Reflections on the Aum Shinrikyo Incident in Japanese Society over the Past Twenty-Plus Years

As one of the representative cult groups worldwide, Japan’s Aum Shinrikyo, since its establishment, continuously committed multiple heinous criminal acts including murder, imprisonment, robbery, and theft, and on March 20, 1995, carried out a sarin gas attack on three lines of the Tokyo subway, killing 14 people and injuring approximately 6,300, making it the most serious terrorist attack in postwar Japan. It was not until July 2018 that the founder, Shoko Asahara, and 12 other death-row inmates were all executed by hanging, finally bringing the lengthy trial of Aum Shinrikyo to a complete close. Focusing on the question of why the Aum Shinrikyo incident occurred, various sectors of Japanese society engaged in profound reflection and launched research that has continued for over twenty years. In the field of religious studies, works such as Susumu Shimazono’s *The Trajectory of Aum Shinrikyo* (1995) and *The Possibilities of Modern Religion: Aum Shinrikyo and Violence* (1997), Yumiko Shimada’s *Aum: Why Religion Produces Terrorism* (2001), Toshihiro Ota’s *The Intellectual History of Aum Shinrikyo* (2011), Takashi Nakajima’s *Why Aum Will Not Disappear* (2015), and the Religious Information Research Center’s *Aum Shinrikyo in the Information Age* (2011) and *Verifying “Aum Shinrikyo”: The Boundary Between Its Inside and Outside* (2015) have provided comprehensive interpretations of Aum Shinrikyo’s ideology, organizational structure, and developmental process. Beyond the attention of religious studies, journalist Shoko Egawa’s *The Ambition of JSZ* (1991), *Tracking Aum Shinrikyo for 2,200 Days* (1995), and *Why Did the Aum Incident Happen? Prisoners of the Soul* (2006), writer Haruki Murakami’s documentary literature *Underground 2: The Place That Was Promised* (1998), and journalist Haruyoshi Seguchi’s *Aum Shinrikyo: False Salvation* (2019) have, through close tracking and interviews with believers or former believers, presented the true form of Aum Shinrikyo from different perspectives. Additionally, former believers as parties involved have published numerous personal accounts and memoirs, such as *Escape from Mind Control: Experiences of Aum Shinrikyo Defectors* (1995) co-authored by defense lawyer Taro Takimoto and former believer Tatsuya Nagaoka, *Aum and Me* (1998) by Tokyo subway sarin attack perpetrator Ikuo Hayashi, and *Confession in the 17th Year of the Aum Incident* (2012) by Fumihiro Joyu, head of the successor group “Hikari no Wa,” detailing the process of believers’ recruitment and brainwashing, exposing Aum Shinrikyo’s heinous crimes from an internal perspective. The Aum trial was also a focus of Japanese society, with journalist Shoko Egawa’s *Notes from Attending the “Aum Shinrikyo” Trial* (1997), journalist Ken’ichi Furihata’s *The Aum Court* (1998) and *The Aum Trial and the Japanese People* (2000), and writer Ryuzo Saki’s *Continuous Attendance at the Aum Court* (1996) and *Terrorists Without a Great Cause: 16 Defendants in the Aum Court* (2002) providing detailed records of the Asahara trial process, holding significant value for clarifying the full picture of the criminal events and exploring their essence.

日本的奥姆真理教作为世界范围内具有代表性的邪教团体之一，自成立以来持续制造了杀人、监禁、抢劫、盗窃等多起恶性犯罪事件，并于1995年3月20日在东京地铁三条线路内实施了沙林毒气袭击，造成14人死亡，约6300人受伤，这也成为日本战后最严重的恐怖袭击事件。直到2018年7月，教祖麻原彰晃及其他12名死刑犯全部被处以绞刑，对奥姆真理教的漫长审判才彻底结束。围绕奥姆真理教事件为何会发生这一问题，日本社会各界进行了深刻的反思，并展开了持续二十余年的研究。宗教学界方面，岛薗进的《奥姆真理教的轨迹》（1995年）、《现代宗教的可能性——奥姆真理教与暴力》（1997年）、岛田裕巳的《奥姆——宗教为何产生恐怖主义》（2001年）、大田俊宽的《奥姆真理教的精神史》（2011年）、中岛尚志的《奥姆为何不会消失》（2015年）、宗教信息调查中心编著的《信息时代的奥姆真理教》（2011年）、《验证“奥姆真理教”——其内与外的界线》（2015年）等论著对奥姆真理教的思想理论、团体构造、发展历程等进行了全方位的解读。除了宗教学界的关注，记者江川绍子的《JSZ的野心》（1991年）、《追踪奥姆真理教2200天》（1995年）、《奥姆事件为何发生——灵魂的囚徒》（2006年）、作家村上春树的纪实文学《在约定的场所：地下2》（1998年）、记者濑口晴义的《奥姆真理教 虚假的救济》（2019年）等通过对信徒或原信徒的近距离跟踪参访，以不同的视角展示了奥姆真理教的真实形态。此外，作为当事人的原信徒也出版了诸多手记和回忆录，如奥姆真理教受害对策辩护团律师泷本太郎和原信徒永冈辰哉编著的《从思想控制中逃脱——奥姆真理教离教者的体验》（1995年）、东京地铁沙林事件现行犯林郁夫的《奥姆与我》（1998年）、后续团体“光之轮”的负责人上祐史浩的《奥姆事件第17年的告白》（2012年）等详述了信徒入教和被洗脑的过程，以内部视角揭露了奥姆真理教的累累罪行。奥姆审判也是日本社会关注的焦点之一，记者江川绍子的《“奥姆真理教”审判旁听记》（1997年）、记者降幡贤一的《奥姆法庭》（1998年）、《奥姆审判与日本人》（2000年）、作家佐木隆三的《奥姆法庭连续旁听记》（1996年）、《没有大义的恐怖分子——奥姆法庭的16个被告》（2002年）等著作详细记载了麻原审判的过程，对于厘清犯罪事件的全貌，探究犯罪事件的本质有重要价值。

This article attempts to focus on the theme of Japanese society’s reflection on the Aum Shinrikyo (hereinafter “Aum”) incident, summarizing the analysis of Aum’s cult characteristics by various sectors of Japanese society, the exploration of the causes of Aum’s emergence and development, and the consideration of countermeasures against cults, with the aim of providing reference for China’s anti-cult work.

本文试聚焦日本社会对奥姆真理教（以下简称“奥姆”）事件的反思这一主题，归纳日本社会各界对奥姆真理教邪教特征的剖析，对奥姆真理教产生发展的原因探究以及对邪教应对之策的思考，以期待为我国的反邪教工作提供参考。

I. Analysis of the Cult Characteristics of Aum Shinrikyo

一、对奥姆真理教邪教特征的剖析

As the most representative cult group, what cult characteristics Aum possesses is one of the topics of concern in Japanese society. Various studies have conducted in-depth analyses of Aum’s cult characteristics mainly from the aspects of ideology, internal structure, and social activities.

作为最具代表性的邪教团体，奥姆具有怎样的邪教特征是日本社会关注的课题之一。各种研究主要从思想理论、内部结构和社会活动等方面对奥姆的邪教特征展开了深入剖析。

(1) Ideology — The Mixing and Misuse of Traditional Religious Theories

（一）思想理论——对传统宗教理论的杂糅与恶用

Aum’s ideology is complex and diverse, and many religious scholars have sorted and interpreted it, revealing Aum’s mixing and misuse of traditional religious theories. Regarding the content of Aum’s ideology, Susumu Shimazono, from a longitudinal development perspective, generally pointed out that in the early period, after learning yoga theory and practice from the Agon Shu, Asahara began to emphasize the ideas of “liberation” and “enlightenment” based on his own experience, then transitioned to the idea of “salvation” and gradually strengthened the faith in the “Guru,” later proposing various apocalyptic prophecies and salvation plans, with his ideology constantly changing and updating according to actual conditions. Yumiko Shimada summarized Aum’s doctrine as based on founder Asahara’s ascetic experience, referencing original Buddhism, original yoga, and esoteric Buddhist scriptures, mainly composed of four parts: Hinayana, Mahayana, Mantrayana, and Vajrayana, mixed with Christian eschatology, various forms of astrology, ancient Egyptian religion, and ancient Shinto, overall like an “overturned toy box.” Yusuke Miyasaka’s evaluation was even harsher, considering Aum’s doctrine merely a hodgepodge without system, formed by fusing original Buddhism and sectarian Buddhism such as Hinayana Buddhism, Indian Mahayana Buddhism, a small part of Tibetan Buddhism, impure Hinduism, the remnants of the Agon Shu (so-called “Kiriyama Esoteric Buddhism”) with esoteric Buddhist characteristics, Christian eschatology (i.e., the “Armageddon” in the *Book of Revelation*), and some Chinese philosophical thought.

奥姆的思想理论纷繁复杂，对此诸多宗教学者进行了梳理与解读，揭示了奥姆对传统宗教理论的杂糅与恶用。关于奥姆思想理论的内涵，岛薗进从纵向发展的视角概括性地指出，早期麻原从阿含宗习得了瑜伽的理论和实践后，基于自身体验开始强调“解脱”与“领悟”的思想，之后过渡到“救济”的思想并逐渐强化“尊师(Guru)”信仰，后期提出各种末日预言和拯救计划，其思想理论根据现实状况不断变化更新。岛田裕巳将奥姆的教义归纳为以教祖麻原的修行体验为基础，以原始佛教、原始瑜伽和密教经典为参照，主要由小乘、大乘、真言秘密乘和金刚乘四部分构成，并混杂了基督教的末世论和各种占星术、古埃及的宗教、古神道等内容，整体上如同“打翻的玩具箱”。宮坂宥胜的评价则更加严厉，认为奥姆的教义不过是融合了原始佛教和部派佛教等小乘佛教、印度大乘佛教、藏传佛教的小部分、不纯的印度教、带有密教特色的阿含宗（即所谓的“桐山密教”）的残渣、基督教的末世观（即《圣经·启示录》中的“末日战争”）以及部分中国哲学思想形成的无体系的大杂烩。

Regarding Aum’s absorption and collection of traditional religious theories, academia generally believes that Aum used various religious scriptures to justify its antisocial behavior. Shoji Fujita pointed out that during his preaching, Asahara would arbitrarily distort religious theories as needed, for example, interpreting “Phowa,” which originally meant “leading the soul of the deceased to a higher realm” in Tibetan Buddhism, as killing for the purpose of salvation, and interpreting “equanimity,” which originally meant abandoning the mind of discrimination and attachment in Buddhism, as ignoring the suffering of victims and social criticism. This distorted doctrine provided a religious justification for Aum’s criminal acts. Takashi Nakajima also pointed out that Aum’s doctrine *Mantrayana Vajrayana*, compiled based on Tibetan Buddhist esoteric scriptures, contains content that affirms theft, murder, adultery, and other acts, which was precisely Asahara’s theoretical armament, unrelated to his own religious experience, to accommodate murder. Based on this, the Japanese National Police Agency also called this Aum doctrine the “murder doctrine.”

对于奥姆对传统宗教理论的吸收网罗，学界普遍认为奥姆是利用各种宗教经典将自身的反社会行为正当化。藤田庄市指出，麻原在说法的过程中会根据需要对宗教理论进行肆意曲解，如将藏传佛教中原本意为“引领死者的灵魂前往高层次世界”的“颇瓦（Phowa）”解读为出于救济目的的杀人，将佛教中原本意为舍掉分别执著之心的“舍无量心”解读为无视受害者的痛苦和社会的批判，这种曲解的教义为奥姆实施犯罪行为提供了宗教性的理由。中岛尚志也指出，麻原以藏传佛教密宗经典为蓝本编写的教义《真言秘密金刚乘（Tantra Vajrayana）》中存在肯定偷盗、杀人、不伦等行为的内容，这正是麻原为包容杀人行为而进行的与自身宗教体验无关的理论武装。基于此，日本警视厅也将奥姆的该教义称为“杀人教义”。

In summary, academic research has revealed that Aum’s seemingly broad and profound ideology is in fact a mixing of various traditional religious theories driven by practical needs, rather than some kind of development or deepening, and that Aum, through arbitrary distortion of religious scriptures to defend its antisocial behavior, its ideology is also a misuse of traditional religious theories.

总之，学界的研究揭示了奥姆看似广博精深的思想理论实则是现实需求下对各种传统宗教理论的杂糅，而非某种发展或深化，且奥姆通过肆意曲解宗教经典以维护自身的反社会行为，其思想理论同时也是对传统宗教理论的恶用。

(2) Internal Structure — Hierarchical System, Personality Cult, and Mind Control

（二）内部结构——等级体系、个人崇拜与精神控制

Regarding Aum’s internal structure, journalists, former believers, and scholars have exposed and analyzed the hierarchy, personality cult, and mind control within Aum from different perspectives. Journalists Ken’ichi Masubuchi and Shōko Egawa discovered through investigation that Aum had a clear “class” and “money-and-points system,” forming a strictly hierarchical organizational structure and a frenzied personality cult centered on Shōkō Asahara. Former believers have also provided numerous descriptions of Aum’s internal dynamics in interviews and memoirs. Akio Hamura stated in an interview with Haruki Murakami: “In Aum, if you weren’t at a certain level, you couldn’t say anything, and to reach that level, you needed the corresponding money. Only after reaching a certain level could you ask Shōkō Asahara questions.” [1]1 Aum Shinrikyo: A Japanese doomsday cult founded by Shoko Asahara in 1984, responsible for the 1995 sarin gas attack on the Tokyo subway. Tatsuya Nagasaka wrote in his account of leaving the cult that Aum employed multiple methods to impose “mind control” on believers, including “deliberately concealing Aum Shinrikyo’s identity when proselytizing, cutting off information, sleep deprivation, malnutrition, confessions, repeated viewing of videos and audio recordings, mantras and scriptures, as well as imprisonment and drug injections.” Ikuo Hayashi wrote in his notes: “One felt no need for individual consciousness to think about problems, ultimately becoming a state where everyone became a single whole, all looking in one direction,” and “Living in ‘Asahara’s world,’ we could not refuse Asahara’s instructions no matter what.” Through their personal experiences, these former believers revealed from an insider’s perspective the reality of Aum’s hierarchy, personality cult, and mind control.

对于奥姆的内部结构，记者、原信徒和学者从不同视角揭露和分析了奥姆内部存在的等级体系、个人崇拜与精神控制。记者降幡贤一和江川绍子调查发现，奥姆内部存在明确的“阶级”与“金钱与积分的体系”，形成了等级森严的组织结构和对麻原疯狂的个人崇拜。原信徒在访谈和回忆录中也有诸多对奥姆内部形态的描述。波村秋生在接受村上春树采访时表示：“奥姆那地方，不上层次就什么也谈不上，而要上层次，就要有相应的钱。上到一定层次才能向麻原彰晃提问”，“麻原走路的时候，信徒赶紧把自己穿的衣服铺在地上，让他在那上面走”。永冈辰哉在离教的经验中写到，奥姆采用多种手法对信徒实施“精神控制”，包括“故意隐瞒奥姆真理教的身份传教、隔断信息、睡眠不足、营养不良、告白、反复视听影像、录音、真言和经文，还有被囚禁、注射药物等”。林郁夫在手记中写到：“感觉不到个体拥有思考意识去思考问题的必要性，最终变成了所有人成为一个整体、眼望一个方向的状态”，“生活在‘麻原的世界’里的我们，无论如何都无法拒绝麻原的指示”。这些原信徒通过自身经历，从当事人视角展现了奥姆内部的等级体系、个人崇拜与精神控制的真实情况。

On the basis of clarifying the actual state of Aum’s internal structure, academia has also conducted in-depth research into the mechanisms of Aum’s personality cult and mind control. Regarding the personality cult of Asahara, sociologist Gentarō Mizugaki argues that the “charismatic” relationship formed between Aum’s believers and Asahara transcended the organization’s rules and doctrinal concepts, leading believers to develop an extreme “charismatic” ideology, such that they recognized only Asahara’s “charismatic” authority and took their relationship with Asahara as the sole norm. Religious scholar Jun Takashima points out that Aum’s renunciation system treated Asahara as a surrogate father in a “fictive family,” with disciples believing in the father’s infallibility like infants. Every time the father made a mistake, believers constructed some theory to prove it was not a mistake, so that accumulated errors grew increasingly severe. Mizugaki and Takashima’s research reveals from different angles the formation of the personality cult within Aum.

在厘清奥姆内部结构实态的基础上，学界也对奥姆个人崇拜和精神控制的机制展开了深入探究。关于对麻原的个人崇拜，社会学者水垣源太郎认为，奥姆的信徒和麻原之间形成的“卡里斯马（Charisma）”性质的关系超越了教团组织的规则和教义的理念，导致信徒产生过激的“卡里斯马”主义观念，以至于只认可麻原的“卡里斯马”权威，将与麻原的关系作为唯一的规范。宗教学者高岛淳指出，奥姆的出家制度将麻原看作“拟制家族”中的拟似父亲，弟子像幼儿一样坚信父亲的无误性。每次父亲犯错，信徒就构建出某种理论证明其并非错误，以至于积累的错误越来越严重。水垣和高岛的研究从不同角度揭示了奥姆内部个人崇拜的形成。

In research on mind control, social psychologist Kimiaki Nishida defines the “mind control” of destructive cults as “the temporary or permanent influence and manipulation of another person’s mental processes (cognition, emotion) and actions by others, without the person themselves being aware of being influenced, for the purpose of achieving the organization’s goals,” and points out that Aum believers’ criminal behavior resulted from a psychological operation that habitualized cruel and extraordinary daily practices, causing believers to delegate decision-making authority to the cult leader and develop conditioned responses to the various meanings assigned to criminal acts. Religious scholar Naoko Hirano, through analysis of teaching materials used within the cult, found that Aum required all believers to accept and memorize Asahara’s statements without question, pursuing ideological uniformity. Religious scholar Shūkō Aomi also, after analyzing recordings of Asahara’s teachings, pointed out that Asahara focused on more shocking content such as eschatology and Aum’s worldview for those outside the cult, while his teachings for renunciant believers and direct disciples contained more elements of personality control. Regarding the “mind control theory” advocated by scholars like Nishida, religious scholars such as Yoshihide Sakurai and Toshikata Ōta have raised doubts, arguing that believers’ behavior cannot be simply attributed to the cult leader’s mind control. Despite the controversy, research on mind control remains significant for understanding the internal structure and operational mechanisms of Aum and other cult groups, as well as for exploring corresponding countermeasures.

在精神控制的研究方面，社会心理学者西田公昭将破坏性邪教的“精神控制”定义为“为达成组织的目的，其他人在本人没有察觉到受人影响的情况下，一时性地或永久性地影响并操控其个人的精神过程（认知、情感）和行动”，并指出奥姆信徒的犯罪行为是通过将残忍且非日常化的生活习惯化这样一种心理操作，使信徒将意志决定权委托给教祖，并对犯罪行为被赋予的各种意义产生条件反射的结果。宗教学者平野直子通过对教团内部使用的教材进行分析，发现奥姆要求所有信徒不加怀疑的接受和记忆麻原的言论，追求思想上的统一化。宗教学者碧海寿广也在对麻原的说法录音进行分析后指出，麻原对于教团以外的人侧重于讲述末世论和奥姆的世界观等冲击感较强的内容，对于出家信徒和直系弟子的说法则有更多人格控制的成分。对于西田等学者主张的“精神控制论”，樱井义秀、大田俊宽等宗教学者提出质疑，认为不能将信徒的行为简单归结为教祖的精神控制。尽管存在争议，精神控制的相关研究对于理解奥姆及其他邪教团体的内部构造和运行机制，以及探讨相应的应对策略仍然具有重要意义。

(3) Social Activities — Greedy Pursuit of Economic and Political Interests

（三）社会活动——对经济政治利益的贪婪追求

Many journalists, former believers, and scholars have also analyzed Aum’s various social activities in their writings, exposing Aum’s greedy pursuit of economic and political interests. In terms of economic activities, journalist Shōko Egawa systematically listed Aum’s numerous and costly fundraising items, including membership fees, yoga course fees, lecture fees, ritual participation fees, and pointed out that Aum established a loan mechanism for believers unable to pay these fees. Journalist Haruyoshi Seguchi comprehensively reviewed the business sectors Aum was involved in, covering computer sales, real estate, publishing, catering, and other industries. Because the believers working in these sectors were almost unpaid laborers, all industries achieved relatively high profits. Former believer Hidetoshi Takahashi used his personal experience to denounce Aum’s exploitation and oppression of believers: “Many lay believers sold their own land to pay for the PSI (Perfect Salvation Initiation) fee, and those without money did not hesitate to borrow. Some were even forced to seek help from the cult to repay debts, or directly borrowed money from the cult, and as a result, had to work in companies run by the cult to repay the money. The cult’s companies paid very meager wages, and repaying a debt of 10 million yen was no easy task. They were thus firmly tied to the cult, penned in until death.”

诸多记者、原信徒和学者也在书作中对奥姆的各类社会活动展开分析，揭露了奥姆对经济政治利益的贪婪追求。经济活动方面，记者江川绍子系统列举了奥姆数量繁多又费用高昂的各种敛财名目，包含会员费、瑜伽课程费、讲座费、仪式参与费用等，并指出奥姆为此建立起向无力支付费用的信徒贷款的机制。记者濑口晴义全面盘点了奥姆涉足的商业领域，涵盖电脑销售、房地产、出版、餐饮等多个行业。由于从业的信徒几乎是无偿劳动，所有产业均能取得较高的收益。原信徒高桥英利则以亲身经历控诉奥姆对信徒的盘剥和压榨：“不少在家信徒为支付PSI（彻底拯救仪式）的费用卖掉自己拥有的土地，没有钱的不惜借贷。有人甚至被迫求助于教团来偿还债务，或者直接跟教团借钱，结果为了还钱不得不在教团经营的公司工作。教团的公司工资很微薄，要偿还1000万日元的债务绝非易事。他们就这样被教团牢牢拴住，圈养至死”。

In terms of political activities, Aum formed the political party Aum Shinri Party in 1989 and participated in the Japanese House of Representatives election the following year, attempting to advance into the political world. Regarding this, former Aum executive Kiyohide Hayakawa pointed out that the administrative obstacles Aum encountered during the process of obtaining religious corporation status and advancing a series of construction plans made Asahara recognize the necessity of political power. Religious scholar Yumiko Shimada believes that Aum’s series of crimes originated from covering up the deaths of believers during training; to prevent this secret from leaking, Aum committed one crime after another, ultimately using the advance into politics as a means to conceal all crimes. These analyses of Aum’s economic and political activities expose Aum’s greedy pursuit of worldly money and power under the cloak of religion, reflecting typical characteristics of cult groups.

政治活动方面，奥姆曾于1989年结成政党奥姆真理党，并于次年参加了日本众议院选举，试图向政界进军。对此，奥姆原干部早川纪代秀指出，奥姆在宗教法人认定和一系列建设计划推进过程中感受到的行政阻碍使麻原认识到了政治力量的必要性。宗教学者岛田裕巳认为，奥姆的一系列犯罪源于隐瞒信徒修行中死亡的事件，为了防止这个秘密泄露，奥姆制造了一次又一次的犯罪，最终将进军政界作为隐瞒所有罪行的手段之一。这些对奥姆经济政治活动的分析揭露了奥姆在宗教的外衣之下贪婪地追求世俗的金钱与权力，体现了邪教团体的典型特征。

2. Inquiry into the Causes of Aum Shinrikyo’s Emergence and Development

二、对奥姆真理教产生发展的原因探究

While dissecting Aum’s internal characteristics, Japanese society has also reflected on the social causes of Aum’s emergence and development. These social causes can be summarized into five aspects: Japan’s social system problems, the absence of religious supervision, the social trend of seeking spirituality, sensationalist media reporting, and erroneous interpretations by scholars.

在剖析奥姆内部特征的同时，日本社会也在反思奥姆产生和发展的社会原因，这些社会原因可以总结为日本的社会体制问题、宗教监管的缺位、追求精神性的社会风潮、媒体的猎奇性报道和学者的错误解读等五个方面。

(1) Japan’s Social System Problems

（一）日本的社会体制问题

Many studies attribute the root cause of Aum’s formation to Japan’s unique social system. Writer Haruki Murakami believes that Aum absorbed people who had slipped out of Japan’s main system, because Japanese society lacked effective and normal sub-systems to receive these people. As long as this essential defect remains, Aum-like entities as adsorbents may appear again. Former believer Fumihiro Joyu points out that Aum had many commonalities with the Japanese Empire (1989–1945), [2]2 Nakazawa: Likely refers to Shin'ichi Nakazawa, a Japanese anthropologist and religious scholar who studied Aum. not only in the behavior of suicide bombings and suicide attacks, but also in the religious ideology of revering the divine and ruling the world behind such behavior, and was also very similar in terms of information control and hostility toward the United States. Religious scholar Takashi Nakajima compares Aum to postwar Japan, arguing that no other organization has so thoroughly displayed the shortcomings of postwar Japan. American scholars have expressed similar views: Daniel Metraux believes that Japan’s young people are in a highly uniform society with no escape, and Aum provided young people with a coordinated, stress-free society, which is precisely why Aum gathered a large number of believers. Robert Lifton also points out that State Shinto after Japan’s Meiji Restoration provided a precedent for Aum Shinrikyo’s guru faith. [3]3 Shimada: Likely refers to Hiromi Shimada, a Japanese religious scholar who had close ties with Asahara.

诸多研究将奥姆形成的根本原因归结为日本特有的社会体制。作家村上春树认为，奥姆吸收的是从日本社会这一主体制（main system）中滑落的人，这是因为日本社会不存在接收这些人的有效而正常的次体制（sub system）。只要这一本质性缺陷不变，作为吸附体的奥姆性存在就可能还要登场。原信徒上祐史浩指出，奥姆与日本帝国（1989-1945）有许多共通之处，不仅体现在自爆战争、自爆袭击的行为上，还体现在这种行为背后尊神与统治天下的宗教性思想上，且在信息管控、仇视美国等方面也十分相似。宗教学者中岛尚志则将奥姆与战后的日本相类比，认为没有哪一个组织能像奥姆那样把战后日本的缺点展现得如此淋漓尽致。对此，美国学者也有类似观点，丹尼尔•梅特罗认为日本的年轻人处于一个无处逃避的高度整齐划一的社会，而奥姆为年轻人提供了一个协调的没有压力的社会，这正是奥姆聚集了大量信徒的原因，罗伯特•利夫顿也指出日本明治维新以后的国家神道教为奥姆真理教的尊师信仰提供了先例。

The above research, on the one hand, reveals that characteristics of Japanese society such as “uniformity” and “exclusivity” drove ordinary people toward Aum, that is, Aum was an ideal state created by people out of dissatisfaction with society and to compensate for the deficiencies of reality. On the other hand, it also clarifies that the defects of Japan’s social system provided the political, ideological, and other foundations for the emergence of Aum. Traits such as the cult of personality, dictatorial rule, and extreme exclusivity characteristic of Aum were all reflected in past or present Japanese social systems; that is, Aum itself was also a microcosm of Japanese society.

以上研究一方面揭示了日本社会的“划一性”、“排异性”等特点促使一般人走向奥姆，即奥姆是人们出于对社会的不满并为弥补现实的不足而创造出的理想国，另一方面也阐明了日本的社会体制缺陷为奥姆的产生提供了政治、思想等各方面的基础，奥姆具有的个人崇拜、DC专制、极端排外等特质都在过去或现在的日本社会体制中有所体现，即奥姆本身又是日本社会的一个缩影。

(2) The Absence of Religious Supervision

（二）宗教监管的缺位

Some scholars and legal professionals have pointed out that the long-standing absence of religious supervision in Japan provided conditions for Aum’s expansion. Religious scholar Sakurai Yoshihide believes that an overly lenient environment for religious supervision promoted Aum’s growth. According to the Religious Corporations Law enacted in 1951, as long as a religious group—whether or not it had already obtained religious corporation status—did not engage in organized crimes that clearly violated public welfare, the group would face no restrictions. Moreover, as long as the application elements for a religious corporation (doctrine, believers, rules, etc.) were complete, the supervisory authorities were obliged to certify it. It was precisely this situation, conducive to the establishment and development of religious groups, that allowed Aum to freely carry out missionary and educational activities like other groups. Lawyer Kito Masaki also pointed out, based on his own experience combating cults, that before the Tokyo subway sarin attack, cults were not subject to legal or social supervision in Japan. After 1995, although legal regulations regarding cults were still incomplete, social scrutiny became stricter, making it difficult for large cults to emerge. Furthermore, lawyer Takimoto Taro criticized the police authorities for failing to effectively perform their supervisory functions due to preconceived notions (the religious-goodness theory), and for being negligent and error-prone in investigating Aum’s series of criminal incidents, leading to the continuous escalation of Aum’s malicious events.

有学者和法律界人士指出长期以来日本宗教监管的缺位为奥姆的壮大提供了条件。宗教学者樱井义秀认为，过于宽松的宗教监管环境促进了奥姆的成长。依据1951年出台的《宗教法人法》，无论是尚未获得还是已经获得宗教法人资格的宗教团体，只要不涉及明显违背公共福祉的组织型犯罪，教团就不会受到任何限制。且只要宗教法人的申请要素（教义、信徒、规则等）齐全，监管部门就必须予以认证。正是这种适宜宗教团体创立和发展的状况，使得奥姆能够同其他教团一样自由地开展传教和教化等活动。律师纪藤正树也结合自身对抗邪教（cult）的经历指出，在东京地铁沙林事件发生前，邪教在日本不受法律和社会监管。1995年以后，尽管法律上对于邪教的规制尚不完备，但社会的审视变得严厉，大型邪教变得难以登场。此外，律师泷本太郎批判警察机关出于先入为主的观念（宗教性善论）未能有效发挥监管职能，在调查奥姆一系列犯罪事件的过程中麻痹懈怠、错误频出，导致奥姆恶性事件不断升级。

Based on the lessons of the Aum incident, the Japanese government quickly revised the Religious Corporations Law, strengthening post-event supervision, information disclosure, and certification review, thereby enhancing state-level oversight of religious corporations. However, the Religious Corporations Law limits the authority of religious supervisory departments to “non-religious” management and operations, and they have no right to intervene in “religious” affairs within religious groups. At the same time, Japan also lacks a definition of cults and related legislation on cults. After the assassination of Shinzo Abe in 2022, calls within Japan for enacting anti-cult legislation modeled on France’s experience grew louder, highlighting the current deficiencies in Japan’s religious supervision.

基于奥姆事件的教训，日本政府迅速修订了《宗教法人法》，强化了事后监督、信息公开和认证审查等内容，从国家层面加强了对宗教法人的监管。然而，《宗教法人法》将宗教监管部门的权限限制在“非宗教性”的管理运营方面，无权介入宗教团体内部的“宗教性”事务。同时，日本也缺乏对邪教的界定和邪教相关立法。2022年的安倍晋三遇刺事件后，日本国内要求参照法国的经验制定反邪教立法的呼声高涨，凸显了当前日本在宗教监管上的不足。

(3) The Social Trend of Seeking Spirituality

（三）追求精神性的社会风潮

Some scholars and former believers also believe that Aum’s emergence stemmed from a social trend of seeking spirituality. After the 1970s, a supernatural boom appeared in Japan, with TV programs on psychic powers, paranormal phenomena, and UFOs becoming very popular, and various apocalyptic prophecies prevailing. Religious scholar Watanabe Manabu points out that Aum’s emergence was precisely based on such a social background that emphasized individuality and spirituality, shifting from the pursuit of material things to the pursuit of the spiritual. Religious scholar Shimada Hiromi commented: “Aum’s greatest appeal was that it provided methods of practice for mystical experiences and a place for practice. Among the believers were many young people, including many with high levels of education. From the bubble economy era until its end, they could not follow the trend of the times that prioritized money, and they developed a sense of nihilism toward it.” Religious scholar Nakajima Takashi notes that the monastic system and yoga techniques Aum established for leaving the secular world and pursuing the inner world were precisely the charm that attracted young people to join Aum. In the memoir of former believer Hayashi Ikuo, one can also see that his motivation for joining contained suspicion and denial of material society: “People are busy pursuing status and reputation, money and pleasure, but neglect the preciousness of being human. Like insects and animals, they pursue the momentary pleasures before their eyes, then sit and wait for death,” while “Aum was precisely meant to convey the teachings of Shakyamuni, telling people there is another way of life.”

也有学者和原信徒认为奥姆的产生源于一种追求精神性的社会风潮。20世纪70年代以后，日本出现了超自然热潮，超能力、灵异、UFO等电视节目大受欢迎，各种末日预言盛行。宗教学者渡边学指出，奥姆的产生正是基于这样一种强调个性和精神性、从追求物质转向追求精神的社会背景。宗教学者岛田裕巳评论道：“奥姆最大的魅力就是提供了神秘体验的修行方法和进行实践的场所。信徒中有很多年轻人，其中不乏高学历的人。从泡沫经济时代开始直至结束，他们无法跟从金钱至上的时代潮流，并对其产生了虚无感。”宗教学者中岛尚志指出，奥姆为脱离俗世、追求内在世界而创立的出家制度和瑜伽技法，正是吸引年轻人加入奥姆的魅力所在。在原信徒林郁夫的手记中也能看到，其入教的动机里含有对物质社会的怀疑和否定：“人忙于追求地位与名誉、金钱和快乐，却忽略了生而为人的宝贵。像虫子和动物一样追求眼前的一时之乐，然后坐等老死”，而“奥姆正是要传达释迦牟尼的教诲，告诉人们还有一种不同的生活方式”。

Aum emerged in response to Japan’s social trend of seeking spirituality, and the world of practice it created catered to people’s need for spirituality at the time, thus attracting many believers to join and follow it. However, the occurrence of the Aum incident did not mean the end of this social trend. After the 1990s, a so-called “spirituality” trend emerged in Japan, emphasizing the achievement of personal consciousness awakening and self-change through transcendent and mystical experiences. This trend gave rise to diverse commercial forms such as fortune-telling, psychological counseling, and self-help courses, showing that people’s pursuit of spirituality continues unabated.

奥姆在日本追求精神性的社会风潮中应运而生，其创造的修行世界迎合了当时人们追求精神性的需求，因而得到诸多信徒的加入和追捧。但奥姆事件的发生并不意味着这种社会风潮的终结。20世纪90年代以后，日本出现了所谓的“灵性（Spirituality）”潮流，强调通过超越性、神秘性的体验实现个人的意识觉醒和自我改变。这一潮流催生了占卜、心理咨询、自我启发课程等多样化的商业形式，显示人们对精神性的追求依然持续不衰。

In the process of Aum’s growth, sensationalist media reporting was also considered a factor that contributed to Aum’s expansion. Regarding the early promotional coverage by Japanese supernatural magazines such as *MU* of Asahara’s psychic powers, apocalyptic prophecies, and concepts of an ideal state, religious scholar Fujita Shoichi believed: “Although the editors and most readers of *MU* would not believe it, there must have been a few people who believed it was real. When these people successfully absorbed nutrients from the social environment, they would form real supernatural religious groups, the most extreme of which was Aum Shinrikyo.” This view affirms the role of magazine media in the conversion of Aum believers. Regarding the situation where Asahara appeared multiple times on TV talk shows and entertainment programs, journalist Egawa Shoko pointed out that some TV stations invited Asahara and other leaders to participate in programs, but were exploited by Aum, turning the TV stations into platforms for Aum’s self-promotion. Religious scholar Kojima Nobuyuki also believes that in the comprehensive TV programs Asahara participated in early on, because the TV stations found it difficult to refuse Aum’s various strong demands, the TV programs ended up becoming a means for Aum to defend itself. NHK special reporting team member Nakamura Naofumi reflected: “The media had long been negligent in disseminating the voices of victims, always reporting with a sensationalist attitude. They eagerly displayed photos of Asahara floating in the air, let Asahara appear on stage, and broadcast his statements, which in turn promoted the expansion of the cult.”

在奥姆的成长过程中，媒体的猎奇性报道也被认为是助长奥姆扩张的因素之一。针对《姆（MU）》等日本国内的超自然类杂志早期对麻原的超能力、末日预言和理想国观念等内容的宣传报道，宗教学者藤田庄市认为：“尽管《姆（MU）》的编辑人员和大部分读者都不会相信，但肯定有少数人相信它是真实的。当这些人成功的从社会环境中吸取到养分的时候，就会形成真实的超自然性的宗教团体，其中最极端的就是奥姆真理教”，这一观点肯定了杂志媒体在奥姆信徒的转化方面所发挥的作用。对于麻原多次出演电视访谈节目和娱乐节目的情况，记者江川绍子指出部分电视台邀请麻原和其他干部参加节目，但却被奥姆利用了，使电视台成为奥姆进行自我宣传的平台。宗教学者小岛伸之也认为，在麻原早期参与的综合性电视节目中，由于电视台难以拒绝奥姆的各种强硬要求，结果导致电视节目沦为奥姆进行自我辩护的手段。NHK特别采访组成员中村直文反省说：“媒体一直疏于传播受害者的声音，总是抱着猎奇的态度在报道。他们兴趣昂然的展示麻原空中漂浮的照片，让麻原登台露面，播放其说辞，结果促进了教团的扩大。”

After the Tokyo subway sarin attack, the media, especially influential television media, stopped all variety shows related to psychic powers and no longer made any reports on religious groups that might have a promotional effect. This can be said to be a major lesson learned from the Aum incident.

东京地铁沙林事件以后，媒体尤其是影响力较大的电视媒体中止了所有与超能力相关的综艺节目，并不再对任何宗教团体做出可能产生宣传效果的报道，这可以说是从奥姆事件中吸取的巨大教训。

(4) Misinterpretations by Scholars

（四）学者的错误解读

In addition, some scholars have pointed out that the misinterpretations of Aum by certain scholars also played a positive role in enhancing Aum’s social image and visibility. Religious scholars Tsukada Hodaka and Hirano Naoko point out that multiple scholars defended or positively evaluated Aum in interviews, submissions, or TV programs they appeared in, helping to boost Aum’s social visibility. Among them, the most representative were three religious scholars: Nakazawa Shin’ichi, Yamazori Tetsuo, and Shimada Hiromi. These three lacked sufficient investigation and verification of Aum’s actual situation, overlooked the danger and particularity inherent in Aum itself, and conveyed erroneous religious information to society. After the Tokyo subway sarin attack, these scholars faced strong social criticism and came forward to defend themselves, with Shimada even stating bluntly that he had been deceived by Aum.

此外，也有学者指出，部分学者对奥姆的错误解读也为提升奥姆的社会形象和知名度发挥了积极作用。宗教学者塚田穗高、平野直子指出，有多位学者在访谈、投稿或出演的电视节目中拥护或积极评价奥姆，为提升奥姆的社会知名度助了一臂之力。其中最具代表性的有中泽新一、山折哲雄和岛田裕巳三位宗教学者，三人对奥姆的真实状况缺乏充分的调查和验证，忽视了奥姆本身具有的危险性和特殊性，向社会传达了错误的宗教信息。东京地铁沙林事件后，这些学者受到社会的强烈批判，纷纷出来做辩解，岛田更是直言被奥姆蒙蔽。

In this regard, religious scholar Iwata Fumiaki analyzed that Nakazawa's problem mainly lay in his erroneous perception of Aum's "anti-social nature" and, due to a research concept that prioritized experience over text, he legitimized Aum's "misreading" of religious texts, while Shimada's problem mainly lay in his loss of an objective stance during the research process due to his close relationship with Asahara, thereby being continuously exploited by Aum. Based on the failure in Aum research, religious scholar Inoue Nobutaka pointed out that researchers must conduct thorough investigations and fully consider the impact of their own statements on the parties involved and society. Religious scholar Ito Masayuki proposed that for a case like Aum, which used researchers for propaganda, deceived researchers, had a divergence between its doctrine and practice, and could not be fully understood through interpreting the group's internal language, the research paradigm emphasizing internal understanding in religious studies was unworkable. Furthermore, after the Aum incident, religious scholars such as Sakurai Yoshihide and Fujita Shoichi began to conduct in-depth research on theories related to cults and other cult cases represented by the Unification Church, expanding general religious research into the specific field of cult studies. These reflect the academic community's reflection on researchers' research attitudes, research paradigms, and research perspectives.

对此，宗教学者岩田文昭分析认为，中泽的问题主要体现在错误认知奥姆的“反社会性”，并出于轻文本重体验的研究观念将奥姆对宗教文本的“误读”正当化，而岛田的问题则主要体现在受到与麻原的亲密关系影响，在研究过程中丧失了客观性的立场，从而不断被奥姆利用。基于在奥姆研究上的失败，宗教学者井上顺孝指出研究者务必开展绵密的调查，并充分考虑自身言论对当事人和社会的影响。宗教学者伊藤雅之提出，对于奥姆这种利用研究者进行宣传、欺骗研究者，其教义与实践相背离且无法通过解读教团内部语言来理解教团全貌的情况，宗教学上强调内在理解的研究范式是行不通的。此外，奥姆事件后，樱井义秀、藤田庄市等宗教学者开始围绕邪教的相关理论和以统一教会为代表的其他邪教案例展开深入研究，将一般的宗教研究扩展到具体的邪教研究领域。这些反映了学界对于研究者的研究态度、研究范式和研究视角的反思。

III. Reflections on Countermeasures Against Cults

三、对邪教应对之策的思考

In addition to strengthening the supervision of religious legal persons at the national level, various sectors of Japanese society have also engaged in thinking about how to deal with cults based on the lessons learned from the Aum incident. The proposed countermeasures can be mainly summarized into two aspects: vigilance and prevention at the individual level, and publicity and assistance at the social level.

除了从国家层面加强对宗教法人的监管，日本社会各界也结合奥姆事件的经验教训就如何应对邪教展开了思考，提出的相关应对之策主要可归纳为个人层面的警惕与防范和社会层面的宣传与帮扶两方面。

(I) Vigilance and Prevention at the Individual Level

（一）个人层面的警惕与防范

Various sectors of Japanese society have put forward various insights and suggestions regarding vigilance and prevention at the individual level. Religious scholar Watanabe Manabu pointed out that people who become addicted to new religious movements and cults often seek something different from tradition; however, without knowledge of traditional religion and culture, one cannot detect the oddities of those groups. If one possesses basic knowledge of Buddhism, Hinduism, and others, it might be possible to prevent incidents like Aum, emphasizing the necessity and importance of individuals understanding religious knowledge. Religious scholars Hirano Naoko and Tsukada Hodaka believe that individuals should use critical thinking to scrutinize "authoritative" statements made by the media and experts, and should possess the ability to think and judge when faced with complex religious information, emphasizing that individuals should have independent thinking and correct judgment regarding the statements of the media and experts. Religious scholar Inoue Nobutaka focused on Aum's pseudo-scientific characteristics, pointing out that it is very meaningful for many groups in modern society to pursue harmony between religion and science, but if a group unilaterally displays scientific evidence and uses science as a condition to lure people into joining, such a group should be viewed with vigilance, emphasizing that individuals should have a sense of alertness and the ability to discern religious groups with pseudo-scientific properties. Social psychologist Nishida Kimiaki pointed out that when facing the mind control of cult groups, one should focus on reserving judgment, collecting information, maintaining rational thinking, and continuously confirming the current situation, providing a reference for individuals to guard against the mind control of cult groups.

日本社会各界就个人层面的警惕与防范提出了各种见解和建议。宗教学者渡边学指出，沉溺于新兴宗教和邪教的人往往寻求不同于传统的东西，然而对传统宗教和传统文化缺乏了解就无法发现那些团体的怪异之处，如果能具备佛教、印度教及其他一些基本知识，可能就能够防止奥姆之类事件的发生，强调个人了解宗教相关知识的必要性和重要性。宗教学者平野直子、塚田穗高认为，个人对于媒体和专家发表的“权威性”言论要用批判性思维去审读，面对纷繁复杂的宗教信息时应当具有思考和判断的能力，强调个人对于媒体和专家的言论要具有独立的思考和正确的判断。宗教学者井上顺孝关注奥姆伪科学的特点，指出现代社会有很多教团追求宗教与科学的和谐是很有意义的，但如果一味展示科学性的依据并将科学作为诱人入教的条件，这样的教团要予以警惕，强调个人对于具有伪科学性质的宗教团体应具有警惕心和鉴别能力。社会心理学者西田公昭指出，面对邪教团体的精神控制时要注重保留判断、收集信息、保持理性思维、不断确认现状等，为个人防范邪教团体的精神控制提供了参考。

(II) Publicity and Assistance at the Social Level

（二）社会层面的宣传与帮扶

At the social level, religious scholar Shimada Hiromi proposed that the media should report on religion from a neutral standpoint, and it is necessary to teach audiences methods for understanding religion, advocating that the media play a role in correctly conveying religious information. In 1998, the Japan Institute for Religious Studies, a public interest incorporated foundation, opened the website of the Religious Information Research Center. This website collects and makes public a large amount of news reports on religion, basic information on religious groups, religious publications, and explanatory videos by religious scholars. This initiative provides the public with a relatively authoritative path for obtaining religious information, helping the public accurately identify and judge various religious information. In response to the characteristic of cult groups such as Aleph (the successor group to Aum Shinrikyo), the Unification Church, and Providence targeting young people, especially university students, as their main proselytizing targets, religious scholars such as Sakurai Yoshihide and Kawashima Kenji proposed measures such as teaching modern religious knowledge to university students and introducing information on cult groups. They also participated in carrying out campus anti-cult propaganda, counseling, and assistance activities to resist the erosion of university campuses by cults. Furthermore, after the Aum incident, psychologists, religious scholars, lawyers, and others formed the Japan De-Culting Association, dedicated to providing exit counseling for cult followers. The Japan De-Culting Association proposed that when providing psychological counseling to cult members, emphasis should be placed on equal communication, active expression, attentive listening, and natural demeanor, providing a reference for helping cult followers leave their groups and achieve psychological and spiritual recovery.

在社会层面，宗教学者岛田裕巳提出，媒体应当站在中立的角度去报道宗教，并且有必要教授观众认知宗教的方法，主张媒体在正确传递宗教信息方面发挥作用。1998年，日本公益财团法人国际宗教研究所开设了宗教信息调查中心的网站，该网站汇集并公开了大量关于宗教的新闻报道、宗教团体的基本信息、宗教刊物以及宗教学者的解说视频等资源。这一举措为社会大众获取宗教信息提供了较为权威的路径，有助于公众对各种宗教信息进行准确地鉴别和判断。针对阿莱夫（奥姆真理教的后继团体）、统一教会、摄理等邪教团体以年轻群体、尤其以大学生群体为主要传教对象的特点，樱井义秀、川岛坚二等宗教学者提出要向高校学生讲授现代宗教知识、介绍邪教团体信息等举措，并通过参与开展校园反邪教宣讲、咨询和帮扶活动等形式，抵制邪教对大学校园的侵蚀。此外，奥姆事件后，心理学家、宗教学者、律师等人士结成日本脱离邪教协会，致力于对邪教信徒实施离教帮扶。日本脱离邪教协会提出，在对邪教成员进行心理疏导时应注重平等交流、主动表达、积极倾听、状态自然等要点，为帮助邪教信徒离教及实现心理和精神上的恢复提供了参考。

In recent years, an increasing number of Japanese universities have reminded students to enhance their awareness of cult prevention through freshman orientation or official websites, and while providing relevant counseling and assistance services to students, they have strengthened information sharing and exchange and collaboration among universities. University campuses have become the main front for resisting cults in Japan. However, as cult groups have shifted their proselytizing activities to cyberspace, Providence and some small cult groups are growing and strengthening with the help of online tools, and Japan's response to cults still appears weak and ineffective, with limited results.

近年来，日本越来越多的大学通过新生入学教育或官方网站提醒学生增强邪教防范意识，并在为学生提供相关咨询和帮扶服务的同时强化大学间的信息共享与交流协作，大学校园已成为日本抵制邪教的主阵地。然而，随着邪教团体将传教活动转移到网络空间，摄理和一些小邪教团体正在借助网络工具成长壮大，日本的邪教应对仍然显得软弱无力，收效有限。

IV. Conclusion

四、结语

In summary, over the past twenty-plus years, Japanese society has engaged in multi-faceted reflections on the Aum incident. Various studies have revealed the cult characteristics of Aum, namely, the mixing and misuse of traditional religious theories in ideology and theory, the existence of a hierarchical system, personality cult, and mind control in internal structure, and the greedy pursuit of economic and political interests in social activities. These cult characteristics of Aum are also largely reflected in cult groups such as the Unification Church and Providence, providing an important reference for recognizing and identifying cults. At the same time, the analysis of Aum's internal structure also provides important support for understanding the formation and operational mechanisms of cult groups, thereby effectively preventing their social harm.

总结来说，近二十余年来日本社会对奥姆事件展开了多角度的反思。各种研究揭示了奥姆的邪教特征，即在思想理论上对传统宗教理论进行杂糅与恶用，在内部结构上存在等级体系、个人崇拜与精神控制，在社会活动上贪婪地追求经济政治利益。奥姆的这些邪教特征在统一教会、摄理等邪教团体身上都有较多体现，为认知和辨别邪教提供了重要参照。同时，对奥姆内部构造的分析也为了解邪教团体的形成和运作机制，进而有效地防范其社会危害提供了重要支撑。

Numerous studies have also explored the reasons for the emergence and development of Aum, attributing them to multiple factors such as Japan's social system problems, the absence of religious supervision, the social trend of pursuing spirituality, sensationalist reporting by the media, and erroneous interpretations by scholars. It can be seen that the occurrence of the Aum incident was the result of the interaction of multiple factors. Among them, Japan's social system problems and the social trend of pursuing spirituality are environmental factors that provided the soil for Aum's rise. Japan's unique social environment gave rise to a large number of isolated marginalized groups and consumer groups keen on pursuing spirituality. Such social groups are easily co-opted by cult groups and provide nourishment for the growth of cult groups. Judging from the current proselytizing characteristics of Japanese cult groups, Aleph, Providence, and others still focus on absorbing isolated marginalized groups in society and attract followers to join using some kind of spiritual pursuit as a gimmick, indicating that Japan's unique social environment has not fundamentally changed. Sensationalist reporting by the media and erroneous interpretations by scholars are incidental external factors that played a role in boosting Aum's growth to a certain extent. However, the root of the media and scholars' mistakes lay in their lack of experience in dealing with new religious movements at the time. With the accumulation of various investigations and research results, coupled with the profound lessons learned from the Aum incident, the media and scholars' responses to new religious movements and cult groups have become increasingly mature. The absence of religious supervision can be regarded as the fundamental factor in the occurrence of the Aum incident, which condoned Aum's development and growth and allowed its illegal activities to go unchecked for a long time. After the Aum incident, the rapid revision of the Religious Corporations Law reflected the Japanese government's attempt to strengthen religious supervision at the legal level. However, the continued existence of problems such as spiritual sales [9]9 Spiritual sales: A term used in Japan for high-pressure sales tactics that exploit religious or spiritual beliefs, often associated with the Unification Church. and illegal proselytizing over the years, as well as the assassination of Shinzo Abe [10]10 Assassination of Shinzo Abe: Former Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe was assassinated in July 2022; the suspect cited grievances related to the Unification Church., all indicate that Japan remains in a state of absent religious supervision and ineffective cult governance.

诸多研究还对奥姆产生发展的原因进行了探究，将其归结为日本的社会体制问题、宗教监管的缺位、追求精神性的社会风潮、媒体的猎奇性报道和学者的错误解读等多方面因素。可以看出，奥姆事件的发生是多种因素相互作用的结果。其中日本的社会体制问题和追求精神性的社会风潮属于环境因素，为奥姆的崛起提供了土壤。日本特有的社会环境催生大量孤立的边缘群体和热心追求精神性的消费群体，这样的社会群体容易被邪教团体拉拢，并为邪教团体的壮大提供养分。从当前日本邪教团体的传教特点来看，阿莱夫、摄理等仍侧重吸纳社会中陷于孤立的边缘群体，并以某种精神性的追求为噱头吸引信徒入教，表明日本特有的社会环境并未发生根本性的改变。媒体的猎奇性报道和学者的错误解读属于偶发性的外力因素，在一定程度上起到了助推奥姆成长的作用。然而，媒体和学者失误的根源在于当时应对新兴宗教团体的经验不足。随着各种调查和研究成果的不断积累，再加上从奥姆事件中吸取的深刻教训，媒体和学者对新兴宗教及邪教团体的应对日趋成熟。而宗教监管的缺位则可以被视为奥姆事件发生的根本因素，纵容了奥姆的发展壮大并长时间放任奥姆的不法活动。奥姆事件后，《宗教法人法》的迅速修订体现了日本政府试图在法律层面加强宗教监管，但多年来灵感商法、非法传教等问题的持续存在以及安倍晋三遇刺事件的发生都表明，日本依然处于宗教监管缺位、邪教治理无力的状态。

In addition, various sectors of Japanese society have also reflected on how to deal with cults in light of the lessons of the Aum incident, proposing countermeasures such as vigilance and prevention at the individual level and publicity and assistance at the social level. These suggestions and practices reflect Japan's efforts in dealing with cults and have positive social significance. However, it should also be noted that under the principle of so-called religious freedom, Japan emphasizes that individuals are responsible for their own choices and actions, forcing individuals to face the enormous risks brought by religious freedom alone. In terms of the participation of social forces, although Japan's ex-cult associations and many universities have played an important role that cannot be ignored in resisting cults, Japan's social groups that resist cults have problems such as internal disagreements and low efficiency, and their capabilities in information processing and organizational response still need improvement. This also shows that in the absence of top-level leadership and unified command, the power that social groups can exert has certain limitations.

此外，日本社会各界也结合奥姆事件的经验教训就如何应对邪教展开了思考，提出了个人层面的警惕与防范和社会层面的宣传与帮扶等应对之策。这些建议和实践体现了日本在应对邪教方面的努力，具有积极的社会意义。但也应该看到，在所谓宗教自由的原则下，日本侧重强调个人对自己的选择和行为负责，使得个人不得不独自面对宗教自由所带来的巨大风险。在社会力量的参与方面，尽管日本的脱离邪教协会和许多高校为抵制邪教发挥了不可忽视的重要作用，但日本抵制邪教的社会团体存在内部意见不一、效率低下等问题，在信息处理和组织应对能力方面还有待提升。这也说明在缺乏顶层领导和统一指挥的情况下，社会团体能够发挥的力量具有一定的局限性。

Facing the results of research and reflection on the Aum incident in Japanese society over the past twenty-plus years, we can draw important lessons and inspirations from them to strengthen our country's anti-cult work. First, research on the cult issue must be deepened. Especially in the situation where domestic cult groups are actively using Internet tools to implement online proselytization, it is necessary to deeply explore their online dissemination mechanisms, so as to provide high-quality theoretical support for targeted crackdowns on online cults. Second, we should guard against cults that use the pursuit of spirituality as a gimmick and implement a commercialized operation model. The pursuit of spirituality often becomes the key to people being attracted to cults. In recent years, self-improvement courses and "body-mind-spirit courses" of a cultic nature similar to those in Japan have shown a tendency to expand in cyberspace, and it is necessary to be vigilant and guard against them. Third, the role of social forces should be actively brought into play. Japan's model of building a cult defense network on campus and uniting all sectors of society to resist cults enlightens us that we should give full play to the role of social forces, such as using communities, campuses, and online platforms to carry out publicity and education targeting specific groups, integrating the forces of communities, schools, and families to provide necessary psychological counseling and spiritual care, and strengthening exchanges and cooperation between regulatory authorities and scholars, legal professionals, and other social parties, thereby achieving the organic unity of state supervision and social prevention.

面对二十余年来日本社会对奥姆事件的研究反思成果，我们可以从中汲取重要的教训和启示，以加强我国的反邪教工作。首先，必须深化邪教问题研究。尤其针对国内的邪教团体积极利用互联网工具实施网络传教的形势，要深入探究其网络传播机制，为有的放矢地打击网络邪教提供高质量的理论支撑。其次，应防范以追求精神性为噱头、实行商业化运作模式的邪教。对于精神性的追求常成为人们被邪教吸引的关键。近年来，与日本类似的具有邪教性质的自我启发类课程、“身心灵课程”等在网络空间中有扩张之势，有必要予以警惕和防范。再次，应积极发挥社会力量的作用。日本在校园内构建邪教防御网和社会各界联合抵制邪教的模式启示我们应充分发挥社会力量的作用，如利用社区、校园和网络平台等路径围绕目标群体开展宣传教育，整合社区、学校、家庭的力量提供必要的心理疏导和精神关爱，加强监管部门与学者、法律人士等社会各方的交流与合作等，从而实现国家监管和社会防范的有机统一。

Most importantly, Japan's experience and lessons reveal the serious necessity of strong religious supervision and cult governance. It is precisely due to insufficient supervision of religion and ineffective governance of cults that Japan's cult problem is deeply entrenched and its social harm persists. This also indirectly confirms the correctness and effectiveness of our country's anti-cult work. On the basis of respecting the principle of freedom of religious belief, our country, through promulgating laws and regulations, implementing crackdown operations, and promoting publicity and education, is committed to protecting the public from the fraud and manipulation of cults, effectively safeguarding public security and social stability. In the future, we should also take Japan's reflections and lessons as a mirror, firmly adhere to the anti-cult work line, and further improve the level of supervision and governance, so as to build a more harmonious, safe, and civilized social environment.

最重要的是，日本的经验教训揭示了有力的宗教监管和邪教治理的严重必要性。正是由于对宗教的监管不足，对邪教的治理无力，导致日本的邪教问题根深蒂固，社会危害长期存在。这也从侧面印证了我国反邪教工作的正确性和有效性。我国在尊重宗教信仰自由原则的基础上，通过颁布法律法规、实施打击行动、推行宣传教育等多种方式，致力于保护公众免受邪教的欺诈和操纵，有效地维护了公共安全和社会稳定。今后也应当以日本的反思和教训为鉴，坚定反邪教工作路线，进一步提高监管和治理的水平，以构筑更加和谐、安全、文明的社会环境。

Online Editor: Tongxin

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