On August 22, Former GDR Party and State Leader Krenz Visits the Academy of Marxism for Academic Exchange

On August 22, 2019, Egon Krenz, the last General Secretary of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany, Chairman of the Council of State and Chairman of the National Defense Council of the former German Democratic Republic, led a delegation to the Academy of Marxism of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences for academic exchange with experts and scholars. Egon Krenz shared his views on the historical truth of the "fall" of the Berlin Wall, the status and influence of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the world socialist movement, and other issues.

2019年8月22日，原民主德国统一社会党最后一任总书记、国务委员会主席和国防委员会主席埃贡·克伦茨一行到访中国社会科学院马克思主义研究院与专家学者进行了学术交流。埃贡·克伦茨就柏林墙“倒塌”的历史真相、中国特色社会主义在世界社会主义运动中的地位和影响等问题谈了自己的看法。

I. The Historical Truth of the "Fall" of the Berlin Wall

一、柏林墙“倒塌”的历史真相

Thirty years ago, in 1989, the East German crisis erupted and the Berlin Wall came crashing down. Descriptions and reports of this final chapter in the Berlin Wall's history have been consistently saturated with strong ideological overtones; Western media have arbitrarily distorted the truth, leaving it obscured.

30年前的1989年，东德危机爆发，柏林墙轰然“倒塌”。关于柏林墙最后这段历史命运的描述与报道一直充斥着各种浓厚的意识形态色彩，西方媒体肆意歪曲真相，使其模糊不清。

Egon Krenz believes that the construction of the Berlin Wall was the product of a prolonged confrontation between the two camps of socialism and capitalism. In the late 1950s, with the ongoing antagonism between the NATO and Warsaw Pact camps, West Germany adopted various economic and political measures to suppress the GDR, and the open border increasingly became a burden for the GDR. Faced with a question of national survival, the GDR was compelled to decide, twelve years after the state's founding in 1961, to build the Berlin Wall. The establishment of the Berlin Wall was not a unilateral decision of the GDR alone or of the Soviet Union, but a product of the prolonged conflict and confrontation between the Warsaw Pact and NATO. The boundary of the Berlin Wall was not limited to the area between East and West Berlin; the border actually extended from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea, serving as the border between the two Germanys and the two camps.

埃贡·克伦茨认为，柏林墙的修建是社会主义和资本主义两大阵营长期对峙的产物。20世纪50年代末，随着北约和华约两大阵营的持续对抗，西德采取了各种打压民主德国的经济和政治手段，开放的边界对民主德国来说越来越成为一种负担。面对国家生存问题，民主德国迫不得已在国家成立12年之后的1961年，决定修建柏林墙。柏林墙的建立并不是民主德国一国或苏联一厢情愿的决定，而是华约和北约长期冲突对峙的产物。柏林墙的边界也并不是只限于东西柏林之间，边界实际上从波罗的海一直延申到黑海，是两个德国、两个阵营的边界。

Krenz pointed out that the Berlin Wall was not, as Western media propagandized, rushed by the masses and knocked down with tools like pickaxes; this is a historical lie. The opening of the Berlin Wall border was an active decision made by the GDR government, but a slip of the tongue at the time led to a deterioration of the situation. On November 9, 1989, the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany passed a resolution stipulating that residents of the GDR could travel freely to West Germany, but on the condition that they apply for exit permits, which would be granted only after approval, with the regulation taking effect on November 10. However, at the press conference that afternoon, Günter Schabowski, the Politburo member responsible for external propaganda (who had not attended the Central Committee plenary session on November 9), in answering a reporter's question, mistakenly said the regulation took effect immediately. The masses then surged toward the Berlin Wall, but the state had not yet issued specific orders or related implementation measures, causing events to spiral out of control. Western media broadcast the opening of the border live, claiming that tens of thousands of people surged to the border and pushed down the Berlin Wall; this was ideological propaganda and does not match the facts. The GDR government never issued an order to open the Berlin Wall; the border troops received orders not to fire under any circumstances in the event of incidents at the border. At that time, the GDR's room for maneuver was extremely limited: either open fire or open the wall. The Politburo held multiple meetings to discuss the matter but remained helpless. The particularity of the GDR lay in the presence of four occupying powers—the United States, Britain, France, and the Soviet Union—on its territory; any wrong decision could have triggered military conflict among these countries. Opening the border peacefully objectively promoted the peaceful development of the situation.

克伦茨指出，柏林墙并非像西方媒体所宣传的那样，被民众一拥而上用锄头等工具敲打并推倒的，这是历史的谎言。开放柏林墙的边界是民德政府主动作出的决定，但是当时出现的一个口误插曲导致事态恶化。1989年11月9日，德国统一社会党中央全会作出决议，规定民主德国的居民可以自由到西德旅行，但前提是要申请出境，申请批准后方可出境，规定11月10日生效。但是，在当天下午的记者发布会上，负责对外宣传的政治局委员沙波夫斯基（没有参加11月9日的中央全会）在回答记者的提问时，口误说这一规定即时生效。于是群众迅速涌向柏林墙，然而当时国家还未下达具体命令和相关的执行措施，这导致事态朝着不可控的方向发展。西方媒体直播边界的开放，说成千上万的人涌向边界，推到了柏林墙，这实际上是意识形态的宣传，不符合事实。民德政府根本没有下达命令打开柏林墙，边防军收到的命令是边界发生任何事件时都不能开枪。当时民主德国的行动空间非常有限，要么开枪，要么开墙，政治局多次举会商议，仍束手无策。民主德国的特殊性在于领土上有美、英、法、苏四个占领国，任何错误决定都可能导致这几个国家爆发军事冲突。和平打开边界客观上促进了事态的和平发展。

Krenz believes that if the historical process of 1989–1991 is said to signify the end of the Cold War, that is a lie. At the time of the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, then-U.S. President George H. W. Bush said that the United States was the victor of the Cold War. In this sense, Bush merely relegated the Soviet Union to the status of a loser, rather than ending the Cold War. The Cold War has not ended at all; on the contrary, it has intensified. For example, what is currently happening in Hong Kong is not a revolution but a continuation of the Cold War, a continuation of the imperialist war against socialism.

克伦茨认为，如果说1989－1991的历史进程意味着冷战的结束，那么这是一个谎言。苏东剧变时，美国时任总统老布什曾说，美国是冷战的胜利者。从这一意义上说，布什只是把苏联贬低到失败者的地位上，而并不是什么冷战的结束。冷战非但没有结束，反而愈演愈烈。例如，目前在香港发生的一切并不是什么革命，而是冷战的继续，是帝国主义对社会主义的战争的继续。

II. Socialism with Chinese Characteristics Is the Hope for the Revival of the World Socialist Movement

二、中国特色社会主义是世界社会主义运动复兴的希望所在

Krenz believes that the "fall" of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the GDR were not the end of socialism in Europe, but a temporary defeat of the European socialist movement. Socialism was not buried in Germany in 1989 or in the Soviet Union in 1991; what is happening in China today bears witness to the vitality and life force of socialism in reality, powerfully refuting the assertions that "Marxism is dead" and that "capitalism has achieved permanent victory."

克伦茨认为，柏林墙的“倒塌”和民主德国的沦亡并不是欧洲社会主义的终结，而是欧洲社会主义运动的暂时的失败。社会主义并没有在1989年的德国和1991年的苏联被埋葬，今天在中国所发生的一切见证了现实中社会主义的活力与生命力，有力驳斥了“马克思主义已经死亡”“资本主义实现永久胜利”的论断。

Krenz highly praised China's efforts and contributions to promoting world peace and development and solving global problems. He believes that the initiative of "a community with a shared future for mankind" proposed by General Secretary Xi Jinping is of great significance for maintaining world peace, and that the Belt and Road Initiative is a new mechanism for international cooperation that can replace the neoliberal model of globalization.

克伦茨高度赞扬中国为推动世界和平与发展、解决全球问题所做出的努力和贡献，认为习近平总书记提出的“人类命运共同体”倡议对维护世界和平具有重大意义，“一带一路”倡议是可以取代新自由主义全球化模式的一种国际合作新机制。

At the same time, Krenz also noted that Western media coverage of China is filled with bias, contradictions, and even lies. On the one hand, they express shock at China's remarkable achievements; on the other hand, they arbitrarily slander China on issues of democracy and human rights. For example, German media, in their reporting on the situation in Hong Kong, have one-sidedly condemned police violence. Overall, information about China in German media is far from reflecting China's current reality, contains many lies, often takes things out of context, and fails to seek truth from facts. The West always fixates on China's negative aspects, attempting to fundamentally demonize China. China should fully recognize the influence of media on public opinion and views, and maintain a clear understanding of the严峻形势 of the struggle in the ideological domain.

与此同时，克伦茨还谈到，西方媒体对中国的报道充斥着偏见、矛盾甚至是谎言。一方面，他们对中国所取得的举世瞩目的成就表示震惊；另一方面，他们又在民主和人权问题上肆意污蔑中国。例如，德国媒体在有关香港局势的报道中一边倒地谴责警察暴力。总体上说，德国媒体上有关中国的信息远远不符合中国现状，存在诸多谎言，常常断章取义，不能实事求。西方总是盯着中国的负面情况，妄图从根本上妖魔化中国。中国应充分重视媒体对普通民众意见和观点的影响，对意识形态领域斗争的严峻形势保持清醒的认识。

III. The Current State of the Socialist Movement in Germany

三、德国社会主义运动现状

When discussing the current state of the socialist movement in Germany, Krenz pointed out that in Germany and even across Europe, the socialist movement remains in a period of low ebb and stagnation. Furthermore, the German socialist movement lacks a unified line and policy, making it unable to unite forces and enhance its own influence.

在谈到德国社会主义运动的现状时，克伦茨指出，目前在德国乃至整个欧洲，社会主义运动仍处于低迷徘徊的阶段。此外，德国社会主义运动缺乏统一的路线方针，无法团结力量提高自身的影响力。

Currently, the most influential left-wing party in Germany is the Left Party (Die Linke). However, Krenz believes that the party's programmatic revisions to the content of socialism have long since caused it to lose its identity as a communist party, evolving into a democratic socialist party. Within the Left Party, there exists a Communist Platform consisting of approximately 500 members. This organization is based on Marxism-Leninism and represents the progressive stance of traditional members of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany. The organization believes that, despite the GDR's many shortcomings and erroneous decisions, the GDR should have been preserved and the construction of a socialist Germany should have continued. Although this organization is a minority within the Left Party, its positions have gained considerable support and approval from many within the party. The organization's current ideological focus is on how to maintain peace, oppose sanctions against Russia, oppose NATO's eastward expansion, and oppose the rise of neo-Nazi forces.

目前，德国最有影响力的左翼政党是德国左翼党。但是克伦茨认为，该党的纲领主张对社会主义内容的修正使得其早已丧失了共产主义政党的身份，演变成为一个民主社会主义政党。在德国左翼党内部存在一个大约由500人组成的共产主义平台。该组织以马列主义思想为基础，代表着传统的德国统一社会党人的进步立场。该组织认为，尽管民主德国存在很多不足之处并曾作出错误的决定，但民主德国应该保留下去，应该继续建设社会主义的的德国。尽管该组织在德国左翼党内部属于少数派，但是其主张在党内得到很多人的赞成和支持。该组织目前的思想关注点是如何维护和平、反对对俄罗斯的制裁、反对北约东扩、反对新纳粹力量的崛起等。

Krenz noted that in contemporary German society, many people have become aware of the drawbacks of the capitalist system, recognizing that capitalist parliamentary democracy is merely a protective umbrella for the interests of monopoly capitalists. Socialism with Chinese characteristics, as a development model completely different from the capitalist system, has already demonstrated the efficiency of its system in solving many problems.

克伦茨介绍到，在当前的德国社会中，不少民众意识到了资本主义体制的弊端，认识到资本主义的议会民主制只是垄断大资本家利益的保护伞。而中国特色社会主义作为完全不同于资本主义制度的另一种发展模式，已经在诸多问题的解决上展现出制度的高效性。

(Written by Kang Yanru)

（康晏如执笔）