The Atheist Thought in the *Xunwu Investigation* and Its Implications

After the failure of the Great Revolution in 1927, the Chinese Revolution entered the period of the Agrarian Revolutionary War. In the struggle to wage armed resistance against the reactionary rule of the Kuomintang, the Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their chief representative, creatively opened up a new revolutionary path of encircling the cities from the countryside and seizing state power by armed force, and established the first rural revolutionary base area in China, the Jinggangshan Revolutionary Base Area. By the summer of 1930, the Party, leading the masses of the people, had established over a dozen rural base areas of varying sizes, which became the main strategic positions for the revolution’s revival. In early May 1930, Mao Zedong and Zhu De led the Fourth Red Army to capture Xunwu County and established the Xunwu County Soviet Government. Taking advantage of the opportunity when the Fourth Red Army was dispersing its forces to mobilize the masses in Anyuan, Xunwu, and Pingyuan, Mao Zedong, with the assistance of Gu Bo, the Xunwu County Party secretary, held consecutive investigation meetings for over ten days and conducted a social survey of Xunwu County. This was the largest-scale investigation Mao had conducted up to that time, and he later compiled it into the *Xunwu Investigation*, a text of over 80,000 characters. Concurrently with conducting the Xunwu investigation, he also provided a theoretical summary of his many years of investigative experience and wrote the famous essay “Oppose Book Worship” (originally titled “Investigation Work”). The *Xunwu Investigation* comprises five chapters: “The Political Divisions of Xunwu,” “The Communications of Xunwu,” “The Commerce of Xunwu,” “The Old Land Relations of Xunwu,” and “The Land Struggle in Xunwu.” It investigates in detail Xunwu’s geography, communications, economy, politics, and the history and current conditions of each class, providing an objective basis and a “right to speak” for gaining an in-depth understanding of the rich-peasant problem and the situation of urban commerce, as well as for formulating corresponding policies. The relevant content of Chapters Three, Four, and Five of the *Xunwu Investigation* also delves into many issues of theism in Xunwu County town and the countryside, runs through the Marxist stand, viewpoint, and method, and contains important atheist thought.

1927年大革命失败后，中国革命开始进入土地革命战争时期。以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人在开展武装反抗国民党反动统治的斗争中，创造性地开辟了农村包围城市、武装夺取政权的革命新道路，建立了中国第一个农村革命根据地即井冈山革命根据地。到1930年夏，党领导人民群众已建立了大小十几块农村根据地，成为革命走向复兴的主要战略阵地。1930年5月初，毛泽东、朱德率领红四军攻克寻乌县城并成立了寻乌县苏维埃政府。毛泽东利用红四军在安远、寻乌和平远等地分兵发动群众之机，在寻乌县委书记古柏协助下接连开了十多天的调查会，对寻乌县进行了社会调查，这是毛泽东当时进行的最大规模的一次调查，之后整理成了8万多字的《寻乌调查》。和进行寻乌调查的同时，他还对多年的调查活动经验进行理论总结，撰写了著名的《反对本本主义》(原名为《调查工作》)一文。《寻乌调查》包括“寻乌的政治区划”“寻乌的交通”“寻乌的商业”“寻乌的旧有土地关系”“寻乌的土地斗争”五章内容，详细调查了寻乌的地理、交通、经济、政治、各阶级的历史与现状，为深入了解富农问题和城市商业情况以及制定相应政策提供了客观依据和“发言权”。《寻乌调查》第三章、第四章、第五章的有关内容，还深入考察了寻乌县城和农村的诸多有神论问题，贯穿了马克思主义的立场观点方法，蕴含重要的无神论思想。

I. The Problem of Theism Was an Important Issue the Party Had to Correctly Address in the Agrarian Revolutionary War

一、有神论问题是党在土地革命战争中必须正确对待的重要问题

During the period of the Agrarian Revolutionary War, the Chinese Communist Party encountered a large number of problems related to theism in the rural revolutionary base areas, including the problem of theist landlords, the problem of land distribution for religious professionals, the problem of folk beliefs, the problem of superstition among the masses, and the problem of feudal secret societies. These problems were closely linked and interwoven with many political, economic, and cultural issues in the New Democratic Revolution, and were important issues the Party had to properly handle in leading the masses in the Agrarian Revolutionary War. Mao Zedong was a great pioneer in the Sinicization of Marxist atheism. In his 1927 “Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan,” he already explicitly put forward a series of new viewpoints, including that theocratic authority was a huge rope binding the Chinese people, especially the peasants. The atheist thought in the *Xunwu Investigation* was formed on the basis of Mao’s long-term investigation and research, especially his in-depth investigation of theistic problems in Xunwu’s urban and rural areas. At that time, in the revolutionary struggle to establish the Central Soviet Area, how to treat theistic organizations, theists, and theistic concepts had already become an important issue for the Party in carrying out the agrarian revolution, building Soviet political power, and developing educational and cultural undertakings in the rural revolutionary base areas.

土地革命战争时期，中国共产党在农村革命根据地遇到大量有神论相关问题，包括神道地主问题、宗教职业者土地分配问题、民间信仰问题、群众迷信问题、封建会道门问题等。这些问题，与新民主主义革命中的政治、经济、文化等诸多问题紧密联系、相互交织，是党带领人民群众在土地革命战争中必须要妥善处理的重要问题。毛泽东是马克思主义无神论中国化的伟大开拓者，他在1927年撰写的《湖南农民运动考察报告》中就明确提出神权是束缚中国人民尤其是农民的一条极大的绳索等在内的一系列新观点。《寻乌调查》中的无神论思想，是毛泽东在长期调查研究特别是在深入调查寻乌城乡中的有神论问题的基础上形成的。当时，在创建中央苏区的革命斗争中，如何对待有神论组织、有神论者和有神论观念已成为党在农村革命根据地开展土地革命、建设苏维埃政权和发展教育文化事业中的重要问题。

First, how to treat theistic organizations was an important issue for the Party in carrying out the agrarian revolution in the rural revolutionary base areas. In the early period of the Agrarian Revolutionary War, the Party Central Committee, in its outline report on the peasant land problem, already pointed out that in carrying out the agrarian revolution, attention should be paid to “the primitive superstitious organizations of peasant self-defense,” etc. In January 1930, the “Resolution of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party Accepting the Letter of the Executive Committee of the Communist International of October 26, 1929,” passed at a meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee, proposed to “seize the armed struggle of the Red Spear Society and the Big Sword Society, which are under reactionary leadership, under the leadership of the revolution.” [1]1 The Red Spear Society (红枪会) and the Big Sword Society (大刀会) were armed folk secret societies widespread in rural northern China during the late Qing and Republican periods, often combining religious ritual with self-defense and sometimes reactionary political activities. Besides paying attention to secret societies like the Red Spear Society, the Party also attached great importance to social forces such as religious organizations and folk belief organizations. It can be said that how to treat the various theistic organizations mentioned in the *Xunwu Investigation*, including religious organizations, folk belief organizations, and feudal secret societies, was an important theoretical and practical question the Party had to answer in carrying out the agrarian revolution. The first category was religious organizations. When analyzing the old land relations in Xunwu, Mao divided public landlords into three types: ancestral landlords, theist landlords, and political landlords. Theist landlords comprised six types: shrines (神), altars (坛), community temples (社), temples (庙), Buddhist monasteries (寺), and Daoist abbeys (观), among which the monasteries and abbeys were the most exploitative. [2]2 The six terms refer to different levels and types of religious and folk ritual sites: 神 (shrine for a deity), 坛 (altar for ritual), 社 (community temple for the earth god), 庙 (temple for a popular deity), 寺 (Buddhist monastery), and 观 (Daoist abbey). The *Xunwu Investigation* also mentions the churches and church buildings of Catholicism and Protestantism and their complex relationships with many trades in Xunwu County town. For example, Wang Putai, a medicinal materials merchant in Xunwu town, participated in reactionary organizations and had collusive ties with the Xunwu local bully He Zizhen and Father Chen of the Catholic church. Another example: before the agrarian revolution, the owner of the only woodenware shop in Xunwu town, Hu Donglin, had dealings with Pastor Bao of the Gospel Hall and contracted to supply part of the timber and woodenware for the construction of the Gospel Hall and the church hospital outside the South Gate. The second category was folk belief organizations. The folk belief organizations touched upon in the *Xunwu Investigation* are mainly reflected in the shrines, altars, community temples, and temples among the theist landlords. Among these, the shrines, altars, and community temples were elementary, while the temples were advanced; the shrines and altars were needed by the landlords, the community temples were needed by the peasants, and the temples were needed by both landlords and peasants. Furthermore, the ancestral landlords, who “spent a small portion of the annual rent on ancestral sacrifices, with the bulk ending up in the pockets of the managers,” and the social welfare organizations of the political landlord type, such as bridge associations, road associations, and grain associations, could, in a certain sense, also be included in the category of folk belief organizations. The third category was feudal secret societies. With the help of Guo Youmei, Mao Zedong investigated in detail the history and current situation of the Tongshan Society in Xunwu, pointing out that “three Xunwu county magistrates had joined the Tongshan Society, and they kowtowed in the Tongshan Society just like the other members.” [3]3 The Tongshan Society (同善社) was a nationwide religious and charitable secret society active in the late Qing and Republican eras, combining Confucian, Buddhist, and Daoist elements, and often attracting local elites and officials. It can be seen that in old, semi-colonial and semi-feudal China, theistic organizations of every description were a special type of social organization and social force that could not be ignored. They had great influence among the masses, especially the lower classes, and were also easily exploited by the forces of imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat-capitalism. It is not difficult to see that how the Party treated these theistic organizations depended crucially on their attitude toward the agrarian revolution and whether there existed an exploitative economic relationship.

其一，如何对待有神论组织是党在农村革命根据地开展土地革命中的重要问题。土地革命战争初期，党中央在关于农民土地问题的报告大纲中就指出，开展土地革命要重视“农民自卫原始的迷信组织”等。1930年1月，中共中央政治局会议通过的《中共中央接受共产国际一九二九年十月二十六日指示信的决议》提出，要“夺取被反动领导的红枪会大刀会的武装斗争到革命的领导之下”。除了重视红枪会等会道门外，党也非常重视宗教组织、民间信仰组织等社会力量。可以说，如何对待《寻乌调查》中提及的各种有神论组织，包括宗教组织、民间信仰组织和封建会道门等，这是党开展土地革命必须回答的一个重要理论与实践问题。一是宗教组织。毛泽东在分析寻乌旧有土地关系时把公共地主分为祖宗地主、神道地主和政治地主三类，神道地主即神、坛、社、庙、寺、观六种，其中寺、观剥削最厉害。《寻乌调查》还提到了天主教、基督教的教会教堂及其与寻乌县城多行业的复杂关系。例如，寻乌城的药材商人王普泰就参加反动组织，和寻乌劣绅何子贞及天主堂陈神父有勾结。再如，土地革命前，寻乌城唯一一家木器店的店主即胡东林就和福音堂的包牧师有来往，并承包了南门外福音堂和教会医院建筑的部分木材和木器。二是民间信仰组织。《寻乌调查》涉及的民间信仰组织主要体现在神道地主中的神、坛、社、庙，其中神、坛、社是初级的，庙是高级的，神坛是地主需要的，社坛是农民需要的，庙是地主、农民共同需要的。此外，每年收的租“开支一小部分在祖宗的祭祀上，大部分落在管头的荷包里”的祖宗地主，政治地主中的桥会、路会、粮会一类的社会公益性质的组织，在一定意义上也可纳入民间信仰组织的范畴。三是封建会道门。在郭友梅的帮助下，毛泽东详细调查了寻乌同善社的历史与现状等，指出“寻乌县长曾有三个进了同善社，他们和社员们一样到同善社磕头”等。可见，在半殖民地半封建社会的旧中国，形形色色的有神论组织是不容忽视的一种特殊的社会组织和社会力量，在人民群众尤其是底层民众中有着很大的影响力，同时也容易被帝国主义、封建主义和官僚资本主义势力所利用。不难看出，党如何对待这些有神论组织，关键取决于其对土地革命的态度以及是否存在经济上的剥削关系。

Second, how to treat theists was an important question for the Party in building Soviet political power in rural revolutionary base areas. In the early period of the Agrarian Revolutionary War, owing to the guidance of “Left” erroneous thinking within the Party, the Party mainly adopted a policy of striking at religious believers (religious professionals). Practice proved that how to treat all kinds of theists, including religious believers, bore on the Party’s mass base and the development of the agrarian revolution, and was an important theoretical and practical question for the Party in building Soviet political power in rural revolutionary base areas. The theists Mao Zedong mentioned in the *Xunwu Investigation* were numerous and widely scattered, encompassing religious believers and the religious masses, folk-belief populations, superstitious professionals and masses with superstitious ideas, and members of feudal sects and secret societies. Their main content comprised four aspects. First, religious believers and the religious masses. When analyzing the population composition of Xunwu town and their political status, the *Xunwu Investigation* pointed out that the religious believers in Xunwu town were 10 Protestants, 3 Catholics, 6 lay Buddhists (斋公), and 3 Buddhist monks. Although these religious believers made up less than 1% of the town’s total population, they belonged to the ruling class of Xunwu town. Relative to religious believers, the religious masses in Xunwu’s urban and rural areas were numerous, including about a hundred Buddhist monks, “about 700 people in five Protestant churches, over a hundred in one Catholic church,” and so on, and the composition of the religious masses and their motives for belief were also complex. Second, folk-belief populations. The respective status and functions of the spirits (神), altars (坛), community temples (社), and ancestral temples (庙) among the theist landlords were not entirely identical, and the composition of the believing populations also included landlords, rich peasants, and peasants. Third, superstitious professionals and masses with superstitious ideas. The *Xunwu Investigation* repeatedly mentioned “fortune-tellers and geomancers (地理先生),” “those who look at sites (看地的),” “those who calculate the Eight Characters (算八字的),” [4]4 The Eight Characters (八字) refer to the four pairs of characters representing the year, month, day, and hour of a person’s birth, used in traditional Chinese fortune-telling. “those who observe fengshui (看风水的),” and other feudal superstitious professionals, and also mentioned the ancient nine upper-class professions: “First-class, the successful candidate; second-class, the doctor; third-class, the diviner; fourth-class, the geomancer; fifth-class, the painter; sixth-class, the craftsman; seventh, the Buddhist monk; eighth, the Daoist priest; ninth, the qin and chess player.” Among these, “geomancer” referred to feudal superstitious professionals. In addition, many masses in Xunwu held superstitious ideas. Fourth, members of feudal sects and secret societies. The believers in Xunwu’s Tongshan Society (同善社) [5]5 The Tongshan Society (同善社) was a religious and secret society active in early 20th-century China, combining elements of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism, often associated with feudal and superstitious practices. mentioned in the *Xunwu Investigation* included former county magistrates, military officers, landlords, merchants, local bullies, butchers, peasants, etc., and their class and stratum composition was extremely complex. It can be seen that the economic and political status of theists was divided into exploiter and exploited, ruler and ruled. How the Party treated theists depended crucially on their attitude toward the agrarian revolution and the theists’ political and economic status.

其二，如何对待有神论者是党在农村革命根据地建设苏维埃政权中的重要问题。土地革命战争初期，由于党内“左”倾错误思想的指导，党对宗教徒(宗教职业者)主要采取了打击政策。实践证明，如何对待包括宗教徒在内的各种有神论者，关系党的群众基础和土地革命发展，是党在农村革命根据地建设苏维埃政权中的一个重要理论与实践问题。毛泽东在《寻乌调查》中提及的有神论者为数众多、散布很广，包含了宗教徒和信教群众、民间信仰人群、迷信职业者和有迷信观念的群众、封建会道门教徒等。其主要内容包括四个方面。一是宗教徒和信教群众。《寻乌调查》在分析寻乌城人口成分和他们在政治上的地位时指出，寻乌城宗教徒是耶稣教10人，天主教3人，斋公6人，和尚3人，这些宗教徒虽不到全城总人口的1%，但却属于寻乌城的统治阶级。相对于宗教徒，寻乌城乡的信教群众数量众多，包括和尚百把人，“耶稣堂五个七百人左右，天主堂一个百多人”等，且信教群众的成分和信教动机也很复杂。二是民间信仰人群。神道地主中的神、坛、社、庙的各自地位及作用是不完全一样的，信仰人群的成分也有地主、富农和农民之分。三是迷信职业者和有迷信观念的群众。《寻乌调查》多次提到“算命及地理先生”“看地的”“算八字的”“看风水的”等封建迷信职业者，并且还提到古代上九流职业即“一流举子二流医，三流问卜四堪舆，五流丹青六流匠，七僧八道九琴棋”，而其中的“堪舆”就指的是封建迷信职业者。此外，寻乌还有很多群众存在迷信观念。四是封建会道门教徒。《寻乌调查》提到的寻乌同善社的信徒就有曾任的县长、军官、地主、商人、土豪、屠夫、农民等，其阶级阶层成分极其复杂。可见，有神论者的经济政治地位有剥削与被剥削、统治和被统治之分。党如何对待有神论者，关键取决于其对土地革命的态度以及有神论者的政治经济地位。

Third, how to treat theistic ideas was an important question for the Party in developing educational and cultural undertakings in rural revolutionary base areas. The various theistic organizations and theistic ideas in old China were fundamentally determined by the economic base of the time. In old China, foreign churches controlled by imperialist forces became tools for their cultural aggression against China and enslavement of the Chinese people, while various religions and feudal sects and secret societies controlled by feudalist forces also became spiritual opium for enslaving the Chinese people. When analyzing Xunwu’s cultural conditions, Mao Zedong pointed out that no more than 300 women in the entire county were literate, and 60% of the county’s population was illiterate. Under the prolonged oppression and enslavement of the reactionary ruling class, before the Party launched the agrarian revolution—that is, before Xunwu’s political and economic system underwent fundamental change—the superstitious ideas of Xunwu’s masses were still deeply entrenched. Mao Zedong repeatedly mentioned the masses’ superstitious ideas in his investigation. For example, when investigating the distribution of housing in Xunwu’s land struggle, he noted that Xunwu had a custom: if someone gave birth to a son in another’s home, the host family believed that their own “spirit (精灵)” would be taken away by the newcomer, and their family would decline. The *Xunwu Investigation* cited a county-wide famous incident: Zeng Xingsong from Fangtian Township, Shuangqiao District, Xunwu County, was born in his maternal grandmother’s home; later, when he passed the imperial examinations and became an official, people said that Zeng Xingsong had stolen his maternal grandmother’s family’s fengshui. It also cited another example: “After the failure of the March 25 Uprising, [6]6 The March 25 Uprising (三二五暴动) refers to an armed uprising led by the Communist Party in Xunwu County, Jiangxi, on March 25, 1928, during the Agrarian Revolutionary War. the wife of Zhong Xiqiu, the general commander of the Liuche Uprising, took refuge at her maternal grandmother’s home. Her maternal grandmother, fearing she might give birth, quickly made her leave. Later she went to a village in Longchuan County, where she built a shack on the mountain and gave birth to a son.” When investigating the question of the regional standard for land distribution, Mao Zedong also pointed out that peasants opposed using large regions (districts) or relatively large regions (townships) as units for land distribution; one important reason was that peasants “were superstitious about fengshui, believing that moving away from the sites of their ancestral graves would be unfavorable,” so they were unwilling to relocate. Another example: when discussing the rules for the Tongshan Society’s recruitment of believers, he pointed out that entry required approval from the gods; the applicant would reach into a tube to draw a paper slip. If they drew “approved,” they entered the Tongshan Society; if they drew “blank,” they could not enter. One butcher drew “blank” three times, and one local bully drew “blank” four times. “Don’t say there are no gods—there are gods!” In November 1933, in his *Changgang Township Investigation*, Mao Zedong also pointed out, “Some old women, though they dare not openly worship gods, still believe in them in their hearts,” further recognizing the long-term and complex nature of the theistic question, and proposed the working approach of “using persuasion to replace interference.”

其三，如何对待有神论观念是党在农村革命根据地发展教育文化事业中的重要问题。旧中国的各种有神论组织和有神论观念，从根本上是由当时的经济基础决定的。在旧中国，被帝国主义势力控制的外国教会成为其对中国进行文化侵略和奴役中国人民的工具，被封建主义势力控制的各种宗教和封建会道门等也成为奴役中国人民的精神鸦片。毛泽东在分析寻乌的文化状况时指出，全县女子识字的不过300人，全县人口不识字的占60%。在反动统治阶级长期的压迫和奴役下，在党开展土地革命前，即寻乌的政治经济制度没有发生根本变动前，寻乌群众的迷信观念还是根深蒂固的。毛泽东在调查中多次提到群众的迷信观念。例如，他在调查寻乌土地斗争中的房屋分配问题上就提到，寻乌有个习惯:若别人在自己家里生了儿子，就认为自己一家的“精灵”会被新来的人夺去，自己家就要衰败了。《寻乌调查》举了一个全县闻名的事件:从前寻乌县双桥区芳田乡的曾行崧就是在其外祖家出生的，后来中了进士做了官，人们就说是曾行崧夺了他外祖家的风水。还举了一例，“三二五暴动失败，留车暴动总指挥钟锡璆的老婆避难避到她的外祖家，她外祖恐怕她会生育，就赶快要她走。后头跑到龙川县的一个村子，在那里山上搭了个寮子才把儿子生下来”。毛泽东在调查分配土地的区域标准问题时也指出，农民反对用大的区域(区)或较大的区域(乡)为单位分配土地，其中一个重要缘由就是农民“迷信风水，以为祖宗坟墓所在，抛去不利”,所以不愿意搬迁。又如，他在谈到同善社吸纳信徒入社的规矩时指出，入社是要经过神明的批准的，申请者伸只手到筒子里拈那纸坨，拈个“准”，便进同善社，拈个白，不能进去。有个屠夫3次都是拈个白的，有个土豪4次都拈个白的，“莫说无神也有神哪”。1933年11月，毛泽东在《长岗乡调查》中也指出，“有些老婆太，虽不敢公开敬神，心里还是信神”，进一步认识到了有神论问题的长期性和复杂性，并提出“应该拿说服代替干涉”的工作思路。

II. The Main Content of the Atheist Thought in the *Xunwu Investigation*

二、《寻乌调查》中的无神论思想的主要内容

Atheism is mainly directed against theism. The formation of the atheist thought in the *Xunwu Investigation* was linked to the contemporaneous class struggle, agrarian revolution, and development of culture and education, and emerged in the struggle against all forms of theism. In the *Xunwu Investigation*, Mao Zedong analyzed the concrete forms of theism, including religion, folk belief, feudal superstition, and the Tongshan Society, adhered to the basic theory of Marxist atheism, ran through the Marxist stand, viewpoint, and method, and embodied the important ideas of seeking truth from facts, the mass line, and independence and self-reliance. The main content of the atheist thought in the *Xunwu Investigation* can be summarized from the perspective of the manifestations of theism into four viewpoints: the theoretical viewpoint on correctly treating religion, the theoretical viewpoint on correctly treating folk belief, the theoretical viewpoint on correctly treating feudal superstition, and the theoretical viewpoint on correctly treating feudal sects and secret societies.

无神论主要是针对有神论而言的。《寻乌调查》中无神论思想的形成，是同当时的阶级斗争、土地革命和文化教育的开展相联系的，是在同形形色色的有神论的斗争中产生的。毛泽东在《寻乌调查》中分析了宗教、民间信仰、封建迷信、同善社等有神论的具体形态，坚持了马克思主义无神论基本理论，贯穿了马克思主义的立场观点方法，体现了实事求是、群众路线、独立自主的重要思想。《寻乌调查》中的无神论思想的主要内容，可从有神论表现形态的视角概括为四个观点:关于正确对待宗教的理论观点，关于正确对待民间信仰的理论观点，关于正确对待封建迷信的理论观点，关于正确对待封建会道门的理论观点。

First, the theoretical viewpoint on correctly treating religion. The *Xunwu Investigation* repeatedly mentioned the question of religion, embodying the fundamental Marxist principle of proceeding from reality in everything. One is the class analysis of religious believers. Mao Zedong included religious believers in the ruling class, pointing out that Buddhism was a religion used by the big landlord class, that temples (寺) were places where exploitation was severe, and that big landlords, as “benefactors (施主),” donated land to monks. As for Daoist temples (观), “the source of their land property and the condition of exploitation were no different from those of Buddhist temples.” The land of these theist landlords—temples (寺), Daoist temples (观), spirits (神), altars (坛), community temples (社), and ancestral temples (庙)—accounted for 8% of all land in Xunwu and 20% of all public land. In his analysis of “middle landlords” among individual landlords, Mao Zedong gave the example of Hu Enrong of Xunwu, a lay Buddhist (斋公) who paid no attention to worldly affairs, specialized in begging for two coppers, and slept at home. On this basis, Mao Zedong, on the question of “whether non-peasants should receive land,” pointed out: “Monks, nuns, Daoist priests, and missionaries must change their occupation—that is, stop being monks, nuns, Daoist priests, and missionaries—before they are permitted to receive land.” That is, only when religious believers no longer lived by exploitation but by their own legitimate labor could they receive land. Second, the analysis of the composition of the religious masses. Mao Zedong analyzed the complex composition of Xunwu’s religious masses: widows (including poor peasants) and elderly women (landlord wives) accounted for 30%; crafty and eccentric gentry and their families accounted for 30%; peasants from weak and small clans accounted for 20% (peasants from strong and large clans did not join the church); young intellectuals from landlord backgrounds with no way out accounted for 10%; and others accounted for 10%. Third, the analysis of the motives for joining the church. Mao Zedong pointed out that those who joined the church were roughly of two kinds: “one part was very bad, and the other part was very weak. The very bad ones were not riffraff, but rather the cunning and sinister people in the villages who wanted to be local tyrants; they joined the church to use it to achieve their own ends. The other kind were poor and weak people who were oppressed and sought protection; their aim was to avoid disaster.” It can be seen that among those who joined the church, there were both oppressed poor and weak groups and very bad groups of cunning and sinister people who wanted to be local tyrants; their aims could not be generalized. These elaborations help to improve the Party’s religious policy.

其一，关于正确对待宗教的理论观点。《寻乌调查》多次提到宗教问题，体现了坚持一切从实际出发的马克思主义的根本原则。一是对宗教徒的阶级分析。毛泽东把宗教徒纳入统治阶级之列，指出佛教是大地主阶级利用的宗教，寺是剥削厉害的地方，大地主以“施主”身份施田给和尚，道教“观的田产的来源和剥削的状况，与寺无二样。”寺、观连同神、坛、社、庙，这些神道地主的土地占寻乌全部土地的8%、全部公田的20%。毛泽东在个人地主中的“中地主”分析中，举例说寻乌有个胡恩荣，是个斋公，不问世事，专门要两个铜钱，在家里困觉。对此，毛泽东在“非农民是否分田”问题上指出:“僧尼、道士、传教士要改变职业，即不做僧尼、道士、传教士了，方许分田。”就是说，宗教徒不再以剥削为生而是以自己正当劳动为生了，才可分地。二是对信教群众的成分分析。毛泽东分析了寻乌信教群众的复杂成分，其中，寡妇(内有贫农)及老年妇人(地主婆)占30%，刁钻古怪的绅士及其家属占30%，弱房小姓的农民占20%(强房大姓的农民不入教)，地主出身没有出路的青年知识分子占10%，其他占10%。三是对入教目的的分析。毛泽东指出，进教的大概有两部分，“一部分是很坏的，一部分是很弱的。很坏的也不是流氓，而是那乡村中奸滑阴险想当霸王的，他们进教为了利用它达到自己的目的。另一种是受人压迫贪图保护的贫弱的人，他们的目的在于避祸”。可见，入教群体中既有受人压迫的贫弱群体，也有奸滑阴险想当霸王的很坏的群体，其目的不能一概而论。这些阐述，有助于完善党的宗教政策。

Second, theoretical views on correctly treating folk beliefs. Folk beliefs are spontaneous, non-institutionalized theistic belief phenomena that circulate among the people, characterized by their folkloric, scattered, regional, and inherited nature. The *Xunwu Investigation* mentions the issue of folk beliefs many times. The first is folk beliefs within the category of theistic landlords. The *Xunwu Investigation* points out that "spirits" (神) refer to all kinds of spirits, many of which have associations (会) but no temples; an "altar" (坛) is a place where a stone is erected, or several stones are piled into a small hut, "inside which dwells a very efficacious spirit, hence it is called an altar"; a "shrine" (社) is a kind of "shrine altar" distinct from a "spirit altar," and every village has one; a "temple" (庙) is a building that contains Buddhist or Taoist statues, and the nature of a temple is that "those who have rendered meritorious service to the people are worshipped there"; "spirit altars are what the landlords need, shrine altars are what the peasants need, and temples are what both landlords and peasants need," and temple landholdings are small, so their exploitation is not severe. The second is ancestral landlords. Nominally, rent is collected on behalf of the ancestors in rotation, but in reality it is collected on behalf of oneself in rotation, and most of the rent is seized by the managers, which "is precisely the fundamental reason for the existence of the clan public estate economy." This shows that landlords and rich peasants often used the name of ancestral landlords to carry out exploitation and oppression. The third is bridge associations (桥会) within the category of political landlords. Bridge associations in Xunwu were highly developed; not only large bridges and long bridges had associations, but even small village bridges often had them. Every year in the twelfth month, accounts were settled and the bridge spirit was worshipped, called "holding a bridge association." But wherever there was an association, there was land, all donated by landlords and merchants, who used it year after year to lend money at interest and buy land for exploitation. Therefore, "the bridge association is truly an organ of exploitation." It can be seen that in old China, folk beliefs were also a kind of "theocratic" force controlled by feudal forces and used to exploit the peasants.

其二，关于正确对待民间信仰的理论观点。民间信仰是民间自发流传的非制度化的有神论信仰现象，具有民俗性、分散性、地域性、传承性等特点。《寻乌调查》多次提到民间信仰问题。一是神道地主中的民间信仰。《寻乌调查》指出，“神”是指的各种各色的神，许多都有会，都是没有庙的;坛是立起一块石头，有的几块石头垒成一个小屋，“那里面藏着好灵验的神呀，因此叫做坛”;“社”是与“神坛”有别的一种“社坛”，每个村子都有一个;庙是有屋子，而屋子里面有菩萨的，庙的性质是所谓“有功德于民则祀之”的意思，“神坛是地主需要的，社坛是农民需要的，庙是地主、农民共同需要的”,庙的田产很少，剥削不严重。二是祖宗地主。名义上轮流替祖宗收租，实则是轮流替自己收租，大部分租都被管头所占有，这也“正是公堂经济存在的根本原因”。这说明，地主、富农常借祖宗地主之名进行剥削和压迫。三是政治地主中的桥会等。寻乌的桥会很发达，不但大桥、长桥有会，村落小桥也往往有会，每年十二月算数、敬桥神，名之曰“做桥会”，但有会就有田，都是地主、商人捐赠的，以此逐年放债置田剥削，所以，“桥会实在是个剥削机关”。由此可见，在旧中国，民间信仰也是被封建势力控制的用来剥削农民的一种“神权”力量。

Third, theoretical views on correctly treating feudal superstition. The *Xunwu Investigation* mainly discusses three issues related to feudal superstition. The first is the manifestation of feudal superstition. At that time, superstitious ideas were very prevalent among the masses, especially the lower classes. The previously mentioned idea that giving birth to a son in someone else's home would seize that family's "spiritual essence" (精灵), as well as the peasants' belief in "geomancy" (风水) and their unwillingness to relocate during land distribution, were essentially superstitious ideas. The second is the root of feudal superstition. On the issue of peasants' unwillingness to relocate during land distribution, Mao Zedong pointed out three roots: geographical, psychological, and economic. Geographically, peasants would consider specific practical issues concerning their actual interests, such as whether the place they moved to had convenient transportation or was isolated. Psychologically, peasants had outdated ideas, "thinking that abandoning the place where their ancestors' graves are located would bring misfortune." Regarding the superstitious idea prevalent among the masses at the time that giving birth to a son in someone else's home would seize that family's "spiritual essence," Mao Zedong, after investigation, further pointed out: "Now, the people whose houses are occupied by workers and peasants, although they dare not openly oppose others giving birth to sons in their homes, are dissatisfied in their hearts." Economically, peasants were unwilling to move because "'moving from the upper house to the lower house costs a basket of grain,' meaning that moving entails losses," and "peasants believe in geomancy because it is beneficial to their production. The fields they are familiar with, the houses they are used to living in, the human relationships they are accustomed to—these are indeed valuable assets for the peasants. Abandoning these to go to a new place would incur many unnoticed losses." Mao Zedong emphasized: "It is wrong to think that peasant localism is due to the peasants' outdated ideas, that is, to admit only the psychological cause and not the economic cause." Therefore, one must focus on investigating and studying the roots of peasants' superstitious ideas from the perspective of their vital interests, and must seek the fundamental way to eliminate superstitious problems from real social life. In his *Investigation of Changgang Township*, Mao Zedong pointed out: "Since last year, the old women who worshipped spirits (burning incense, offering food, praying to Buddha) have completely stopped, but there are still one or two in each village who 'call back the soul' (叫魂)." The reason superstition was eliminated so quickly was "because the local tyrants were overthrown and the land was divided." The third is how to treat feudal superstition. On the issue of housing distribution, to solve the problem of fearing that workers and peasants would seize the so-called "spiritual essence" of others' homes, the Party adopted the method of distributing the landlords' houses exactly as their land was distributed, "which was also a strategy to shake the feudal foundation and win over the poor peasants." On the issue of land distribution, the Xunwu County Soviet government "made no special provisions for fortune-tellers and geomancers, because there were very few of them, and they were generally given land."

其三，关于正确对待封建迷信的理论观点。《寻乌调查》主要论及了有关封建迷信的三个问题。一是封建迷信的表现。当时，迷信思想在人民群众尤其是底层群众中很盛行。前面提到的若在别人家生儿子就会夺取别人家的“精灵”的观念，以及分田时农民“相信风水”而不愿迁移的观念，本质上都是迷信思想。二是封建迷信的根源。在分田时农民不愿迁移这个问题上，毛泽东指出了地理的、心理的、经济的三种根源。在地理方面，农民会考虑迁往的地方是否交通便利、是否闭塞等关乎农民实际利益的具体问题。在心理方面，农民思想陈旧，“以为祖宗坟墓所在，抛去不利”等。针对当时群众思想中存在的那种认为在别人家生儿子就会夺取别人家“精灵”的迷信观念，毛泽东经过调查进一步指出:“现在一般被工农占住的人家，虽然不敢公开反对别人在他家里生儿子，但心里是不满的。”在经济方面，农民不愿意搬迁是因为“‘上屋搬下屋，都要一箩谷’，说的是搬家要受损失”，“农民相信风水是于他们的生产有利的。摸熟了的田头，住惯了的房屋，熟习了的人情，对于农民的确是有价值的财宝，抛了这些去弄个新地方，要受到许多不知不觉的损失”。毛泽东强调:“那种以为农民的地方主义是由于农民的思想陈旧，即承认是心理的原因，不承认是经济的原因，是不对的。”所以，要注重从农民切身利益的角度去调查研究其迷信观念的根源，要注重从现实社会生活中寻求破除迷信问题的根本之道。毛泽东在《长岗乡调查》中就指出，“去年以来，老婆太敬神(装香供饭、求神拜佛)的完全没有了，但‘叫魂’的每村还有个把两个”，迷信扫除这么快的原因就是“打了土豪，分了田地”。三是如何对待封建迷信。在房屋分配问题上，为解决怕被工农群众夺取别人家所谓的“精灵”问题，党采取了把地主的房屋完全照地主的田地一样加以分配的办法，“这亦是动摇封建基础争取贫农的一个策略”。在土地分配问题上，寻乌县苏维埃政权对“算命及地理先生无规定，因为很少，大概都是分田的”。

Fourth, theoretical views on correctly treating feudal secret societies and sects. The feudal secret society and sect discussed in the *Xunwu Investigation* is mainly the Tongshan Society (同善社), and four issues are discussed. The first is an analysis of the historical origins of the Tongshan Society. The Tongshan Society "advocated the 'unity of the three religions,' promoting 'using Confucian rites to perform Taoist practices and to realize the fruits of Buddhist attainment,' worshipping Confucius, Laozi, and Sakyamuni," and had a great influence at the time. Mao Zedong pointed out that the Tongshan Society originated in Sichuan, and from the Sichuan Tongshan Society, official documents were sent to various provinces to establish Tongshan Societies; after the provincial governments approved, they were then established in each county. Around the 27th or 28th year of the Guangxu reign (1901–1902), a so-called "Heavenly Grace Master" (天恩先生) from Ganzhou came to Xunwu to establish the society. "He first paid a visit to the county magistrate, who approved and issued a protective notice, and then the Tongshan Society could be greatly expanded." It can be seen that one must insist on analyzing the issue of the Xunwu Society from a historical perspective, grasping its entire course. The second is an analysis of the important activities of the Tongshan Society. Believers sat in meditation three times a day, morning, noon, and evening, called "doing the work" (做工夫). "The Tongshan Society held two 'Dragon Flower Assemblies' (龙华会) each year, which all members attended, paying two dimes per person, kowtowing to the patriarch, playing drums and music, and eating vegetarian meals." The third is an analysis of the composition and gender of the Xunwu Society. Among the believers of the Xunwu Society, merchants accounted for 50%, landlords 20%, and peasants 30%; among the more than 200 people, 30 to 40 were women. It can be seen that the believers of the Xunwu Tongshan Society were mainly male, with merchants and landlords occupying the dominant position. The fourth is an analysis of the social role of the Tongshan Society. Used by the reactionary government, the Tongshan Society developed rapidly. "Joining the Tongshan Society, one could make friends and become an official."

其四，关于正确对待封建会道门的理论观点。《寻乌调查》论及的封建会道门主要是同善社，并论及了四个问题。一是分析了同善社的历史由来。同善社“主张‘三教合一’，宣扬‘用儒教的礼节，做道教的功夫。证释教的果位’，供奉孔子、老子、释迦牟尼”,在当时影响很大。毛泽东指出，同善社发源于四川，由四川同善社发出公事到各省开办同善社，各省政府准许后再向各县开办;约当光绪二十七八年时，赣州有个所谓的天恩先生来寻乌办社，“首先拜会县知事，知事赞成了，出了保护告示，同善社就可以大大地开起来”。可见，要坚持用历史眼光分析寻乌社的问题，把握其来龙去脉。二是分析了同善社的重要活动。信徒每天早中晚三次静坐，叫作“做工夫”;“同善社每年做两次‘龙华会’，社员都到，见人出两毛钱，向祖师磕头，奏鼓乐，吃斋菜”。三是分析了寻乌社的成分和性别。寻乌社信徒成分中，商人占50%，地主占20%，农民占30%，200多人中有30－40个是女子。可见，寻乌同善社信徒以男性为主，商人和地主占据着主导地位。四是分析了同善社的社会作用。在反动政府利用下，同善社迅速发展起来，“进了同善社，得些朋友，可以做官”。

III. The Historical Status of the Atheist Thought in the *Xunwu Investigation*

三、《寻乌调查》中的无神论思想的历史地位

The atheist thought in the *Xunwu Investigation* is an important achievement in the Sinicization of Marxist atheism and in Mao Zedong's atheist thought. Through investigation and research, Mao Zedong gained a deep understanding and grasp of the actual situation of theistic problems in old China, providing an objective basis for correctly understanding and treating various theistic problems during the Agrarian Revolutionary War. Its historical status can be summarized from the perspectives of theoretical significance, policy significance, and methodological significance: it enriched the ideological treasury of Sinicized Marxist atheism, provided an objective basis for perfecting the major policies and guidelines of Marxist atheism, and formed a basic method for correctly understanding theistic problems.

《寻乌调查》中的无神论思想是马克思主义无神论中国化和毛泽东无神论思想的重要成果。通过调查研究，毛泽东深入了解和把握了旧中国有神论问题的实际情况，为在土地革命战争中正确认识和对待各种有神论问题提供了客观依据。其历史地位可从理论意义、政策意义和方法意义的视角概括为:丰富了中国化马克思主义无神论的思想宝库，提供了完善马克思主义无神论大政方针的客观依据，形成了正确认识有神论问题的基本方法。

First, its theoretical significance lies in enriching the treasure house of Sinicized Marxist atheism. First, it discusses various issues of theism. The *Xunwu Investigation* touches on religious issues, folk belief issues, feudal superstition issues, feudal sects and secret societies, etc., deepening the theoretical understanding of theism in old China. Second, it embodies the principle that handling theism issues must be subordinated to the Party’s central task. Mao Zedong’s analysis of theism issues adhered to the consistent Marxist-Leninist proposition that handling theism issues must be subordinated to the Party’s central task, reflecting Mao’s innovative approach of incorporating the resolution of theism issues into the resolution of social issues. Mao mentioned that Xunwu had the old custom of setting off large firecrackers on the first day of the lunar new year, but “in the areas of the southern half of the county where the peasant uprising had taken place, superstition was thoroughly broken, and firecrackers were no longer used.” Third, it proposed the concepts of ancestral landlords and especially deity landlords. Deity landlords include gods, altars, shrines, and temples in the form of folk beliefs, and monasteries and nunneries in the form of religious institutions, and religious exploitation was very severe. Mao pointed out bluntly: “The old social relations were man-eating relations!” He also mentioned that after the agrarian revolution, “in the southern half of the county there were no longer any monks, nuns, Taoist priests, missionaries, fortune-tellers, or geomancers; they had all changed their occupations. When the father of the chairman of the Huangsha Township government died, he invited Buddhist monks to perform rites, and the peasants opposed it.” Fourth, it analyzed the realistic roots of the existence of theism issues. The existence of theism issues has realistic roots, including class, geographical, psychological, economic, and other roots, objectively requiring Communists to focus on conducting investigations and research around the practical interests of the masses. For example, the public halls and temple associations controlled by local bullies and evil gentry “forced the peasants to deliver grain to the granaries in order to facilitate their embezzlement (selling more when grain prices were high).” Another example: peasants were unwilling to use districts and townships as the unit for land distribution; “what they sincerely preferred was still to distribute land by village, so that the land of their own village would all go to their own village.” The most important reason for peasants’ superstitious belief in geomancy was their consideration of practical interests.

其一，理论意义即丰富了中国化马克思主义无神论的思想宝库。一是论及了各种有神论问题。《寻乌调查》涉及宗教问题、民间信仰问题、封建迷信问题、封建会道门问题等，深化了对旧中国有神论问题的理论认识。二是体现了处理有神论问题要服从党的中心任务的原则。毛泽东对有神论问题的分析，坚持了马克思列宁主义关于处理有神论问题要服从党的中心任务的一贯主张，体现了毛泽东善于将解决有神论问题纳入解决社会问题之中的创新思路。毛泽东提到，寻乌有大年初一大放爆竹的旧风俗，但“南半县农民暴动区域彻底破除迷信，也不要爆竹了”。三是提出了祖宗地主尤其是神道地主的概念。神道地主包括民间信仰形式的神、坛、社、庙和宗教形式的寺、观，且宗教剥削是非常严重的。毛泽东一针见血地指出:“旧的社会关系，就是吃人关系!”他还提到，经过土地革命，“南半县完全没有僧尼、道士、传教士、算命及地理先生等人了，他们一概改了职业。黄沙乡政府主席的父亲死了，请和尚做佛事，农民反对”。四是分析了有神论问题存在的现实根源。有神论问题存在现实根源，包括阶级的、地理的、心理的、经济的等各种根源，客观上要求共产党人要注重围绕人民群众的现实利益问题开展调查研究。例如，那些豪绅控制的公堂、神会，“为了有利他们的侵蚀(候谷价高时钱卖得多)，便强迫农民交谷上仓”。再如，农民不愿意以区和乡为单位作为分田的区域标准，“他们衷心愿意的还是以村为单位分田，使他们本村的田完全为本村所得”，农民这种迷信风水的最重要原因是其对现实利益的考量。

Second, its policy significance lies in providing an objective basis for improving the Party’s religious work policies. First, it improved the policy toward religious professionals. At that time, the lumpen-proletariat was customarily called “riffraff.” In June 1930, the joint meeting of the Front Committee of the Fourth Red Army of the CPC and the Special Committee of the Western Fujian Soviet Area passed the resolution “On the Riffraff Problem,” which had been reviewed and revised by Mao Zedong. It included “diviners,” “fortune-tellers,” “physiognomists,” “geomancers (partially excluded),” “monks (partially excluded),” “Taoist priests (partially excluded),” “shamans (female witches),” “religious believers (partially excluded),” and other practitioners of feudal superstition and religious believers within the category of riffraff, and formulated the strategy: “Snatch the riffraff from under the rule of the ruling class, give them land and work, force them to labor, change their social conditions, and turn them from riffraff into non-riffraff.” According to the “On the Riffraff Problem” resolution, theists belonged to the category of riffraff. In October of the same year, in his *Xingguo Investigation*, Mao included “Taoist priests,” “monks,” “diviners,” “those who carry the Guanyin statue,” “fortune-tellers,” etc., within the category of vagrants, pointing out: “The vagrants gained many benefits in the revolution” and “generally welcomed the revolution.” Here, Mao further analyzed the attitudes of various theists toward the revolution, also providing an important basis for the Party to further improve its policy toward theists. The “Draft Constitution of the Chinese Soviet Republic,” formulated in November 1931, stipulated that missionaries, pastors, monks, Taoist priests, geomancers and yin-yang masters, and all those who made a living by preaching had no right to vote or stand for election. This policy stipulated that practitioners of superstitious and religious occupations had no right to vote or stand for election, but ordinary religious believers still enjoyed this right according to law. In January 1932, the “Class Analysis and Strategies toward Each Class,” formulated by the Political Department of the Hunan-Jiangxi Military District, pointed out: “Nuns, monks, Taoist priests, character analysts, fortune-tellers by the Eight Characters, diviners, priests, pastors, and others are all appendages of the reactionary ruling class; they cannot be allocated land and have no civil rights in the Soviet.” In the spring of the same year, the “Regulations of the Jiangxi Provincial Soviet Government on the Confiscation and Distribution of Land,” approved by the Provisional Central Government of the Chinese Soviet Republic, stipulated that “if one makes a living solely by religious occupation, they shall not be allocated land; land previously allocated shall be recovered. If one takes religion as a sideline and farming as the main occupation, with the approval of the masses, land may be allocated. The family members of such persons, if they do not depend on the above-mentioned occupations for a living but are workers, hired farm laborers, poor peasants, middle peasants, or rich peasants, shall still be allocated land according to their status as workers, hired farm laborers, poor peasants, middle peasants, or rich peasants.” This regulation began to use whether one took religion as a main or sideline occupation as an important criterion for land allocation. In October 1933, the “Decision of the Central Government of the Chinese Soviet Republic on Some Problems in the Land Struggle,” issued by Mao Zedong, Chairman of the Central Government of the Chinese Soviet Republic, further stipulated: “Those who, immediately before the uprising, had made a living mainly from religious and superstitious occupations such as pastor, priest, monk, Taoist priest, vegetarian devotee, geomancer, fortune-teller, diviner, etc., for three years or more, are called religious professionals. Religious professionals have no right to vote and shall not be allocated land.” This decision included practitioners of feudal superstition within the category of religious professionals, refined the policy toward religious professionals and their family members, and no longer regarded religious professionals as riffraff or vagrants. Second, it improved the policy toward managing public halls. In the early period of the agrarian revolution, the Party implemented a policy of confiscating land managed by public halls. Through investigation and practice, it was found that “managing public halls is a form of exploitation. But a distinction should be made between landlords, rich peasants, and capitalists managing public halls, and workers, peasants, and poor people managing public halls,” and corresponding policies were adopted accordingly. Third, it improved the policy on freedom of religious belief. The “Constitutional Outline of the Chinese Soviet Republic,” adopted in November 1931, stipulated that workers, peasants, Red Army soldiers, and all toiling masses and their family members within the territory of the Soviet regime, regardless of religious belief, were all equal before Soviet law. The Soviet regime “takes as its actual goal guaranteeing the genuine freedom of religious belief for the toiling masses of workers and peasants, and absolutely implements the principle of separation of church and state.” In December of the same year, the “Land Law of the Chinese Soviet Republic,” issued by Mao Zedong, Chairman of the Central Executive Committee of the Chinese Soviet Republic, also reflected the principle of respecting the religious feelings of the masses, stipulating that in handling public land, “the voluntary support of the peasants must be obtained, on the principle of not hindering their religious feelings.”

其二，政策意义即提供了完善党的宗教工作方针政策的客观依据。一是完善了对待宗教职业者的政策。当时，游民无产者习惯上被叫做流氓。1930年6月，中共红四军前委和闽西特委联席会议通过了经毛泽东审改的《流氓问题》决议，把“卜卦的”“算命的”“看相的”“地理先生(一部除外)”“和尚(一部除外)”“道士(一部除外)”“师娘(巫)”“教徒(一部除外)”等封建迷信职业者和宗教徒纳入了流氓范畴，并制定了策略:“把流氓从统治阶级底下夺取过来，给以土地和工作，强迫其劳动，改变其社会条件，使之由流氓变为非流氓。”按照《流氓问题》决议，有神论者属于流氓范畴。同年10月，毛泽东在《兴国调查》中把“道士”“和尚”“打卦的”“挑观音的”“算命的”等纳入游民范畴，指出:“游民在革命中得了很多利益”，且“一般都是欢迎革命”的。在这里，毛泽东进一步分析了各种有神论者对待革命的态度，也为党进一步完善对待有神论者的政策提供了重要依据。1931年11月制定的《中华苏维埃共和国宪法草案》规定，传教士、牧师、僧侣、道士、地理阴阳先生及一切传教为职业者没有选举权和被选举权。这一政策，规定了迷信职业者和宗教职业者没有选举权和被选举权，但普通信教群众仍依法享有此项权利。1932年1月，湘赣军区政治部制定的《阶级的分析与对各阶级的策略》指出:“尼姑、和尚、道士、测字、算八字、拈卦、神甫、牧师等人，都是反动统治阶级的附属品，不能分田，在苏维埃也没有公〔民〕权。”同年春，由中华苏维埃共和国临时中央政府批准的《江西省苏维埃政府对于没收和分配土地的条例》规定，如果“是专以宗教为职业吃饭的不得分配土地，过去分了的应收回，如果是以宗教为副以耕田为主的经群众赞成的可以分配土地，这些人的家属如果不靠上述职业为生，而是工人雇农贫农中农或是富农的，仍按照工人雇农贫农中农或富农的地位分配土地”。该条例开始以是否以宗教为职业或副业作为是否分田的重要依据。1933年10月，中华苏维埃共和国中央政府主席毛泽东颁发的《中华苏维埃共和国中央政府关于土地斗争中一些问题的决定》进一步规定:“凡在紧靠暴动前，以牧师、神父、和尚、道士、斋公、看地、算命、卜卦等宗教迷信的职业为主要生活来源满三年者，叫做宗教职业者。宗教职业者无选举权，并不得分配土地。”该决定把封建迷信职业者纳入了宗教职业者范畴，细化了对待宗教职业者及其家属的政策，也不再把宗教职业者视为流氓或游民。二是完善了对待管公堂的政策。土地革命初期，党对管公堂土地实行没收的政策。通过调研和实践发现，“管公堂是一种剥削行为。但应分别地主富农资本家管公堂与工农贫民管公堂的不同”,对此采取相应的政策。三是完善了宗教信仰自由政策。1931年11月通过的《中华苏维埃共和国宪法大纲》规定，在苏维埃政权领域内的工人、农民、红军兵士及一切劳苦民众及其家属，不分宗教信仰，在苏维埃法律面前一律平等，苏维埃政权“以保证工农劳苦民众有真正的信教自由的实际为目的，绝对实行政教分离原则”。同年12月，中华苏维埃共和国中央执行委员会主席毛泽东颁发的《中华苏维埃共和国土地法令》也体现了尊重群众宗教信仰的原则，规定:在处理公共土地时“须得取得农民自愿的赞助，以不妨碍他们宗教感情为原则”。

Third, the methodological significance, namely the formation of a basic method for correctly understanding the issue of theism. The article “Oppose Book Worship,” which Mao Zedong wrote during his Xunwu investigation, “initially shaped the three basic points of the living soul of Mao Zedong Thought, namely the ideas of seeking truth from facts, the mass line, and independence and self-reliance.” [11]11 The “three basic points” refer to the core components of the “living soul of Mao Zedong Thought” as later codified in the 1981 “Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China.” These same methods of thought are also reflected in Mao’s investigation and research on the issue of theism at the time. First, investigating the issue of theism must adhere to seeking truth from facts. Mao pointed out that book worship that divorces itself from actual circumstances must be corrected; if one “blindly and superficially carries out上级指示 without any dissent, this is not truly carrying out上级指示, but is the finest method of opposing上级指示 or of sabotaging上级指示.” [12]12 The term “上级指示” (shàngjí zhǐshì) means “directives from higher authorities.” The quotation is from Mao’s “Oppose Book Worship” (1930). Therefore, understanding China’s theism issue must proceed from reality; one must “find the ‘source’ of the so-called ‘difficult problem’ and clarify the ‘current situation,’” and the problem will be readily solved. Second, investigating the issue of theism must follow the mass line. When Mao held investigation meetings in Xunwu, he sat in the first seat by the door, that is, the lower seat, willingly acting as a primary-school student and humbly learning from grassroots cadres and the masses. He pointed out that we must cry out loudly to wash away idealist spirit, so that comrades “go among the masses to conduct actual investigation!” [13]13 The quotation is from Mao’s “Oppose Book Worship” (1930). Investigating the issue of theism likewise requires following the mass line and mastering necessary investigation techniques, including holding discussion-style investigation meetings, setting an investigation outline with detailed items, personally taking part, going deep into matters, and keeping one’s own records. Finally, investigating the issue of theism must adhere to the principle of independence and self-reliance. Mao pointed out, “No investigation, no right to speak,” and “The victory of the Chinese revolution must depend on Chinese comrades understanding Chinese conditions.” [14]14 The quotations are from Mao’s “Oppose Book Worship” (1930). The issue of theism in the revolution must also be investigated and understood by Chinese comrades and handled by the Chinese people themselves. It was precisely in the practice of applying the basic theory of Marxist atheism to China’s reality and guiding the resolution of the theism issue that Mao Zedong continuously overcame the erroneous tendency to deify the resolutions of the Communist International and Soviet experience, continuously overcame the erroneous “Left” and Right tendencies within the Party, and independently analyzed the theism issue in the revolution, thereby advancing the process of adapting Marxist atheism to the Chinese context.

其三，方法意义即形成了正确认识有神论问题的基本方法。毛泽东在寻乌调查期间撰写的《反对本本主义》一文，“初步形成了毛泽东思想活的灵魂的三个基本点，即实事求是、群众路线、独立自主的思想”,这些思想方法也同样体现于毛泽东当时对有神论问题的调查研究上。首先是调研有神论问题要坚持实事求是。毛泽东指出，一定要纠正脱离实际情况的本本主义，如果“盲目地表面上完全无异议地执行上级的指示，这不是真正在执行上级的指示，这是反对上级指示或者对上级指示怠工的最妙方法”。因此，认识中国的有神论问题必须坚持从实际出发，要把“所谓困难问题的‘来源’找到手，‘现状’弄明白”,问题就迎刃而解了。其次是调研有神论问题必须走群众路线。毛泽东在寻乌开调查会时，就坐在进门的第一个位置即下席位置，甘当小学生，虚心向基层的干部和群众学习。他指出，我们要大声疾呼，必须洗刷唯心精神，使同志们“到群众中作实际调查去!”。调研有神论问题，同样需要走群众路线，需要掌握必要的调查技术，包括要开讨论式的调查会、要定调查大纲细目、要亲身出马、要深入、要自己记录等。最后是调研有神论问题要坚持独立自主原则。毛泽东指出，“没有调查，没有发言权”,“中国革命斗争的胜利要靠中国同志了解中国情况”，革命中的有神论问题也要靠中国同志去调研和了解，要靠中国人民自己来处理。毛泽东正是在把马克思主义无神论基本理论运用于中国实际并指导解决有神论问题的实践中，不断克服把共产国际决议和苏联经验神圣化的错误倾向，不断克服党内“左”倾和右倾错误倾向，独立自主地分析革命中的有神论问题，才推动了马克思主义无神论中国化进程。

IV. The Practical Implications of the Atheist Thought in the *Xunwu Investigation*

四、《寻乌调查》中的无神论思想的现实启示

In China’s primary stage of socialism, the roots of theism’s existence are long-term and complex, objectively requiring Party committees and governments at all levels, as well as the vast majority of Party members and cadres, to deeply investigate the theism issue and persistently carry out the propaganda and education work of Marxist atheism. The practical implications of the atheist thought in the *Xunwu Investigation* can be summarized from the perspectives of emphasizing investigation, innovating theory, and strengthening education as follows: guiding the investigation and research of the theism issue with the “Six Musts,” [15]15 The “Six Musts” (六个必须坚持) are the six principles that constitute the worldview and methodology of Xi Jinping Thought: putting the people first, confidence and self-reliance, upholding fundamental principles and breaking new ground, a problem-oriented approach, a systems concept, and a global vision. advancing the adaptation of Marxist atheism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times with the “Two Integrations,” [16]16 The “Two Integrations” (两个结合) refer to the integration of the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with the best of traditional Chinese culture, as articulated by Xi Jinping. and doing a good job of Marxist atheist propaganda and education work with the “Three Deepenings.” [17]17 The “Three Deepenings” (三个深入) is a term used by

在我国社会主义初级阶段，有神论存在的根源具有长期性和复杂性，客观上要求各级党委和政府以及广大党员干部要深入调查有神论问题和持久做好马克思主义无神论宣传教育工作。《寻乌调查》中的无神论思想的现实启示，可从注重调研、创新理论、加强教育的视角概括为:以“六个必须坚持”指导有神论问题的调查研究，以“两个结合”推进马克思主义无神论中国化时代化，以“三个深入”做好马克思主义无神论宣传教育工作。

First, guiding the investigation and research of the theism issue with the “Six Musts.” The *Xunwu Investigation* is a model of Mao Zedong’s investigation and research on the theism issue. In March 2023, the Work Plan on Promoting Extensive Investigation and Research Throughout the Party, issued by the General Office of the CPC Central Committee, pointed out the need to “be adept at using the Party’s innovative theories to study new situations, solve new problems, summarize new experiences, and explore new laws.” [18]18 The “three thoroughfares” (三个深入) refers to the three principles of thoroughness in reality, in life, and among the masses, as elaborated in this paragraph. The worldview and methodology of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, namely the “Six Musts,” are sharp ideological weapons for guiding the investigation and research of the theism issue under the new situation. First, we must adhere to the concept of putting the people first to fulfill the original aspiration and founding mission of investigating the theism issue. We must firmly stand with the people, vigorously develop the productive forces, promote the all-round development of people, and always adhere to the people-centered development thinking. Second, we must adhere to confidence and self-reliance to manifest the important principle of investigating the theism issue. We must always adhere to the great principle of Marxist atheism, adapt measures to local conditions, and conduct comprehensive and in-depth investigations of the actual situation. Third, we must adhere to upholding fundamental principles and breaking new ground to enhance the breadth and depth of the investigation of the theism issue. We must go deep into grassroots units, comprehensively use multiple methods and fully utilize modern information technology, to improve scientificity and effectiveness. Fourth, we must adhere to a problem-oriented approach to clarify the goals and direction of the investigation of the theism issue. We must deeply grasp the new characteristics and new situations presented by the theism issue under the new situation, and find new ideas and new methods to solve the problems. Fifth, we must adhere to a systems concept to innovate the scientific methods of investigating the theism issue. We must insist on understanding the theism issue with a universally connected, comprehensive and systematic, and developing and changing perspective; in understanding and handling the theism issue, we must “be adept at seeing reality through history, seeing the essence through phenomena, and properly handling the relationships between the whole and the part, the present and the long term, the macro and the micro, the principal contradiction and secondary contradictions, and the special and the general.” [19]19 The “Opinions on Strengthening and Improving Ideological and Political Work in the New Era” (《关于新时代加强和改进思想政治工作的意见》) is a policy document issued by the CPC Central Committee and the State Council in July 2021, outlining guidelines for ideological and political work in the New Era. Sixth, we must adhere to a global vision to expand the world perspective of the investigation of the theism issue. The theism issue also has international characteristics; we must both resolutely resist and prevent the infiltration of various theist currents of thought, and also tell China’s atheist story well to the outside world, striving to enhance the discourse power and international communication capacity of Marxist atheism.

其一，以“六个必须坚持”指导有神论问题调查研究。《寻乌调查》是毛泽东调查研究有神论问题的典范。2023年3月，中共中央办公厅印发的《关于在全党大兴调查研究的工作方案》指出，要“善于运用党的创新理论研究新情况、解决新问题、总结新经验、探索新规律”。习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的世界观和方法论即“六个必须坚持”是指导新形势下有神论问题调查研究的锐利思想武器。一是以必须坚持人民至上的理念践行对有神论问题调研的初心使命。要站稳人民立场，大力发展生产力，促进人的全面发展，始终坚持以人民为中心的发展思想。二是以必须坚持自信自立彰显对有神论问题调研的重要原则。要始终坚持马克思主义无神论大原则，坚持因地制宜，对实际情况进行全面深入调研。三是以必须坚持守正创新提升对有神论问题调研的广度深度。要深入基层单位，综合运用多种方式和充分运用现代信息技术，提高科学性和实效性。四是以必须坚持问题导向明确对有神论问题调研的目标方向。要深入把握新形势下有神论问题呈现出的新特点新情况，找到解决问题的新思路新办法。五是以必须坚持系统观念创新对有神论问题调研的科学方法。要坚持用普遍联系的、全面系统的、发展变化的观点认识有神论问题，在认识和处理有神论问题中要“善于通过历史看现实、透过现象看本质，把握好全局和局部、当前和长远、宏观和微观、主要矛盾和次要矛盾、特殊和一般的关系”。六是以必须坚持胸怀天下拓展对有神论问题调研的世界眼光。有神论问题也有国际性特点，既要坚决抵御和防范各种有神论思潮的渗透，也要对外讲好中国无神论故事，努力提升马克思主义无神论话语权及国际传播能力。

Second, advancing the adaptation of Marxist atheism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times with the “Two Integrations.” The atheist thought in the *Xunwu Investigation*, rooted in the soil of China’s historical culture and the reality of the Chinese revolution, runs through the Marxist stance, viewpoint, and method, and is an important milestone in the process of adapting Marxist atheism to the Chinese context. To open up new horizons for adapting Marxist atheism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times, we must adhere to the “Two Integrations.” On the one hand, we must adhere to integrating the basic theory of Marxist atheism with the concrete reality of China’s theism issue. We must adhere to using the worldview and methodology of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era and the stance, viewpoint, and method running through it to understand and grasp the characteristics and laws of the theism issue under the new situation, resolutely resist and prevent the infiltration of various theisms, and always maintain the dominant position of Marxist atheism in the minds of the people; at the same time, we must fully, accurately, and comprehensively implement the Party’s policy of freedom of religious belief, respect the religious beliefs of the masses, and continuously consolidate the Party’s patriotic united front with religious circles. On the other hand, we must adhere to integrating the basic principles of Marxist atheism with China’s excellent traditional atheist thought. The valuable ideas in China’s excellent traditional atheist thought—valuing people over gods, unremitting self-improvement, man’s conquest of nature, and the extinction of the spirit with the body’s decay—are highly compatible with the value propositions of Marxist atheism. We must strengthen historical confidence and cultural confidence, systematically collate and deeply excavate China’s excellent traditional atheist thought, adhere to connecting the essence of Marxist atheist thought with the essence of China’s excellent traditional atheist thought, and integrating it with the atheist value concepts that the Chinese people use daily without conscious awareness, continuously consolidate the historical foundation, cultural roots, and mass base for adapting Marxist atheism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times, form a contemporary Chinese Marxist atheist thought with Chinese characteristics, Chinese style, and Chinese manner, and let Marxist atheism take firm root and blossom and bear fruit in China.

其二，以“两个结合”推进马克思主义无神论中国化时代化。《寻乌调查》中的无神论思想，根植于中国历史文化土壤和中国革命实际，贯穿了马克思主义的立场观点方法，是马克思主义无神论中国化进程中的重要里程碑。开辟马克思主义无神论中国化时代化新境界，要坚持“两个结合”。一方面，要坚持把马克思主义无神论基本理论同中国有神论问题的具体实际相结合。坚持运用习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的世界观、方法论和贯穿其中的立场观点方法认识和把握新形势下有神论问题的特点和规律，坚决抵御和防范各种有神论的渗透，始终保持马克思主义无神论在人民群众思想中的主导地位;同时，要完整、准确、全面贯彻党的宗教信仰自由政策，尊重群众宗教信仰，不断巩固党同宗教界的爱国统一战线。另一方面，要坚持把马克思主义无神论基本原理同中华优秀传统无神论思想相结合。中华优秀传统无神论思想中的重人轻神、自强不息、人定胜天、形谢神灭等宝贵思想，与马克思主义无神论的价值观主张具有高度契合性。要坚定历史自信、文化自信，系统整理和深入挖掘中华优秀传统无神论思想，坚持把马克思主义无神论思想精髓同中华优秀传统无神论思想精华贯通起来、同中国人民日用而不觉的无神论价值理念融通起来，不断夯实马克思主义无神论中国化时代化的历史根基、文化根脉和群众基础，形成中国特色、中国风格、中国气派的当代中国马克思主义无神论思想，让马克思主义无神论在中国牢牢扎根和开花结果。

Third, do a good job of Marxist atheist propaganda and education work by means of the “three thoroughfares.” The *Xunwu Investigation*’s investigation and study of theistic questions served, in the final analysis, the agrarian revolutionary war and the liberation of the people. Marxist atheist propaganda and education work must “focus on consolidating Marxism’s guiding position in China’s ideological sphere, focus on serving economic construction as the central task and the overall work of the whole Party and the whole country, and focus on promoting all-round social progress and the all-round development of the individual.” The “Opinions on Strengthening and Improving Ideological and Political Work in the New Era” issued by the Central Committee of the CPC and the State Council in 2021 proposed that “education in Marxist materialism and atheism should be strengthened.” To do a good job of Marxist atheist propaganda and education work in the New Era, we should adhere to the “three thoroughfares.” First, adhere to thoroughness in reality. We must base ourselves on the greatest reality, which is the primary stage of socialism, adhere to emancipating the mind, seeking truth from facts, advancing with the times, and upholding fundamental principles while breaking new ground, promptly grasp the new circumstances in the struggle against illegal religious activities, cult organizations, and various kinds of pseudoscience and superstition, strengthen guidance in propaganda and public opinion on religious matters, comprehensively grasp the constantly developing and changing new situation of theistic questions, “promote the scientific spirit, popularize scientific knowledge, resist superstition and decadent and backward culture, and guard against the infiltration of extremist religious thought and illegal religious forces,” and adhere to carrying out Marxist atheist propaganda and education work in a manner suited to local conditions, to the people involved, to the specific matter, and to the time. Second, adhere to thoroughness in life. We must penetrate deeply into the daily life of the masses, better integrate the forms, content, and methods of propaganda and education into the life of the masses, serve the life of the masses, and guide the life of the masses, take meeting the people’s ever-growing needs for a better life as the starting point and goal of Marxist atheist propaganda and education work, so that the masses “become educated, pay attention to hygiene, and live a good life, and then ‘ghosts’ will naturally be driven away.” Third, adhere to thoroughness among the masses. We must adhere to the mass line, take deep root among the masses, think what the masses think, be anxious about what the masses are anxious about, resolve what worries the masses, and do what the masses need, and proceed more from the most realistic issues of the masses’ interests.

其三，以“三个深入”做好马克思主义无神论宣传教育工作。《寻乌调查》对有神论问题的调查研究，归根到底是为土地革命战争和人民解放服务的。马克思主义无神论宣传教育工作要“着眼于巩固马克思主义在我国意识形态领域的指导地位，着眼于服务经济建设这个中心和全党全国工作大局，着眼于促进社会全面进步和人的全面发展”。中共中央、国务院2021年印发的《关于新时代加强和改进思想政治工作的意见》提出，要“加强马克思主义唯物论和无神论教育”。做好新时代马克思主义无神论宣传教育工作，应坚持“三个深入”。一是坚持深入实际。要立足于社会主义初级阶段这个最大实际，坚持解放思想、实事求是、与时俱进、守正创新，及时掌握与非法宗教活动、邪教组织和各种伪科学、迷信斗争的新情况，加强宗教方面宣传舆论引导，全面把握有神论问题不断发展变化的新形势，“提倡科学精神，普及科学知识，抵制迷信和腐朽落后文化，防范极端宗教思想和非法宗教势力渗透”,坚持因地、因人、因事、因时制宜开展马克思主义无神论宣传教育工作。二是坚持深入生活。要深入人民群众日常生活，把宣传教育的形式、内容与方法更好地融入群众生活、服务群众生活、引导群众生活，把满足人民日益增长的美好生活需要作为马克思主义无神论宣传教育工作的出发点和落脚点，群众“有文化、讲卫生，过上好日子，‘鬼’就自然被驱走了”。三是坚持深入群众。要坚持走群众路线，深深扎根于群众之中，想群众之所想，急群众之所急，解群众之所忧，办群众之所需，多从群众最现实的利益问题着手。

In summary, the atheist thought in the *Xunwu Investigation*, formed by Mao Zedong on the basis of long-term practice and in-depth investigation and study, enriches the treasure house of Sinicized Marxist atheist thought with a series of theoretical viewpoints on correctly treating religion, folk beliefs, feudal superstition, and feudal secret societies and sects, provides an objective basis for the Party to perfect the major policies of Marxist atheism, forms the Party’s basic method for correctly understanding theistic questions, and offers important implications for conducting investigation and study of theistic questions under the current new situation, promoting the adaptation of Marxist atheism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times, and doing a good job of Marxist atheist propaganda and education work in the New Era.

综上，毛泽东在长期实践和深入调查研究基础上形成的《寻乌调查》中的无神论思想，以一系列关于正确对待宗教、民间信仰、封建迷信和封建会道门的理论观点丰富了中国化马克思主义无神论的思想宝库，提供了党完善马克思主义无神论大政方针的客观依据，形成了党正确认识有神论问题的基本方法，为当前新形势下开展有神论问题调查研究、推进马克思主义无神论中国化时代化、做好新时代马克思主义无神论宣传教育工作等提供了重要启示。

(Author bios: Liu Fujun, professor at the School of Marxism, Beijing Union University, and deputy director of the Institute of Religious Policy and Religious Culture; Zhang Ruxu, master’s student at the School of Marxism, Beijing Union University)

（作者简介：刘福军，北京联合大学马克思主义学院教授，宗教政策与宗教文化研究所副所长;张如旭，北京联合大学马克思主义学院硕士研究生）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心