On Mao Zedong’s Important Contributions to the “Second Integration” as Seen from Three Works

The report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC [1]1 The “Second Integration” (第二个结合) refers to the integration of the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s fine traditional culture, as distinct from the first integration of Marxism with China’s concrete reality. summarised and put forward the “Two Integrations” [2]2 The “Great Revolution” (大革命) refers to the period of the First United Front between the CPC and the Kuomintang (1924–1927), including the Northern Expedition to unify China., namely, integrating the basic principles of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with the best of traditional Chinese culture. This is a profound summation of the laws governing the development of adapting Marxism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times, marking a new level in the Communist Party of China’s understanding of these laws. This raises a question that requires deep reflection and study: after Mao Zedong put forward the sinicisation of Marxism, did he consciously integrate the basic principles of Marxism with the best of traditional Chinese culture? In reality, whether a law is recognised and summarised, and whether it actually plays a role, are two processes that are interconnected yet can be appropriately distinguished. The optimal state is, of course, the unity of the two processes. But since it is a law, regardless of whether it is recognised or scientifically summarised and generalised, this law is always at work.

党的二十大报告概括提出“两个结合”，即把马克思主义基本原理同中国具体实际相结合、同中华优秀传统文化相结合，是对马克思主义中国化时代化发展规律的深刻总结，标志着中国共产党对马克思主义中国化时代化发展规律的认识上升到一个新水平。由此提出一个需要深入思虑和研究的问题，在毛泽东提出马克思主义中国化之后，有没有自觉地把马克思主义基本原理同中华优秀传统文化相结合?实际上，一个规律有没有被认识并概括出来，同这个规律有没有实际发挥作用，是相互联系又可以作适当区分的两个过程。最佳状态当然是两个过程的合一。但既然是规律，那么，无论是否被认识，是否被科学地总结和概括出来，这个规律都是在起作用的。

Below, taking three of Mao Zedong’s works as examples, I analyse Mao’s important contributions to the “Second Integration” [3]3 The “First Integration” refers to the integration of the basic principles of Marxism with China’s specific realities, as distinct from the “Second Integration,” which refers to the integration of the basic principles of Marxism with China’s fine traditional culture.. These three articles are, respectively, “On the New Stage” (October 1938), “On New Democracy” (January 1940), and “A Talk with Music Workers” (August 1956).

下面，就以毛泽东的三本著作为例，分析毛泽东对“第二个结合”所作的重要贡献。这三篇文章分别是《论新阶段》（1938年10月）、《新民主主义论》（1940年1月）以及《同音乐工作者的谈话》（1956年8月）。

I. “On the New Stage” and the “Second Integration”

一、《论新阶段》与“第二个结合”

In October 1938, in his political report “On the New Stage” delivered at the Enlarged Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Party [4]4 The “Second Integration” (第二个结合) refers to the combination of the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s fine traditional culture, as distinct from the first integration with China’s concrete realities. It was formally articulated by Xi Jinping in 2021., Mao Zedong for the first time put forward the proposition of the sinicisation of Marxism.

1938年10月，毛泽东在党的扩大的六届六中全会上所作的政治报告《论新阶段》里第一次提出马克思主义中国化的命题。

First, let us look at how Mao raised this issue. He pointed out: “The sinicisation of Marxism—that is, making it manifest in every one of its expressions with Chinese characteristics, applying it in accordance with Chinese characteristics—has become a problem that must be understood and solved by the whole Party. Foreign stereotyped writing must be abolished, hollow and abstract tunes must be sung less often, and dogmatism must be laid to rest, and replaced by a fresh, lively Chinese style and Chinese manner that the common people of China love to see and hear. To separate the content of internationalism from national form is the practice of people who understand nothing of internationalism; we, on the contrary, must closely combine the two. In this regard, there are some serious shortcomings in our ranks that should be earnestly eliminated.”

首先来看毛泽东是怎么提出这个问题的。他指出：“马克思主义的中国化，使之在其每一表现中带着中国的特性，即是说，按照中国的特点去应用它，成为全党亟待了解并亟须解决的问题。洋八股必须废止，空洞抽象的调头必须少唱，教条主义必须休息，而代替之以新鲜活泼的、为中国老百姓所喜闻乐见的中国作风与中国气派。把国际主义的内容与民族形式分离起来，是一点也不懂国际主义的人们的干法，我们则要把二者紧密地结合起来。在这个问题上，我们队伍中存在着的一些严重的缺点，是应该认真除掉的。”

Here, while putting forward the proposition of “the sinicisation of Marxism,” Mao emphasised several things. First, “making it manifest in every one of its expressions with Chinese characteristics,” that is, “applying it in accordance with Chinese characteristics”; second, using “a fresh, lively Chinese style and Chinese manner that the common people of China love to see and hear” to replace “foreign stereotyped writing” and dogmatism; third, “closely combining” “the content of internationalism” with “national form.”

在这里，毛泽东在提出“马克思主义的中国化”命题的同时，强调了几件事。一是“使之在其每一表现中带着中国的特性”，即“按照中国的特点去应用它”；二是用“新鲜活泼的、为中国老百姓所喜闻乐见的中国作风与中国气派”，来代替“洋八股”和教条主义；三是“把国际主义的内容与民族形式”“紧密地结合起来”。

At the same time, we also note that when Mao put forward the proposition of “the sinicisation of Marxism,” there was a theoretical basis. This is: “Communists are internationalist Marxists, but Marxism must be realised through national form. There is no abstract Marxism, only concrete Marxism. What is called concrete Marxism is Marxism that passes through national form, that is, applying Marxism to the concrete struggles in the concrete environment of China, not applying it abstractly. Communists who are part of the great Chinese nation and are flesh and blood with this nation, who talk about Marxism divorced from Chinese characteristics, are only talking about abstract, hollow Marxism.”

同时，我们也注意到，毛泽东在提出“马克思主义的中国化”命题时，有一个理论依据。这就是：“共产党员是国际主义的马克思主义者，但马克思主义必须通过民族形式才能实现。没有抽象的马克思主义，只有具体的马克思主义。所谓具体的马克思主义，就是通过民族形式的马克思主义，就是把马克思主义应用到中国具体环境的具体斗争中去，而不是抽象地应用它。成为伟大中华民族之一部分而与这个民族血肉相联的共产党员，离开中国特点来谈马克思主义，只是抽象的空洞的马克思主义。”

From this exposition of the theoretical basis, it can be clearly seen that “there is no abstract Marxism, only concrete Marxism” is the major premise. What is “concrete Marxism”? It contains two aspects. One is application, that is, “applying Marxism to the concrete struggles in the concrete environment of China, not applying it abstractly.” The other is national form, that is, “Marxism must be realised through national form.” The two converge in “Chinese characteristics,” that is, “to talk about Marxism divorced from Chinese characteristics is only abstract, hollow Marxism.”

从这段对理论依据的阐述中，可以清楚地看到，“没有抽象的马克思主义，只有具体的马克思主义”，这是大前提。什么是“具体的马克思主义”呢?这里包含两个方面。一方面是运用，即“把马克思主义应用到中国具体环境的具体斗争中去，而不是抽象地应用它”。另一方面是民族形式，即“马克思主义必须通过民族形式才能实现”。两者归一，都是“中国特点”，即“离开中国特点来谈马克思主义，只是抽象的空洞的马克思主义”。

If we combine these two passages, what is called “making it manifest in every one of its expressions with Chinese characteristics,” “applying it in accordance with Chinese characteristics,” is what Mao called the sinicisation of Marxism. How is this goal to be achieved? It is necessary both to focus on “applying Marxism to the concrete struggles in the concrete environment of China” and to “pass through national form,” making it possess “a fresh, lively Chinese style and Chinese manner that the common people of China love to see and hear.” Clearly, the “national form” Mao spoke of cannot be realised without promoting the best of traditional Chinese culture.

如果把这两段论述结合起来看，所谓“使之在其每一表现中带着中国的特性”，“按照中国的特点去应用它”，即毛泽东所说的马克思主义中国化。如何实现这一目标呢?既要注重“把马克思主义应用到中国具体环境的具体斗争中去”，还要“通过民族形式”，使之带有“新鲜活泼的、为中国老百姓所喜闻乐见的中国作风与中国气派”。很显然，毛泽东所说的“民族形式”，离开弘扬中华优秀传统文化是无法实现的。

We should also note that Mao put forward the proposition of “the sinicisation of Marxism” against the general background of raising the task of “study” for the whole Party in a targeted manner. What was to be studied? Mao put forward three study tasks: “Generally speaking, all Communists with considerable research ability should study the theories of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin, should study our national history, and should study the conditions and trends of the current movement.” If the first task is seen as the main body, the latter two correspond to “national form” and “application.”

我们还要注意的是，毛泽东是在向全党有针对性地提出“学习”任务的大背景下，提出“马克思主义的中国化”命题的。学习什么呢?毛泽东提出了三大学习任务：“一般地说，一切有相当研究能力的共产党员，都要研究马克思、恩格斯、列宁、斯大林的理论，都要研究我们民族的历史，都要研究当前运动的情况与趋势。”如果把前一项任务看作是主体，后面两项则对应着“民族形式”和“运用”。

On how to embody national form and “study our national history,” Mao pointed out: “Studying our historical heritage and giving it a critical summation using Marxist methods is another task for our study. Our great nation has several thousand years of history, with its own laws of development, its own national characteristics, and many precious things. In this regard, we are still primary school students. Today’s China is a development of historical China; we are Marxist historical materialists, and we should not cut off history. From Confucius to Sun Yat-sen, we should give a summation, and we should inherit this precious legacy. Inheriting the legacy, which in turn becomes a method, is of important help in guiding the great current movement.”

关于如何体现民族形式和“研究我们民族的历史”，毛泽东指出：“学习我们的历史遗产，用马克思主义的方法给以批判的总结，是我们学习的另一任务。我们这个大民族数千年的历史，有它的发展法则，有它的民族特点，有它的许多珍贵品。对于这个，我们还是小学生。今天的中国是历史的中国之一发展，我们是马克思主义的历史主义者，我们不应该割断历史。从孔夫子到孙中山，我们应该给以总结，我们要承继这一份珍贵的遗产。承继遗产，转过来就变为方法，对于指导当前的伟大运动，是有着重要的帮助的。”

For this classic exposition by Mao, we need not add too much explanation. It not only tells us how to inherit the excellent cultural heritage of China, but also tells us that this critical inheritance under the guidance of Marxism can be transformed into a method.

对于毛泽东的这一段经典论述，我们不必再作过多的解释。其中不仅告诉我们如何去承继中华优秀文化遗产，还告诉我们这种在马克思主义指导下的批判地继承，可以转变为一种方法。

The above is Mao’s initial contribution to the “Second Integration” when he put forward the proposition of “the sinicisation of Marxism.”

以上这些，就是毛泽东在提出“马克思主义的中国化”命题时，对“第二个结合”的最初的贡献。

II. “On New Democracy” and the “Second Integration”

二、《新民主主义论》与“第二个结合”

“On New Democracy,” published by Mao Zedong in January 1940, is a representative work of the theory of new democracy. In this work, carrying forward the spirit of the May Fourth New Culture Movement [5], Mao not only explored the question of establishing a “new politics and new economy,” but also discussed the question of “establishing a new culture for the Chinese nation.” Even more valuable is that he treated these two questions as two closely linked aspects of a single question, namely, “building a new China.” This framework and method of analysing problems is very close to what we today call the “Two Integrations.”

1940年1月毛泽东发表的《新民主主义论》，是新民主主义理论的代表作。在这篇著作里，毛泽东秉承五四新文化运动的精神，不但探讨了建立“新政治、新经济”的问题，还谈论了“建立中华民族的新文化”的问题。更难能可贵的是，他把这两个问题作为一个完整问题即“建立一个新中国”的两个紧密联系的方面加以探讨。这种分析问题的框架和方法，很接近于今天我们所说的“两个结合”。

First, let us look at how Mao raised the question. In the second section of this work, “We Want to Build a New China,” he put forward: “We Communists have for many years not only fought for the political revolution and economic revolution of China, but also for the cultural revolution of China; the purpose of all this is to build a new society and a new state for the Chinese nation. In this new society and new state, there will be not only a new politics and a new economy, but also a new culture. That is to say, we want not only to change a China that is

首先，我们看毛泽东是如何提出问题的。他在这篇著作的第二个部分“我们要建立一个新中国”里提出：“我们共产党人，多年以来，不但为中国的政治革命和经济革命而奋斗，而且为中国的文化革命而奋斗；一切这些的目的，在于建设一个中华民族的新社会和新国家。在这个新社会和新国家中，不但有新政治、新经济，而且有新文化。这就是说，我们不但要把一个政治上受压迫、经济上受剥削的中国，变为一个政治上自由和经济上繁荣的中国，而且要把一个被旧文化统治因而愚昧落后的中国，变为一个被新文化统治因而文明先进的中国。一句话，我们要建立一个新中国。建立中华民族的新文化，这就是我们在文化领域中的目的。”

Let us now examine how Mao Zedong resolved this issue.

我们再来看毛泽东是如何解决这个问题的。

He first reaffirmed a basic viewpoint of historical materialism: “A given culture (as an ideological form) is a reflection of the politics and economy of a given society, and in turn exerts a great influence and effect upon the politics and economy of that given society; the economy is the base, and politics is the concentrated expression of the economy.”

他首先重申了历史唯物主义的一个基本观点：“一定的文化（当作观念形态的文化）是一定社会的政治和经济的反映，又给予伟大影响和作用于一定社会的政治和经济；而经济是基础，政治则是经济的集中的表现。”

On this basis, he clarified the starting point of the historical logic and theoretical logic for analysis: “The reactionary elements of the old culture of the Chinese nation that we must eradicate cannot be separated from the old politics and old economy of the Chinese nation; and the new culture of the Chinese nation that we must establish cannot be separated from the new politics and new economy of the Chinese nation. The old politics and old economy of the Chinese nation are the basis of the old culture of the Chinese nation; and the new politics and new economy of the Chinese nation are the basis of the new culture of the Chinese nation.”

在此基础上，他明确了分析问题的历史逻辑和理论逻辑的起点：“我们要革除的那种中华民族旧文化中的反动成分，它是不能离开中华民族的旧政治和旧经济的；而我们要建立的这种中华民族的新文化，它也不能离开中华民族的新政治和新经济。中华民族的旧政治和旧经济，乃是中华民族的旧文化的根据；而中华民族的新政治和新经济，乃是中华民族的新文化的根据。”

This made clear that in China, the process from the “old” to the “new” could only be realized through revolution. The historical process of the Chinese revolution, moreover, had to proceed in two steps. At the same time, after the October Revolution in Russia, the Chinese revolution had become part of the world socialist revolution. This determined: “The first stage of this Chinese revolution (which is itself divided into many substages) is, in its social character, a new-type bourgeois-democratic revolution, not a proletarian-socialist revolution, but it has long since become a part of the proletarian-socialist world revolution, and now it has become a great part of this world revolution, a great ally of this world revolution. The first step, the first stage, of this revolution is definitely not, and cannot be, the establishment of a capitalist society under the dictatorship of the Chinese bourgeoisie, but rather the establishment of a new-democratic society under the joint dictatorship of all the revolutionary classes of China, headed by the Chinese proletariat, so as to complete the first stage. Then, it will be developed to the second stage, to establish a socialist society in China.”

这就明确了，在中国，只能经过革命实现由“旧”到“新”的过程。中国革命的历史进程，又必须分两步走。同时，中国革命在俄国十月革命后已成为世界社会主义革命的一部分。这就决定了：“这个中国革命的第一阶段（其中又分为许多小阶段），其社会性质是新式的资产阶级民主主义的革命，还不是无产阶级社会主义的革命，但早已成了无产阶级社会主义的世界革命的一部分，现在则更成了这种世界革命的伟大的一部分，成了这种世界革命的伟大的同盟军。这个革命的第一步、第一阶段，决不是也不能建立中国资产阶级专政的资本主义的社会，而是要建立以中国无产阶级为首领的中国各个革命阶级联合专政的新民主主义的社会，以完结其第一阶段。然后，再使之发展到第二阶段，以建立中国社会主义的社会。”

Starting from this general determination, Mao Zedong further elucidated the political, economic, and cultural programs of new democracy.

从这个总的规定性出发，毛泽东进一步阐明了新民主主义的政治、经济、文化纲领。

On the new-democratic political program: “The state system — the joint dictatorship of all the revolutionary classes. The form of government — democratic centralism. This is the politics of new democracy, this is the new-democratic republic, this is the republic of the Anti-Japanese United Front, this is the republic of the new Three People’s Principles with the Three Great Policies, this is the Republic of China in the true sense of the word.”

关于新民主主义政治纲领：“国体——各革命阶级联合专政。政体——民主集中制。这就是新民主主义的政治，这就是新民主主义的共和国，这就是抗日统一战线的共和国，这就是三大政策的新三民主义的共和国，这就是名副其实的中华民国。”

On the new-democratic economic program: “The state-owned economy of the new-democratic republic under the leadership of the proletariat is socialist in nature and is the leading force of the entire national economy, but this republic does not confiscate the private property of other capitalists, nor does it prohibit the development of capitalist production that ‘does not control the livelihood of the people,’ because China’s economy is still very backward.” In the countryside, “confiscate the land of the landlords and distribute it to the landless and land-poor peasants, implement Dr. Sun Yat-sen’s slogan of ‘land to the tiller,’ eliminate feudal relations in the countryside, and turn the land into the private property of the peasants.”

关于新民主主义经济纲领：“在无产阶级领导下的新民主主义共和国的国营经济是社会主义的性质，是整个国民经济的领导力量，但这个共和国并不没收其他资本主义的私有财产，并不禁止‘不能操纵国民生计’的资本主义生产的发展，这是因为中国经济还十分落后的缘故。”在农村，“没收地主的土地，分配给无地和少地的农民，实行中山先生‘耕者有其田’的口号，扫除农村中的封建关系，把土地变为农民的私产”。

On the new-democratic cultural program: “A national, scientific, and mass culture — this is the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal culture of the broad masses of the people, this is the culture of new democracy, this is the new culture of the Chinese nation.”

关于新民主主义文化纲领：“民族的科学的大众的文化，就是人民大众反帝反封建的文化，就是新民主主义的文化，就是中华民族的新文化。”

Finally, it returns to the question of what kind of state to build: “The combination of the politics of new democracy, the economy of new democracy, and the culture of new democracy — this is the new-democratic republic, this is the Republic of China in the true sense of the word, this is the new China we want to create.”

最后又回到建什么国的问题上：“新民主主义的政治、新民主主义的经济和新民主主义的文化相结合，这就是新民主主义共和国，这就是名副其实的中华民国，这就是我们要造成的新中国。”

From the above logical structure and analytical process, it can be seen that Marxist political science, political economy, and cultural theory each achieved integration with China’s concrete reality in their respective fields, creating the political program, economic program, and cultural program of new democracy and their practice, and finally were elevated in the new-democratic strategy for building the state.

从以上的逻辑结构和分析过程看，马克思主义的政治学、政治经济学、文化理论，都在各自的领域里实现了同中国具体实际的结合，创造出新民主主义的政治纲领、经济纲领、文化纲领及其实践，最后又在新民主主义建国方略上得到升华。

Particularly worthy of careful reading in *On New Democracy* is the discussion of the “brand-new cultural force” that emerged after the May Fourth Movement.

尤其值得仔细品读的是《新民主主义论》中有关五四运动后出现的“崭新的文化生力军”的论述。

Mao Zedong pointed out: “Because the Chinese political force, that is, the Chinese proletariat and the Chinese Communist Party, stepped onto the political stage of China, this cultural force, with new attire and new weapons, united all possible allies, deployed its own battle array, and launched a heroic offensive against imperialist culture and feudal culture. This new force, in the fields of social science and literature and art, whether in philosophy, economics, political science, military science, history, literature, or art (whether drama, film, music, sculpture, or painting), has made enormous progress. In the past twenty years, wherever the edge of this new cultural army has struck, from thought to form (writing, etc.), it has brought about a great revolution. Its momentum was so vast, its power so fierce, that it was simply invincible. The breadth of its mobilization surpassed any historical era in China. And Lu Xun was the greatest and most heroic standard-bearer of this new cultural force. Lu Xun was the commander-in-chief of China’s cultural revolution; he was not only a great writer but also a great thinker and a great revolutionary. Lu Xun’s backbone was the hardest; he had not a trace of servility or sycophancy — this is the most precious character of the people of a colony or semi-colony. Lu Xun was the most correct, most courageous, most resolute, most loyal, and most ardent national hero of all time, charging and fighting the enemy on the cultural front on behalf of the majority of the entire nation. The direction of Lu Xun is the direction of the new culture of the Chinese nation.”

毛泽东指出：“由于中国政治生力军即中国无产阶级和中国共产党登上了中国的政治舞台，这个文化生力军，就以新的装束和新的武器，联合一切可能的同盟军，摆开了自己的阵势，向着帝国主义文化和封建文化展开了英勇的进攻。这支生力军在社会科学领域和文学艺术领域中，不论在哲学方面，在经济学方面，在政治学方面，在军事学方面，在历史学方面，在文学方面，在艺术方面（又不论是戏剧，是电影，是音乐，是雕刻，是绘画），都有了极大的发展。二十年来，这个文化新军的锋芒所向，从思想到形式（文字等），无不起了极大的革命。其声势之浩大，威力之猛烈，简直是所向无敌的。其动员之广大，超过中国任何历史时代。而鲁迅，就是这个文化新军的最伟大和最英勇的旗手。鲁迅是中国文化革命的主将，他不但是伟大的文学家，而且是伟大的思想家和伟大的革命家。鲁迅的骨头是最硬的，他没有丝毫的奴颜和媚骨，这是殖民地半殖民地人民最可宝贵的性格。鲁迅是在文化战线上，代表全民族的大多数，向着敌人冲锋陷阵的最正确、最勇敢、最坚决、最忠实、最热忱的空前的民族英雄。鲁迅的方向，就是中华民族新文化的方向。”

In this passage, Mao Zedong fully affirmed the backbone role of this cultural force, led by the Chinese Communist Party under the guidance of Marxism, in opposing imperialist culture and feudal culture. Mao Zedong also affirmed the achievements and contributions of this cultural force in philosophy, economics, political science, military science, history, literature, and art, and praised Lu Xun as the commander-in-chief of China’s cultural revolution and the standard-bearer of the new cultural force. This is in fact also a recognition of the achievements made by this cultural force, especially Lu Xun, in promoting the “Second Integration.” [1]1 The “Second Integration” (第二个结合) refers to the integration of the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s fine traditional culture, as distinct from the first integration of Marxism with China’s concrete reality. This also runs through an important idea, namely, that the “Second Integration” should promote Marxism to take root in the philosophy, economics, political science, military science, history, literature, and art of its Sinicization.

在这段论述中，毛泽东充分肯定了在马克思主义指导下，中国共产党领导的这支文化生力军在反对帝国主义文化和封建文化中的中坚作用。毛泽东还肯定了这支文化生力军在哲学、经济学、政治学、军事学、历史学、文学艺术方面的建树和贡献，并称颂鲁迅是中国文化革命的主将和文化新军的旗手。这实际上也是对这支文化生力军特别是鲁迅在推动“第二个结合”上作出的成就的认可。这里面还贯穿一个重要思想，即“第二个结合”要推动马克思主义在中国化的哲学、经济学、政治学、军事学、历史学、文学艺术中生根。

These ideas are also reflected in Mao Zedong’s affirmation of the achievements of the four periods of the cultural revolution since the May Fourth Movement, especially the first two periods. When discussing the four periods of the cultural revolution since the May Fourth Movement, Mao Zedong pointed out: “The cultural revolution carried out by the May Fourth Movement was a thorough movement against feudal culture; since the beginning of Chinese history, there has never been such a great and thorough cultural revolution. At that time, opposing old morality and advocating new morality, opposing old literature and advocating new literature, were the two great banners of the cultural revolution, and it rendered great service. This cultural movement, at that time, had not yet been able to spread to the masses of workers and peasants. It raised the slogan of ‘literature for the common people,’ but the so-called ‘common people’ at that time could in fact only be limited to the urban petty bourgeoisie and bourgeois intellectuals, that is, the intellectuals of the so-called citizen class.” And by the time of the Great Revolution, [2]2 The “Great Revolution” (大革命) refers to the period of the First United Front between the CPC and the Kuomintang (1924–1927), including the Northern Expedition to unify China. “using the Communist Party’s *Guide Weekly*, the Kuomintang’s Shanghai *Republic Daily* and newspapers from various places as their positions, they jointly propagated the idea of opposing imperialism, jointly opposed the feudal education of venerating Confucius and reading the classics, jointly opposed the old literature and classical Chinese in feudal guise, and advocated new literature and vernacular Chinese with anti-imperialist and anti-feudal content. In the Guangdong War and the Northern Expedition, they instilled anti-imperialist and anti-feudal ideas into the Chinese army and transformed the Chinese army. Among the millions of peasant masses, they raised the slogans of overthrowing corrupt officials and local bullies and evil gentry, and set off a great peasant revolutionary struggle.”

这些思想，还体现在毛泽东对五四运动以来文化革命四个时期特别是前两个时期取得成就的肯定上。在论述文化革命自五四运动以来的四个时期时，毛泽东指出：“五四运动所进行的文化革命则是彻底地反对封建文化的运动，自有中国历史以来，还没有过这样伟大而彻底的文化革命。当时以反对旧道德提倡新道德、反对旧文学提倡新文学为文化革命的两大旗帜，立下了伟大的功劳。这个文化运动，当时还没有可能普及到工农群众中去。它提出了‘平民文学’口号，但是当时的所谓‘平民’，实际上还只能限于城市小资产阶级和资产阶级的知识分子，即所谓市民阶级的知识分子。”而到了大革命时期，“以共产党的《向导周报》，国民党的上海《民国日报》及各地报纸为阵地，曾经共同宣传了反帝国主义的主张，共同反对了尊孔读经的封建教育，共同反对了封建古装的旧文学和文言文，提倡了以反帝反封建为内容的新文学和白话文。在广东战争和北伐战争中，曾经在中国军队中灌输了反帝反封建的思想，改造了中国的军队。在千百万农民群众中，提出了打倒贪官污吏打倒土豪劣绅的口号，掀起了伟大的农民革命斗争”。

Some may think that the above discussion is entirely about how the new culture opposes imperialist culture and feudal culture, without directly addressing how to treat fine traditional Chinese culture. In fact, in Mao Zedong’s view, the construction of a new culture is precisely premised on correctly treating fine traditional Chinese culture. When discussing the scientific character of the new-democratic culture, Mao Zedong emphasized: “China’s long feudal society created a splendid ancient culture. To clear away the dregs of feudalism and absorb the democratic essence of ancient culture is a necessary condition for developing a new national culture and enhancing national self-confidence; but it must never be done without criticism, swallowing everything indiscriminately. We must distinguish all the rotten things of the ancient feudal ruling class from the excellent ancient popular culture, that is, what is somewhat democratic and revolutionary. China’s present new politics and new economy have developed from the old politics and old economy of ancient times, and China’s present new culture has also developed from the old culture of ancient times; therefore, we must respect our own history and must not cut off history. But this respect means giving history a certain scientific status, respecting the dialectical development of history, not praising the past at the expense of the present, nor praising any feudal poison.”

可能有人认为，以上论及的都是新文化如何反对帝国主义文化和封建文化的问题，并没有直接提及如何对待中华优秀传统文化的问题。其实，在毛泽东看来，新文化的构建恰恰是以正确对待中华优秀传统文化为前提的。讲到新民主主义文化的科学性时，毛泽东强调：“中国的长期封建社会中，创造了灿烂的古代文化。清理古代文化的发展过程，剔除其封建性的糟粕，吸收其民主性的精华，是发展民族新文化提高民族自信心的必要条件；但是决不能无批判地兼收并蓄。必须将古代封建统治阶级的一切腐朽的东西和古代优秀的人民文化即多少带有民主性和革命性的东西区别开来。中国现时的新政治新经济是从古代的旧政治旧经济发展而来的，中国现时的新文化也是从古代的旧文化发展而来，因此，我们必须尊重自己的历史，决不能割断历史。但是这种尊重，是给历史以一定的科学的地位，是尊重历史的辩证法的发展，而不是颂古非今，不是赞扬任何封建的毒素。”

This is a very incisive exposition. It not only clearly explains what constitutes feudal dregs and what constitutes the essence of traditional culture, and how to properly clear away ancient culture; it also explicitly points out that China’s new politics, new economy, and new culture have developed from ancient times, so we must respect our own history. To develop a new national culture and enhance national self-confidence, we must eliminate the feudal dregs of ancient culture and absorb its democratic essence. Of course, when Mao Zedong said this, there was an unstated major premise: that Marxism serves as the guide. Viewed in this light, do not these expositions in *On New Democracy* happen to have many points of convergence with what is today called the “Second Integration”?

这是一段非常精辟的论述，不仅把何以是封建糟粕、何以是传统文化精华，如何很好地清理古代文化，说得明明白白；而且明确指出，中国的新政治新经济新文化是从古代发展而来的，所以我们必须尊重自己的历史。而要发展民族新文化提高民族自信心，就必须剔除古代文化中的封建性糟粕，吸收其民主性精华。当然，毛泽东在说这番话时，还有一个不言而喻的大前提，那就是以马克思主义为指导。这样看来，《新民主主义论》中的这些论述，不是恰好和今天所说的“第二个结合”有着许多契合之处吗?

In sum, in this work Mao Zedong used Marxism to solve the problem of the new-democratic program for building the state, especially the cultural program, and made an important contribution to the “Second Integration.”

总之，毛泽东在这部著作中运用马克思主义解决中国新民主主义建国纲领特别是文化纲领，对“第二个结合”作出了重要贡献。

III. *Conversation with Music Workers* and the “Second Integration”

三、《同音乐工作者的谈话》与“第二个结合”

If *On New Democracy* focuses on clarifying how to create a new-democratic culture in cultural matters, then the article *Conversation with Music Workers*, published on August 24, 1956, mainly clarifies the question of building a socialist culture, especially how to enable Chinese classical art to be better promoted under socialist conditions.

如果说《新民主主义论》在文化问题上着重于阐明如何创建新民主主义文化，那么1956年8月24日发表的《同音乐工作者的谈话》一文则主要阐明的是社会主义文化建设问题，特别是如何使中华古典艺术在社会主义条件下得到更好弘扬。

*Conversation with Music Workers*, like *On the New Stage*, starts from the “First Integration” but naturally touches on the question of national form and national style. Mao Zedong pointed out: “The basic principles for realizing socialist revolution are the same in every country. But there are differences in the forms of expression of the minor principles and the basic principles.” “The basic principles of art have their commonality, but the forms of expression must be diversified, with national forms and national styles.” “This is a law of nature, and also a law of Marxism.” Elsewhere, Mao Zedong also said: “The forms of expression of the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism in practice should differ from country to country. In China, the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism must be combined with China’s revolutionary practice. The October Revolution was the national form of the Russian revolution. Socialist content, national form—this is true in politics, and it is also true in art. The general principles of Western music must be combined with China’s reality, and this can produce very rich forms of expression.”

《同音乐工作者的谈话》和《论新阶段》一样，都是从“第一个结合”谈起，但又很自然地涉及民族形式和民族风格问题。毛泽东指出：“实现社会主义革命的基本原则，各个国家都是相同的。但是在小的原则和基本原则的表现形式方面是有不同的。”“艺术的基本原理有其共同性，但表现形式要多样化，要有民族形式和民族风格”，“这是自然法则，也是马克思主义的法则”。在另一处地方，毛泽东还谈道：“马列主义的基本原理在实践中的表现形式，各国应有所不同。在中国，马列主义的基本原理要和中国的革命实际相结合。十月革命就是俄国革命的民族形式。社会主义的内容，民族的形式，在政治方面是如此，在艺术方面也是如此。西洋的一般音乐原理要和中国的实际相结合，这样就可以产生很丰富的表现形式。”

Why emphasize the question of national form? This question was not developed in *On the New Stage*. In *Conversation with Music Workers*, Mao Zedong clarified it from an artistic perspective: “Art has the question of form, the question of national form. Art cannot be separated from the people’s habits, feelings, and even language, nor from the nation’s historical development. The national conservatism of art is relatively strong; it can even be preserved for thousands of years. Ancient art is still liked by later generations.” This question applies not only to art but also to Marxism. For Marxism to take root in China, it certainly cannot be divorced from China’s national conditions, nor can it be divorced from the people’s habits, feelings, and language, nor from the nation’s historical development. Not only is “the national conservatism of art relatively strong,” but the national conservatism of traditional culture and historical cultural genes is also stronger, “and can even be preserved for thousands of years.” This is a law.

为什么要强调民族形式问题?这个问题在《论新阶段》中没有展开论述。而在《同音乐工作者的谈话》中，毛泽东从艺术角度将这个问题说明白了：“艺术有形式问题，有民族形式问题。艺术离不了人民的习惯、感情以至语言，离不了民族的历史发展。艺术的民族保守性比较强一些，甚至可以保持几千年。古代的艺术，后人还是喜欢它。”不仅艺术有这个问题，马克思主义也有这个问题。马克思主义在中国扎根，脱离了中国国情当然不行，脱离了人民的习惯、感情以至语言，脱离了民族的历史发展，同样不行。不仅“艺术的民族保守性比较强一些”，传统文化和历史文化基因上的民族保守性也更强一些，“甚至可以保持几千年”。这是一个规律。

At that time, there was a debate that held that foreign things have theory (laws) while Chinese things have no theory (laws). Mao Zedong did not agree with this view. He believed: “To say that Chinese national things have no laws is to negate Chinese things, and that is wrong. Chinese language, music, and painting all have their own laws. In the past, those who said Chinese painting was no good simply had not thoroughly studied their own things and thought they had to use Western painting methods. Of course, one can first learn foreign things and then work on Chinese things, but Chinese things have their own laws. Music can adopt reasonable principles from abroad, and foreign instruments can also be used, but it must always have national characteristics, its own special style, and stand on its own.”

当年有个争论，认为外国的东西有理论（规律），中国的东西没有理论（规律）。毛泽东不赞成这种看法。他认为，“说中国民族的东西没有规律，这是否定中国的东西，是不对的。中国的语言、音乐、绘画，都有它自己的规律。过去说中国画不好的，无非是没有把自己的东西研究透，以为必须用西洋的画法。当然也可以先学外国的东西再来搞中国的东西，但是中国的东西有它自己的规律。音乐可以采取外国的合理原则，也可以用外国乐器，但是总要有民族特色，要有自己的特殊风格，独树一帜”。

The “Second Integration” must solve the question of national standpoint, so that it has the roots of the nation. Mao Zedong believed: “Chinese people should still take their own things as the main thing.” “It should become more and more Sinicized, not more and more Westernized.” “We should, on China’s own foundation, critically absorb useful elements from the West.” “Absorb foreign things, but transform them and make them Chinese.”

“第二个结合”要解决好民族立场问题，这样才有本民族的根。毛泽东认为：“中国人还是要以自己的东西为主。”“应该越搞越中国化，而不是越搞越洋化。”“我们应该在中国自己的基础上，批判地吸收西洋有用的成分。”“吸收外国的东西，要把它改变，变成中国的。”

The “Second Integration” must also handle the relationship between national culture and foreign culture, so as to actively promote exchange and mutual learning between cultures and civilizations. Mao Zedong believed: “In modern culture, foreign countries are higher than us; we must admit this. Is it the same with art? China has unique features in some respects, but in other respects foreign countries are superior to us.” “We must learn the scientific principles of foreign countries. Having learned these principles, we must use them to study Chinese things. The principle of Western medicine learning from Chinese medicine is the same. The general principles of natural science and social science must all be learned.” “We should learn modern foreign things, and after learning them, study Chinese things. If one first learns Western medicine, first learns anatomy, pharmacology, and so on, and then studies Chinese medicine and Chinese pharmacology, one can improve Chinese things more quickly.” “Accepting the strong points of foreign countries will give our own things a leap forward. Chinese and foreign things must be organically combined, not mechanically applied. Learn the method of making hats from foreign countries, but make Chinese hats. Whatever is useful from foreign countries must be learned, to improve and develop Chinese things and create new Chinese things with unique characteristics. Some things should be transplanted, but we must take our own things as the main thing.”

“第二个结合”还要处理好民族文化同外国文化的关系问题，这样才能积极推动文化文明间的交流互鉴。毛泽东认为：“近代文化，外国比我们高，要承认这一点。艺术是不是这样呢?中国某一点上有独特之处，在另一点上外国比我们高明。”“要向外国学习科学的原理。学了这些原理，要用来研究中国的东西。我们要西医学中医，道理也就是这样。自然科学、社会科学的一般道理都要学。”“应该学外国的近代的东西，学了以后来研究中国的东西。如果先学了西医，先学了解剖学、药物学等等，再来研究中医、中药，是可以快一点把中国的东西搞好的。”“我们接受外国的长处，会使我们自己的东西有一个跃进。中国的和外国的要有机地结合，而不是套用外国的东西。学外国织帽子的方法，要织中国的帽子。外国有用的东西，都要学到，用来改进和发扬中国的东西，创造中国独特的新东西。搬要搬一些，但要以自己的东西为主。”

The “Second Integration,” in the final analysis, is to promote the innovative development of Chinese culture, not to stand still; of course, it must also enhance cultural confidence. Mao Zedong touched on this in the conversation, pointing out: “China’s features, whether political, economic, or cultural, should not be old; they should all change, but China’s characteristics must be preserved. We should absorb foreign things on the basis of China.” “We must persuade them to value national things and not to wholesale Westernize. We should learn the strong points of foreign countries to sort out Chinese things and create Chinese things with our own unique national style. Only then can the reasoning be clear, and only then will national confidence not be lost.”

“第二个结合”归根结底，是要推动中华文化创新发展，而不是裹足不前；当然，还要增强文化自信。毛泽东在谈话中对此有所涉及，指出：“中国的面貌，无论是政治、经济、文化，都不应该是旧的，都应该改变，但中国的特点要保存。应该是在中国的基础上面，吸取外国的东西。”“要说服他们重视民族的东西，不要全盘西化。应该学习外国的长处，来整理中国的，创造出中国自己的、有独特的民族风格的东西。这样道理才能讲通，也才不会丧失民族信心。”

In sum, Mao Zedong’s *Conversation with Music Workers*, building on the previous two works and based on the new practice of socialist construction, scientifically answered several relationships that socialist cultural construction must handle, especially the relationship between fine traditional Chinese culture and foreign culture. The content it expounds has many points of convergence with what is today called the “Second Integration.” This convergence is by no means accidental; it is the result of the law of adapting Marxism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times.

总之，毛泽东所作的《同音乐工作者的谈话》一文在前两篇文章的基础上，根据新的社会主义建设实践，科学回答了社会主义文化建设要处理好的几个关系，特别是中华优秀传统文化同外国文化的关系，其阐发内容同今天所说的“第二个结合”有着诸多契合之处。这种契合，决不是偶然的，而是马克思主义中国化时代化规律作用的结果。

From the three articles above, one can discern a progressive relationship: *On the New Stage* contributed to the “Second Integration” from the perspective of how to advance the adaptation of Marxism to the Chinese context; *On New Democracy* embodied the “Second Integration” from the perspective of what kind of new-democratic founding program to establish; *Conversation with Music Workers* further embodied the “Second Integration” from the perspective of socialist cultural construction.

从以上三篇文章可以看到这样一种递进关系：《论新阶段》从如何推进马克思主义中国化的角度，对“第二个结合”作出了贡献；《新民主主义论》从确立什么样的新民主主义建国纲领的角度，体现了“第二个结合”；《同音乐工作者的谈话》则从社会主义文化建设的角度，进一步体现了“第二个结合”。

Of course, there is a process to understanding laws, revealing laws, and applying laws. If the elaboration of the “Two Integrations” in the report of the 20th National Congress of the CPC advanced this process to a new stage, then Mao Zedong’s understanding and elucidation of the law of the “Second Integration” was undoubtedly still within this process. Although Mao had not yet fully revealed this law, his understanding, revelation, and application of it made an extremely important contribution to our reaching today’s level of understanding.

当然，认识规律、揭示规律、运用规律有个过程。如果说党的二十大报告对“两个结合”的阐述将这一过程推进到了一个新阶段，那么毛泽东对“第二个结合”规律的认识和阐发，无疑还处在这一过程之中。尽管毛泽东还没有完全揭示这一规律，但他对这个规律的认识、揭示、运用，为我们达到今天这样的认识水平，作出了极其重要的贡献。

(Author’s brief biography: Li Jie, former Director of the Qiushi Journal Agency, President of the Chinese Society of Historical Studies, Researcher)

（作者简介：李捷，求是杂志社原社长、中国史学会会长，研究员）

Online editor: Jing Mu

网络编辑：静穆