanced its organizational cohesion, and was formally established amidst the fiery struggle. Furthermore, the organizational forms, methods of struggle, and even the name of the movement adopted by the Anti-Christian Movement did not disappear with the subsiding of its first phase. Two years later, with the realization of the First United Front between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party and the rise of nationalism, the Anti-Christian Movement rose again. The Chinese Communist Party moved from behind the scenes to the forefront, achieving leadership over the movement in the form of a national united front.

非基运动是中国社会主义青年团成立的现实背景，具有重要的历史意义。它接续了新文化运动的行进方向，传播了马克思列宁主义，扩大了团在青年学生群体中的影响。青年团在运动中锻炼了早期成员，增强了组织凝聚力，并在如火如荼的斗争中宣告成立。另外，非基运动所采用的组织形式、斗争手段乃至于运动的名号并未随第一阶段非基运动的沉寂而销声匿迹。两年后，第一次国共合作实现，民族主义勃兴，非基运动再起，中国共产党从幕后走向台前，以民族统一战线的形式实现了对运动的领导。

(Author Biographies: Peng Ruikang, doctoral candidate in the Department of Party History, Party School of the Central Committee of the CPC (National Academy of Governance); Chen Jing, teaching assistant, School of Law and Politics, Guangdong Open University)

（作者简介：彭瑞康，中共中央党校(国家行政学院)中共党史教研部博士研究生；陈静，广东开放大学法政学院助 教）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心