“Theoretical Innovation in the CPC’s United Front from the Perspective of the Two Integrations”

I. Raising the Question

一、问题的提出

Since the Communist Party of China proposed the united front policy in 1922, the united front has undergone a development process of more than one hundred years in our country. In the course of its development, the united front has on the one hand achieved localization, transforming from a united front exported to China by the Communist International into the Communist Party of China’s own united front; on the other hand, it has carried out extensive theoretical innovation, producing a large number of new ideas and new theories. What is the internal driving force of theoretical innovation in the united front? Why has the united front been able to achieve sustained theoretical innovation? On what does the united front rely to carry out sustained theoretical innovation? These are basic questions that research on the history of the united front needs to answer. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out at the Symposium on Cultural Heritage and Development that “the key to Chinese characteristics lies precisely in the ‘Two Integrations’,” and that “‘integration’ itself is innovation, and at the same time opens up a broad space for theoretical and practical innovation.” [1]1 Xi This provides us with an important guideline for answering the question of the internal driving force of theoretical innovation in the united front over the past hundred years. The “Two Integrations” are highly compatible with the theoretical innovation of the united front over the past hundred years and constitute one of the important sources of theoretical innovation in the CPC’s united front. During the revolutionary period, the CPC integrated the basic principles of Marxism with the concrete reality of the Chinese revolution, established the united front’s status as a magic weapon, and formed the theory of the revolutionary united front. During the periods of construction and reform, the “Two Integrations” promoted the birth of the theory of the patriotic united front, realizing the transformation of the united front from “serving the revolution” to “serving modernization.” In the New Era, the “Two Integrations” have promoted the formation of General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important thought on doing a good job of the Party’s united front work in the New Era, promoting the consolidation and expansion of the patriotic united front in the New Era.

自1922年中国共产党提出统一战线政策之后，统一战线在我国经历了百余年发展历程。在其发展过程中，统一战线一方面实现了本土化，由共产国际向中国输出的统一战线转变为中国共产党自身的统一战线；另一方面又进行了广泛的理论创新，产生了大量新思想和新理论。统一战线理论创新的内在动力是什么？统一战线为什么能够实现持续理论创新？统一战线依靠什么进行持续理论创新？这是统一战线史研究需要回答的基本问题。习近平总书记在文化传承发展座谈会上指出，“中国特色的关键就在于‘两个结合’”，而“‘结合’本身就是创新，同时又开启了广阔的理论和实践创新空间”。这为我们解答百余年来统一战线理论创新的内在动力问题提供了重要遵循。“两个结合”与百余年来统一战线理论创新高度契合，是中国共产党统一战线理论创新的重要源泉之一。革命时期，中国共产党把马克思主义基本原理同中国革命实际相结合，确立了统一战线的法宝地位，形成了革命统一战线理论。建设和改革时期，“两个结合”推动爱国统一战线理论的诞生，实现了统一战线“为革命服务”向“为现代化服务”的转型。新时代，“两个结合”推动形成习近平总书记关于做好新时代党的统一战线工作的重要思想，促进巩固和壮大新时代爱国统一战线。

Currently, academia has not systematically sorted out research on the theoretical innovation of the CPC’s united front from the perspective of the “Two Integrations.” Existing research either explores the historical process of integrating Marxist united front strategy with China’s reality and fine traditional Chinese culture, or examines the role and status of the united front from the perspective of the “Second Integration,” or integrates Marxist united front theory with traditional Chinese thought on rule by virtue, exploring how to achieve “united front work through virtue.” This article, by sorting out the history of the CPC’s united front, explores the internal logic between the “Two Integrations” and the theoretical innovation of the CPC’s united front.

学术界目前没有从“两个结合”视野整理梳理中国共产党统一战线理论创新的研究。现有研究要么探讨马克思主义统一战线策略与中国实际和中华优秀传统文化相结合的历史过程，要么从“第二个结合”视角探讨统一战线的作用与地位，要么把马克思主义统一战线理论与中国传统德治思想相结合，探讨如何实现“统战以德”。本文通过梳理中国共产党统一战线史，探讨“两个结合”与中国共产党统一战线理论创新之间的内在逻辑。

II. Theoretical Innovation of the United Front during the Revolutionary Period from the Perspective of the “Two Integrations”

二、“两个结合”视野下革命时期统一战线理论创新

During the period of the New Democratic Revolution, after the united front was introduced into our country from Soviet Russia, the CPC’s understanding, application, and development of the united front, as well as its understanding and grasp of the internal logical relationship between the united front, armed struggle, and Party building, went through a tortuous process of development.

新民主主义革命时期，统一战线从苏维埃俄国传入我国后，中国共产党对统一战线的理解、运用和发展，对其与武装斗争和党的建设之间内在逻辑关系的认识和把握，经历了一个曲折发展的历程。

During the Great Revolution period, the CPC as a whole placed greater emphasis on the united front, to a certain extent neglecting armed struggle, and was not yet able to effectively combine the united front with armed struggle. In 1922, the Second National Congress of the Party passed the “Resolution on the ‘Democratic United Front’,” proposing a plan for Kuomintang-CPC cooperation through cooperation outside the Party. The Third National Congress of the Party, held in 1923, passed the “Resolution on the National Movement and the Kuomintang Issue,” formally deciding that CPC members would join the Kuomintang as individuals while maintaining their own organizational independence. Chen Duxiu and Marlin explained at the congress the reasons for CPC members joining the Kuomintang: the Chinese revolution was a national revolution, not a socialist revolution; the Kuomintang, as the representative party of the national revolution, should become the main base for concentrating revolutionary forces; the Communist Party should help the Kuomintang carry out the national revolution, because only in this way could the strength of the national revolution be enhanced and victory in the national revolution be achieved; thus they advocated “all work belongs to the Kuomintang.” [2]2 The "two long-lives" slogan was used by Mao Zedong in 1956 to signal the CPC's acceptance of the continued existence of the democratic parties alongside the Communist Party. In January 1924, the Kuomintang held its First National Congress, and some Communist Party members served as members or alternate members of the Kuomintang Central Executive Committee, marking the formal formation of the first Kuomintang-CPC cooperation. After the formation of the first Kuomintang-CPC cooperation, the CPC helped the Kuomintang establish local organizations, carry out mass movements, assist the Kuomintang in founding the Whampoa Military Academy, conduct two Eastern Expeditions, unify the entire Guangdong Province, and then march north on the Northern Expedition. Within half a year, the Northern Expeditionary Army advanced from the Pearl River basin to the Yangtze River basin, pushing the Kuomintang from a local regime governing only Guangdong Province to a national regime. However, after seizing power, Chiang Kai-shek led the Kuomintang in a counterattack, plotting to eliminate the Communist Party, leading to the rapid failure of the surging Great Revolution.

大革命时期，中国共产党整体上偏重统一战线，一定程度上忽视武装斗争，尚不能有效地把统一战线与武装斗争结合起来。1922年，党的二大通过了《关于“民主的联合战线”的议决案》，提出与国民党实施党外合作的国共合作方案。1923年召开的党的三大通过了《关于国民运动及国民党问题的议决案》，正式决定中共党员以个人名义加入国民党，同时保持自身组织独立性。陈独秀和马林在会上解释了中共党员加入国民党的原因：中国革命是国民革命，不是社会主义革命，国民党作为国民革命的代表性政党，应该成为革命势力集中的大本营，共产党应该帮助国民党进行国民革命，只有这样才能增强国民革命的力量，取得国民革命胜利，因而主张“一切工作归国民党”。1924年1月，国民党召开第一次全国代表大会，部分共产党员担任了国民党中央执行委员或候补委员，标志着第一次国共合作正式形成。第一次国共合作形成之后，中国共产党帮助国民党建立地方组织、开展群众运动，协助国民党创办黄埔军校、进行两次东征、统一广东全省，然后挥师北伐。北伐军半年之内由珠江流域打到长江流域，推动国民党由仅执掌广东一省的地方性政权一跃成为全国性政权。然而，蒋介石带领国民党在取得政权之后反戈一击，图谋消灭共产党，导致轰轰烈烈的大革命迅速遭到失败。

Mao Zedong profoundly summarized the reasons for the failure of the Great Revolution from the perspective of the interrelationship between the united front and armed struggle. He said: “In China, without armed struggle, there is no place for the proletariat and the Communist Party, and no revolutionary task can be accomplished. In this regard, our Party was insufficiently aware during the five or six years from its founding in 1921 to its participation in the Northern Expedition in 1926. At that time, it did not understand the extreme importance of armed struggle in China, did not earnestly prepare for war and organize the army, and did not pay attention to the study of military strategy and tactics. During the Northern Expedition, it neglected the struggle for the army and unilaterally focused on the mass movement. As a result, once the Kuomintang turned reactionary, all mass movements collapsed.” [3]3 “Plunged into the sea” (下海) is a Chinese idiom referring to the wave of people leaving secure state-sector jobs to start businesses or work in the private sector, especially after Deng Xiaoping’s 1992 Southern Tour. In the final analysis, the reason for the failure of the Great Revolution was “alliance in everything, denial of struggle.” The CPC, still in its infancy, was not yet mature enough to use the weapon of the united front, nor could it effectively combine it with armed struggle.

毛泽东从统一战线与武装斗争相互关系的视角深刻总结了大革命失败原因。他说：“在中国，离开了武装斗争，就没有无产阶级和共产党的地位，就不能完成任何的革命任务。在这一点上，我们党从一九二一年成立直至一九二六年参加北伐战争的五六年内，是认识不足的。那时不懂得武装斗争在中国的极端的重要性，不去认真准备战争和组织军队，不去注重军事的战略和战术的研究。在北伐过程中，忽视了军队的争取，片面地着重于民众运动，其结果，国民党一旦反动，一切民众运动都塌台了。”归根结底，大革命失败原因就是“一切联合，否认斗争”，处于幼年时期的中国共产党尚不能成熟地使用统一战线这个武器，也不能把它与武装斗争有效结合起来使用。

During the period of the Agrarian Revolutionary War, the CPC as a whole placed greater emphasis on armed struggle, to a certain extent neglecting the united front. The CPC excluded the urban petty bourgeoisie, which fell within the scope of the united front, from the revolutionary forces, and its ties with intellectuals were not close; it regarded the national bourgeoisie as the most dangerous enemy of the revolution, indiscriminately treating other political parties as “enemies,” and at one point considered the “Third Party” organized by Deng Yanda and Tan Pingshan as “agents of the ruling class”; [4]4 “Long live both” (两个万岁) refers to the slogan “Long live the Communist Party of China, long live the democratic parties,” first used by Mao Zedong in 1950 to signal the continued role of non-CPC parties under the united front. it uniformly rejected the Kuomintang Reorganizationists; [5]5 The “two-range alliance” (两个范围联盟) refers to the united front’s two arenas: domestic (within mainland China) and overseas (including Hong Kong, Macao, Taiwan, and Chinese diaspora). after the Fujian Incident occurred, the 19th Route Army took the initiative to propose drawing closer to the Red Army for joint opposition to Chiang Kai-shek, but the Red Army, following the requirements of the Communist International, did not coordinate operations with the 19th Route Army. [6]6 The “two banners” (两面旗帜) are patriotism and socialism, used to unite different groups under the united front: those who support socialism and those who support national unity but not necessarily socialism. The Red Army also suffered setbacks in the subsequent Fifth Counter-Encirclement Campaign and carried out the Long March; the Party’s work in the white areas and Soviet areas also suffered great losses.

土地革命战争时期，中国共产党整体上偏重武装斗争，一定程度上忽视统一战线。中国共产党把统一战线范畴中的城市小资产阶级排除在革命动力之外，与知识分子的联系不紧密；认为民族资产阶级是革命最危险的敌人，对其他党派不加区别地视为“敌人”，一度把邓演达、谭平山组织的“第三党”看作“统治阶级的奸细”；对国民党改组派一律排斥；福建事变发生后，19路军主动提出与红军靠拢，双方合作反蒋，但是红军根据共产国际的要求，没有与19路军配合作战。红军也在接下来的第五次“反围剿”斗争中遭到挫折，进行了长征；党在白区和苏区的工作也遭到了极大的损失。

In summarizing the experiences and lessons of the Agrarian Revolutionary War, Mao Zedong pointed out: “That is to say, in the later period of the ten years of civil war, different policies were not adopted toward the reactionary government and political parties that launched armed attacks against us, and toward all capitalist social strata under the jurisdiction of our regime; nor were different policies adopted toward different factions within the reactionary government and political parties. These were also incorrect. At that time, the so-called ‘struggle in everything’ policy was implemented toward all social elements other than the peasants and the urban lower petty bourgeoisie, and this policy was undoubtedly mistaken.” [7]7 The “three-in-one alliance” (三者联盟) refers to the alliance of workers, peasants, and intellectuals, later expanded to include other social strata. In the final analysis, during the period of the Agrarian Revolutionary War, the CPC adopted a policy of “struggle in everything, denial of alliance” toward the Kuomintang and the national bourgeoisie, and likewise failed to effectively combine armed struggle with the united front.

毛泽东在总结土地革命战争的经验教训时指出：“就是在十年内战的后期，对于向我们举行武装进攻的反动的政府和政党，和对于在我们政权管辖下一切带资本主义性的社会阶层，没有采取不同的政策，对于反动的政府和政党中各个不同的派别间，也没有采取不同的政策，这些也都是不正确的。那时，对于农民和城市下层小资产者以外的一切社会成分，执行了所谓‘一切斗争’的政策，这个政策无疑是错误了。”归根结底，土地革命战争时期的中国共产党对国民党和民族资产阶级等采取了“一切斗争，否认联合”的政策，同样没有把武装斗争与统一战线有效结合起来。

During the War of Resistance Against Japan, the Communist Party of China proposed at the Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee [1]1 Xi that “Marxism must be concretized in China, so that in every one of its manifestations it possesses the necessary Chinese characteristics, that is, it must be applied in accordance with China’s specific features.” [2]2 The "two long-lives" slogan was used by Mao Zedong in 1956 to signal the CPC's acceptance of the continued existence of the democratic parties alongside the Communist Party. From the basic principle of integrating the fundamental tenets of Marxism with the concrete realities of the Chinese revolution, in the relationship between the united front and armed struggle, the approach was neither “alliance, no struggle” nor “all struggle, no alliance,” but rather the combination of unity and struggle: “unite with all social strata that oppose Japanese imperialism and establish a united front with them, but against the wavering and reactionary tendencies among them that capitulate to the enemy and oppose the Communist Party and the people, we must wage struggles of various forms according to their different degrees.” [3]3 “Plunged into the sea” (下海) is a Chinese idiom referring to the wave of people leaving secure state-sector jobs to start businesses or work in the private sector, especially after Deng Xiaoping’s 1992 Southern Tour. The Communist Party of China carried out arduous construction work in the Kuomintang-controlled areas and the anti-Japanese base areas behind enemy lines, truly penetrating deeply into the broad masses, thereby forging the three magic weapons for the CPC to lead the Chinese revolution: the united front, armed struggle, and Party building. Hu Sheng, in discussing this period of history, pointed out: “There was both armed struggle and the united front and Party building. Within the united front, there was both unity and the need to be adept at struggling against the Kuomintang and the bourgeois and petty-bourgeois tendencies. This set of practices matured during the War of Resistance Against Japan, casting off the old formulas.” [4]4 “Long live both” (两个万岁) refers to the slogan “Long live the Communist Party of China, long live the democratic parties,” first used by Mao Zedong in 1950 to signal the continued role of non-CPC parties under the united front.

抗日战争时期，中国共产党在六届六中全会上提出要“使马克思主义在中国具体化，使之在其每一表现中带着必须有的中国的特性，即是说，按照中国的特点去应用它”。从马克思主义基本原理与中国革命实际相结合的基本原则来看，在统一战线与武装斗争的关系上，既不是“一切联合，否认斗争”，也不是“一切斗争，否认联合”，而是团结与斗争相结合，“联合一切反对日本帝国主义的社会阶层，同他们建立统一战线，但对他们中间存在着的投降敌人和反共反人民的动摇性反动性方面，又应按其不同程度，同他们作各种不同形式的斗争”。中国共产党在国统区、敌后抗日根据地开展了艰苦的建设工作，真正全面深入到广大群众中，形成了中国共产党领导中国革命的三大法宝——统一战线、武装斗争和党的建设。胡绳在论述这段历史时指出：“又要武装斗争，又要统一战线、党的建设。统一战线中，又要团结，又要善于同国民党和资产阶级、小资产阶级倾向做斗争。这一套在抗日战争期间成熟起来，摆脱了旧的公式。”

During the War of Resistance Against Japan, the application of the united front was put on the right track. This marked the maturity of the Communist Party of China, signifying that the united front had become the united front of the CPC, an important magic weapon for the CPC to lead the revolution to victory, and no longer merely a united front exported by the Comintern.

抗日战争时期，统一战线运用步入正轨。这标志着中国共产党的成熟，标志着统一战线成为中国共产党的统一战线，成为中国共产党领导革命取得胜利的重要法宝，而不仅仅是共产国际输出的统一战线。

First, the Communist Party of China divided the entire camp of the Anti-Japanese National United Front into progressive forces, intermediate forces, and die-hard forces, and put forward the strategy of developing the progressive forces, winning over the intermediate forces, and opposing the die-hard forces, clearly stating that “these are three inseparable links, with struggle as the means to achieve unity among all anti-Japanese forces. In the period of the Anti-Japanese United Front, struggle is the means to unity, and unity is the goal of struggle. Unity achieved through struggle leads to survival; unity achieved through concessions leads to extinction.” [5]5 The “two-range alliance” (两个范围联盟) refers to the united front’s two arenas: domestic (within mainland China) and overseas (including Hong Kong, Macao, Taiwan, and Chinese diaspora). The progressive forces were mainly the proletariat, the peasantry, and the urban petty bourgeoisie, and they were to be vigorously developed. The intermediate forces were mainly the national bourgeoisie, enlightened gentry, and local power-holders; they had a wavering character, and if unity and struggle were not combined, they would, as during the Great Revolution, become allies of the die-hards when the latter attacked us. However, “in China, these intermediate forces have great power and can often become the decisive factor in our struggle against the die-hards. Therefore, we must adopt a very cautious attitude toward them.” [6]6 The “two banners” (两面旗帜) are patriotism and socialism, used to unite different groups under the united front: those who support socialism and those who support national unity but not necessarily socialism. As for the die-hards, resolute struggle was necessary, but the struggle had to adhere to three principles: first, the principle of self-defense — we will not attack unless attacked; if attacked, we will certainly counterattack; second, the principle of victory — do not fight unless victory is certain, and fight only when victory is assured; third, the principle of truce — after repelling the die-hards’ offensive, stop at the appropriate point. These three principles, summed up in one phrase, are “just,” “advantageous,” and “measured.” [7]7 The “three-in-one alliance” (三者联盟) refers to the alliance of workers, peasants, and intellectuals, later expanded to include other social strata. Through this approach, the Communist Party of China resolved the problem of “knowing only how to unite, not how to struggle” from the Great Revolution period and the problem of “knowing only how to struggle, not how to unite” from the Agrarian Revolutionary War period. It firmly grasped the initiative in both unity and struggle, closely united the intermediate forces, and secured leadership of the united front.

第一，中国共产党把整个抗日民族统一战线阵营区分为进步势力、中间势力和顽固势力，提出发展进步势力、争取中间势力、反对顽固势力的策略，明确“这是不可分离的三个环节，而以斗争为达到团结一切抗日势力的手段。在抗日统一战线时期中，斗争是团结的手段，团结是斗争的目的。以斗争求团结则团结存，以退让求团结则团结亡”。进步势力主要是无产阶级、农民阶级和城市小资产阶级，要大力发展；中间势力主要是民族资产阶级、开明绅士与地方实力派，他们具有动摇性，如果不坚持团结与斗争相结合，他们就会像大革命时期一样，在顽固派向我们进攻的时候变成他们的同盟军。但是“在中国，这种中间势力有很大的力量，往往可以成为我们同顽固派斗争时决定胜负的因素，因此，必须对他们采取十分慎重的态度”。对顽固派则要进行坚决斗争，但是斗争也要坚持三个原则：一是自卫原则，人不犯我，我不犯人，人若犯我，我必犯人；二是胜利原则，不斗则已，斗则必胜；三是休战原则，打退顽固派进攻之后适可而止。上述三原则，用一句话来概括，就是“有理”“有利”“有节”。中国共产党通过这样的方式解决了大革命时期“只会团结不会斗争”、土地革命战争时期“只会斗争不会团结”的问题，既牢牢地把握了团结与斗争的主动权，又紧密地团结了中间势力，掌握了统一战线的领导权。

Second, in handling its relations with the Kuomintang, the Communist Party of China no longer regarded the Kuomintang as a monolithic reactionary bloc, as it had during the Agrarian Revolutionary War, but recognized that “the Kuomintang is a party composed of complex elements, including die-hards, centrists, and progressives; the entire Kuomintang is not equivalent to the die-hards.” [8]8 The “six categories of people” originally referred to private entrepreneurs, technical personnel employed by private enterprises and foreign-funded enterprises, management and technical personnel employed by intermediary organizations, and freelancers. The “four categories of people” refined this into practitioners in private enterprises and foreign-funded enterprises, practitioners in intermediary organizations and social organizations, freelancers, and new media practitioners. “Although it is ruled and led by this reactionary clique representing the big landlords, big bankers, and big comprador bourgeoisie, it is not entirely equal to this reactionary clique. Some of its leading figures do not belong to this clique and are even attacked, excluded, or belittled by it. Many of its cadres, Party members, and members of the Three People’s Principles Youth League are dissatisfied with the leadership of this clique, and some even oppose it.” [9]9 “Unifying customs across the six directions and bringing order to the nine provinces” (六合同风，九州共贯) is a classical Chinese phrase from the Book of Han (汉书), expressing the ideal of political and cultural unity under a single sovereign. During the War of Resistance Against Japan, the Communist Party of China vigorously united the left wing of the Kuomintang, allied with the centrists, and struck at the right wing. This resolved the problems of the Great Revolution period, when the policy of all-out alliance with the Kuomintang and no struggle led the centrists to side with the right wing, which then united to attack the left wing.

第二，中国共产党在处理与国民党的关系上，不再像土地革命战争时期一样把国民党看成清一色的反动派，而是认识到“国民党是一个由复杂成分组成的党，其中有顽固派，也有中间派，也有进步派，整个国民党并不就等于顽固派”。国民党“它虽被这个代表大地主、大银行家、大买办阶层的反动集团所统治，所领导，却并不整个儿等于这个反动集团。它有一部分领袖人物不属于这个集团，而且被这个集团所打击、排斥或轻视。它有不少的干部、党员群众和三民主义青年团的团员群众并不满意这个集团的领导，而且有些甚至是反对它的领导的”。中国共产党在抗日战争时期大力团结国民党左派、联合中派、打击右派，这就解决了大革命时期对国民党一切联合、否认斗争，导致中派倒向右派，联合打击左派等问题。

Third, in terms of theoretical innovation, the Communist Party of China put forward the theory of New Democracy. The New Democratic Revolution was a bourgeois-democratic revolution led by the proletariat, with the targets of the revolution being imperialism and feudalism. During the revolution, the proletariat needed to unite with the national bourgeoisie to jointly oppose imperialism and feudalism. “This New Democratic Revolution is fundamentally different from the democratic revolutions in the history of Europe and America; it does not result in the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, but in the united-front dictatorship of all revolutionary classes under the leadership of the proletariat.” [10]10 The Western Zhou Dynasty (c. 1046–771 BCE) was an early Chinese dynasty; the late Western Zhou period refers to its final decades before the capital was moved eastward. Thus, the New Democratic regime was essentially a united-front regime, and the “Three-Thirds System” [11]11 “Long live both” (两个万岁) refers to the slogan “Long live the Communist Party of China, long live the democratic parties,” used to emphasize unity between the CPC and non-CPC parties. form of government was the concrete manifestation of the united-front regime at that time. New Democratic society was a transitional social form in which capitalist factors fully developed but which tended toward socialism. The tension between capitalist factors and socialist factors shaped the vitality and dynamism of this social form; their coexistence and symbiosis were the prerequisite for its existence, and the united front between them was the realistic foundation for its existence. Without the united front, we could not deeply and comprehensively understand the connotation and extension of New Democracy. Therefore, the concept of New Democracy itself inherently contained the united front. New Democracy not only endowed the united front with necessity but also elevated the united front led by the Communist Party of China, making it a fully sinicized product of the integration of Marxist theory with the practice of the Chinese revolution.

第三，在理论创新方面，中国共产党提出了新民主主义理论。新民主主义革命是无产阶级领导的资产阶级民主革命，革命对象是帝国主义和封建主义，无产阶级在革命过程中需要团结民族资产阶级共同反对帝国主义和封建主义。“这种新民主主义革命，和历史上欧美各国的民主革命大不相同，它不造成资产阶级专政，而造成各革命阶级在无产阶级领导之下的统一战线的专政。”因而，新民主主义政权实际上就是统一战线政权，“三三制”政权形态则是当时统一战线政权的表现形式。新民主主义社会是资本主义因素充分发展但又趋向于社会主义的过渡社会形态。资本主义因素与社会主义因素之间的张力塑造了这种社会形态的生机与活力，二者之间的并存共生是这种社会形态存在的前提，二者之间的统一战线是这种社会形态存在的现实基础。没有统一战线，我们就无法深刻而全面地理解新民主主义的内涵和外延，因而新民主主义概念本身就内在地包含着统一战线，新民主主义既赋予统一战线以必然性，又使得中国共产党领导的统一战线得以升华，成为马克思主义理论与中国革命实践相结合之后完全中国化的产物。

During the War of Resistance Against Japan, the Communist Party of China flexibly wielded the magic weapon of the united front. In the Kuomintang-controlled areas, the CPC first used the Anti-Japanese National United Front to coordinate official relations with the Kuomintang, penetrating

抗日战争时期，中国共产党灵活运用统一战线这一法宝。在国统区，中国共产党首先通过抗日民族统一战线来协调与国民党之间的官方关系，深入国民党统治区，通过“隐蔽精干，长期埋伏，积蓄力量，以待时机”和“勤学、勤业、交朋友”的方针，以职业为掩护，实现职业化、社会化、合法化，深深扎根国民党统治区，发展党员、建立党组织、组织群众开展政治运动。在政治运动中，抛头露面的往往不是共产党员，再加上单线联系网络和严格的组织纪律，国民党难以真正掌握共产党员的行踪。身份暴露的共产党员，则转移到抗日根据地开展武装斗争。这样就把统一战线、武装斗争和党的建设结合成了有机的统一体。在敌后抗日根据地，中国共产党公开把统一战线、武装斗争和党的建设结合起来，通过武装斗争占领敌后区域，既建立统一战线政权团结民族资产阶级、开明绅士和地方实力派，又发展党员、建立党组织，推动基层组织发展壮大。通过建党建政建军三者有机结合，中国共产党能够迅速在敌后扎根，建立起一批敌后抗日根据地。

During the War of Liberation, the Communist Party of China skillfully applied the united front as a magic weapon, establishing a broad and consolidated people's democratic united front that included the working class, the peasant class, the urban petty bourgeoisie, and the national bourgeoisie. "This united front was so consolidated that it possessed the firm will and inexhaustible capacity to defeat any enemy and overcome any difficulty." The people's democratic united front completely isolated the big landlords, the big bourgeoisie, and the bureaucratic bourgeoisie represented by Chiang Kai-shek's Kuomintang, enabling the CPC to achieve a great victory in the War of Liberation in just three years.

解放战争时期，中国共产党熟练运用统一战线这一法宝，建立了一个包含工人阶级、农民阶级、城市小资产阶级和民族资产阶级在内的广泛而巩固的人民民主统一战线。“这个统一战线是如此巩固，它具备了战胜任何敌人和克服任何困难的坚强的意志和源源不竭的能力。”人民民主统一战线把蒋介石国民党所代表的大地主、大资产阶级和官僚资产阶级彻底孤立起来，推动中国共产党仅用3年时间就取得了解放战争的伟大胜利。

In sum, after summing up the lessons of the Great Revolution period and the Agrarian Revolutionary War period, the Communist Party of China combined the basic tenets of Marxism with the concrete realities of the Chinese revolution, put forward such theoretical viewpoints as the magic-weapon theory, the principle of both unity and struggle, the principle of being justified, advantageous and restrained, and the principle of independence and initiative, formed its own rich thought on the revolutionary united front, and promoted the great victory of the new-democratic revolution.

总之，中国共产党在总结大革命时期和土地革命战争时期的教训之后，把马克思主义基本原理与中国革命实际相结合，提出了法宝理论、又团结又斗争原则、有理有利有节原则、独立自主原则等理论观点，形成了自身丰富的革命统一战线思想，推动了新民主主义革命的伟大胜利。

III. Theoretical Innovation of the United Front in the Period of Construction and Reform from the Perspective of the "Two Integrations"

三、“两个结合”视野下建设和改革时期统一战线理论创新

During the period of socialist revolution and construction, in light of the concrete reality that, after consulting on the founding of the state and establishing the state through the founding of the state, the various democratic parties entered the state power apparatus in large numbers together with the CPC, the CPC put forward the eight-character policy of "long-term coexistence and mutual supervision" and the "two long-lives" thought of "there must be two long-lives, one is long live the Communist Party, and the other is long live the democratic parties";[2]2 The "two long-lives" slogan was used by Mao Zedong in 1956 to signal the CPC's acceptance of the continued existence of the democratic parties alongside the Communist Party. in light of the concrete reality of China's ethnic groups living in mixed communities and compact communities, it put forward the theory of regional ethnic autonomy and the thought on socialist ethnic relations; in light of the concrete reality of the national bourgeoisie uniting and cooperating with the CPC during the socialist revolution, it put forward the policy of peaceful transformation of capitalist industry and commerce; and in light of the positive changes among intellectuals after their ideological remolding in the early days of New China, it put forward the theory that intellectuals were "already a part of the working class." These theoretical innovations were both products of concrete social realities and absorbed the essence of fine traditional Chinese culture.

社会主义革命和建设时期，根据各民主党派与中国共产党协商建国、开国建政后大量进入国家政权的具体实际，中国共产党提出了“长期合作、互相监督”八字方针和“要有两个万岁，一个是共产党万岁，另一个是民主党派万岁”的“两个万岁”思想；根据我国各民族大杂居、小聚居的具体实际，提出了民族区域自治理论和社会主义民族关系的思想；根据民族资产阶级在社会主义革命过程中与中国共产党团结合作的具体实际，提出了资本主义工商业和平改造方针；根据新中国成立初期知识分子思想改造后的积极变化，提出了知识分子“已经是工人阶级的一部分”理论。这些思想理论创新既是社会具体实际的产物，又吸收了中华优秀传统文化的精华。

At the beginning of reform and opening up, in order to promote reform and opening up and modernization, Deng Xiaoping repeatedly emphasized two aspects: first, emancipating the mind, realizing democracy in ideology, and promoting reform and opening up through democracy and the emancipation of the mind; second, the united front, obtaining the funds, technology, management and talent needed for reform and opening up through the united front. For the united front to fully play its role in reform and opening up and modernization, it first had to solve the problem of its nature, i.e., the question of how to characterize the united front in the new period. If the traditional characterization of the revolutionary united front were still used, and class struggle continued to be waged against united front figures, it would be difficult to impel them to truly throw themselves into the tide of reform and opening up and modernization. Hence, theoretical innovation of the united front was urgently needed.

改革开放之初，邓小平为了推动改革开放和现代化建设，反复强调两个方面：一是解放思想，实现思想意识上的民主，由民主解放思想，推动改革开放；二是统一战线，通过统一战线获取改革开放所需要的资金、技术、管理和人才。统一战线要在改革开放和现代化建设中充分发挥作用，首先要解决其性质问题，即新时期统一战线的定性问题。如果还是沿用以往革命统一战线的传统定性，继续对统战人士进行阶级斗争，就难以推动他们真正投身到改革开放和现代化建设浪潮中来，因而迫切需要统一战线理论创新。

Combining with the new realities, the CPC applied the "Second Integration," drew from fine traditional Chinese culture the ideological resources needed for the development of the united front in the new period, and scientifically defined the nature of the united front in the new period from China's cultural genes, language and thinking.

中国共产党结合新的实际，运用“第二个结合”，从中华优秀传统文化中汲取新时期统一战线发展所需要的思想资源，从中国的文化基因、语言和思维中科学界定新时期统一战线的性质。

First, based on the profound tradition of patriotism of the Chinese nation, it proposed that the nature of the united front in the new period was a patriotic united front, solving the problem of the nature of the united front in the new period. The spirit of patriotism emerged and developed on the basis of the long-standing history and culture of the Chinese nation, became a great force driving the progress of our country's society and history, and exerted a major influence on the transformation and progress of our country's economy, politics, culture and social life. As a spiritual and cultural tradition with great cohesion and centripetal force, it enabled the Chinese nation to withstand countless natural and social difficulties and risks that were hard to imagine, and to maintain firm unity and vigorous vitality. From the perspective of the united front, patriotism is both the essence of fine traditional Chinese culture and can inspire the cultural identity of the vast numbers of compatriots in Hong Kong, Macao and Taiwan and overseas Chinese, prompting them to come to the mainland to invest and start businesses, bringing the funds, technology, talent and management resources needed for reform and opening up.

第一，根据中华民族深厚的爱国主义传统，提出新时期统一战线的性质是爱国统一战线，解决了新时期统一战线的性质问题。爱国主义精神是在中华民族悠久历史文化基础上产生和发展起来的，成为推动我国社会历史前进的巨大力量，给予我国经济、政治、文化、社会生活的改造和进步以重大影响。作为一种具有伟大凝聚力和向心力的精神文化传统，它使中华民族能够经受住无数自然的、社会的难以想象的困难和风险的考验，一直保持坚强的团结和旺盛的生机。从统一战线的视角来看，爱国主义既是中华优秀传统文化的精髓，也能够激发广大港澳台和海外华侨华人内心的文化认同、前来大陆投资兴业，带来改革开放所需要的资金、技术、人才和管理资源。

In his opening speech at the Second Session of the Fifth National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference on June 15, 1979, Deng Xiaoping clearly stated: "Our country's united front has already become a broad alliance of socialist workers and patriots who support socialism, led by the working class and based on the worker-peasant alliance." This assertion elucidated the patriotic nature of the united front in the new period. On September 1 of the same year, when listening to the report on the situation of the Fourteenth National United Front Work Conference, Deng Xiaoping pointed out: "The nature of the united front is called a revolutionary patriotic united front, that is, an alliance of socialist workers and patriots. This broadens the scope and gives it a broad nature." "The scope of patriots is very broad, including Chiang Ching-kuo; as long as Taiwan returns to the motherland, he will have done a patriotic deed. Now we can propose a third round of Kuomintang-Communist cooperation." The formulation "revolutionary patriotic united front" still had a certain composite character, combining the revolutionary united front with the patriotic united front.

邓小平在1979年6月15日全国政协五届二次会议开幕词中明确指出：“我国的统一战线已经成为工人阶级领导的、工农联盟为基础的社会主义劳动者和拥护社会主义的爱国者的广泛联盟。”该论断阐明了新时期统一战线的爱国主义性质。同年9月1日，邓小平在听取第十四次全国统战工作会议情况汇报时指出：“统一战线的性质，叫革命的爱国的统一战线，就是社会主义劳动者和爱国者的联盟。这样范围就宽了，具有广泛的性质”，“爱国者的范围是很宽广的，包括蒋经国在内，只要台湾归回祖国，他就做了爱国的事。现在可以提第三次国共合作”。“革命的爱国的统一战线”的提法还具有一定的复合性质，把革命统一战线与爱国统一战线结合在一起。

The "Resolution on Certain Historical Issues of the Party Since the Founding of the People's Republic of China," adopted at the Sixth Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Party in 1981, formally put forward the concept of the "patriotic united front." This concept both characterized the united front in the new period and was a crystallization of the combination of the basic tenets of Marxism with fine traditional Chinese culture. Once the nature of the patriotic united front was determined, the united front achieved a transformation from revolutionization to modernization, impelled the vast numbers of compatriots in Hong Kong, Macao and Taiwan and overseas Chinese to come to the motherland to invest and start businesses, and also impelled the united front to reach out to compatriots in Hong Kong, Macao and Taiwan and overseas Chinese, thereby forming a series of theoretical innovations of the united front in the new period, giving rise to such new concepts and new judgments as the "two-scope alliance," the "two banners of patriotism and socialism," "overseas united front work," and the "united front as an alliance of 'three kinds of people'." These new concepts and new judgments were all established on the basis of the patriotic characterization of the united front in the new period.

1981年党的十一届六中全会通过的《关于建国以来党的若干历史问题的决议》，正式提出了“爱国统一战线”这一概念。这一概念既为新时期统一战线定了性，也是马克思主义基本原理同中华优秀传统文化相结合的结晶。爱国统一战线的性质确定之后，统一战线实现了由革命化向现代化转型，推动了广大港澳台同胞和海外华侨华人前来祖国投资兴业，也推动了统一战线走入港澳台同胞和海外华侨华人之中，从而形成了新时期统一战线的一系列理论创新，产生了“两个范围联盟”“爱国主义和社会主义两面旗帜”“海外统战工作”“统一战线‘三者’联盟”等新概念和新判断。这些新概念和新判断都建立在新时期统一战线的爱国主义定性基础之上。

Second, based on the concept of seeking common ground while reserving differences in fine traditional Chinese culture, it put forward the basic principle of seeking common ground while reserving differences, and being considerate and tolerant, for the united front in the new period. The Book of Changes, in the Commentary on the Images of the Kui Hexagram, says: "Fire above, lake below: Kui. The noble person uses this to be different while being the same." In fine traditional Chinese culture, sameness and difference, harmony and sameness, are all important concepts. The objective world is complex and ever-changing: this is difference. All things are connected, and the past and present are linked: this is sameness. Sameness and difference are a relationship of the unity of opposites: there is difference within sameness, there is sameness within difference, sameness is used to preserve difference, and difference is used to complete sameness. "Seeking common ground" means seeking the common worldview, outlook on life and values of both sides; "reserving differences" means that both sides temporarily set aside their opposition and conflict in values and interests. Both "seeking common ground" and "reserving differences" are means, with the goal being the coexistence, exchange, cooperation and common development of both sides. The noble person therefore seeks great harmony while reserving minor differences.

第二，根据中华优秀传统文化中求同存异的理念，提出了新时期统一战线求同存异、体谅包容的基本原则。《周易·睽卦·象传》曰：“上火下泽，睽。君子以同而异。”在中华优秀传统文化中，同与异、和与同都是重要概念。客观世界纷繁复杂、变化不断，这是异。万物有联系，前后相贯通，这是同。同与异是对立统一的关系：同中有异，异中有同，同以存异，异以成同。“求同”是指寻求双方共同的世界观、人生观和价值观，“存异”是指双方暂时搁置彼此在价值观和利益上的对立和冲突。“求同”和“存异”都是手段，目的是双方共生共存、交流合作、共同发展，君子因此求大同而存小异。

Seeking common ground while reserving differences, as a traditional Chinese philosophical thought and a crystallization of the wisdom of the Chinese nation, was regarded by the CPC as a basic principle of the united front in the new period. In 1991, in his speech at a meeting of responsible Party members of the Fourth Session of the Seventh National People's Congress and the Fourth Session of the Seventh National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, Jiang Zemin pointed out: "In the united front, in the work of the CPPCC, the CPC, the various democratic parties, and patriots from all walks of life must all learn to seek common ground while reserving differences. Seeking common ground means seeking the great common ground of the cause of socialist modernization and the cause of national reunification; reserving differences means, under this great premise, taking care of and coordinating the interests, demands and opinions of all sides, and through respective study and mutual consultation and mutual supervision, jointly raising the level, gradually reaching agreement on major issues of principle." In 1999, Li Ruihuan pointed out at a symposium of the National Party-Provincial-Ministerial-Level Deng Xiaoping New-Period United Front Theory Research Class: "To do a good job of united front work, it is necessary to grasp many important principles, but one principle that particularly needs to be emphasized is the principle of seeking common ground while reserving differences, and being considerate and tolerant."

求同存异作为中国传统哲学思想、中华民族智慧结晶，中国共产党把它视为新时期统一战线的基本原则。1991年，江泽民在七届全国人大四次会议、全国政协七届四次会议党员负责人会议上的讲话中指出：“在统一战线中，在政协工作中，中国共产党和各民主党派、各界爱国人士都要学会求同存异。求同，就是求社会主义现代化建设事业和祖国统一事业的大同；存异，就是在这个大前提下照顾和协调各方面的利益、要求和意见，并通过各自学习和互相协商、互相监督，共同提高，在重大原则问题上逐步达到一致。”1999年，李瑞环在全国党内省部级邓小平新时期统一战线理论研究班座谈会上指出：“做好统一战线工作需要把握许多重要原则，但有一条特别需要引起重视，这就是求同存异、体谅包容的原则。”

After the 1990s, with the continuous advancement of reform and opening up, modernization promoted marketization, marketization promoted social differentiation, and social differentiation led to changes in social structure. On the one hand, social differentiation and changes in social structure had a strong impact on the united front; on the other hand, in responding to this impact, the united front carried out theoretical innovation, putting forward a series of new thoughts and new viewpoints. This was an important aspect of theoretical innovation of the united front in the new period, and social differentiation and changes in social structure became an important manifestation of the concrete realities in the field of the united front in the new period.

20世纪90年代之后，随着改革开放的持续推进，现代化推进了市场化，市场化推进了社会分化，社会分化引起社会结构变化。社会分化和社会结构变化一方面对统一战线产生了强烈影响，另一方面统一战线在回应这种影响的过程中又进行了理论创新，提出了一系列新思想和新观点。这是新时期统一战线理论创新的重要方面，社会分化与社会结构变化成为新时期统一战线领域具体实际的重要体现。

First, after market-oriented reforms, a large number of Chinese intellectuals “plunged into the sea” [3]3 “Plunged into the sea” (下海) is a Chinese idiom referring to the wave of people leaving secure state-sector jobs to start businesses or work in the private sector, especially after Deng Xiaoping’s 1992 Southern Tour., moving from work units within the system to foreign-funded or private enterprises outside the system, or starting their own businesses. Accordingly, the CPC explicitly put forward the basic theory of work with non-Party intellectuals, namely that “work with non-Party intellectuals is the foundational work of the united front.” In 1992, in the “Notice of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee on Forwarding the ‘Outline of the Work of the United Front Work Department in the 1990s’,” the CPC for the first time explicitly stated that work with non-Party intellectuals is the foundational work of the united front. The Notice pointed out that non-Party intellectuals constitute the majority of China’s intellectuals, that the vast majority of united front work targets in all fields are intellectuals, and that doing a good job of work with non-Party intellectuals lays the foundation for united front work. It also stressed that united front work departments should focus on doing a good job of work with representative non-Party intellectuals. In 1993, the 18th National United Front Work Conference again stressed that work with non-Party intellectuals is the foundational work of the united front and needs to be greatly strengthened. In the 1993 institutional reform, the CPC Central Committee approved the main responsibilities of the United Front Work Department in intellectual work as follows: investigating the situation of non-Party intellectuals, reflecting their opinions, coordinating relations, and proposing policy recommendations; contacting and cultivating representative figures among non-Party intellectuals, and being responsible for united front work with non-Party intellectuals in education, science, culture, health, and large state-owned enterprises.

第一，市场化改革之后我国大量知识分子“下海”，由体制内单位进入体制外的外资企业或民营企业工作或自主创业。据此，中国共产党明确提出了“党外知识分子工作是统一战线的基础性工作”这一党外知识分子工作基础理论。1992年，在《中共中央办公厅在转发中央统战部〈九十年代统一战线部门工作纲要〉的通知》中，中国共产党首次明确提出党外知识分子工作是统一战线的基础性工作。《通知》指出，在我国知识分子中党外知识分子占大多数，各个领域统一战线工作对象绝大多数是知识分子，做好党外知识分子工作，统一战线工作就有了基础，并强调统战部门要重点做好有代表性的党外知识分子工作。1993年，第十八次全国统战工作会议再次强调，党外知识分子工作是统一战线的基础性工作，需要大力加强。在1993年的机构改革中，中共中央批准中央统战部在知识分子工作方面的主要职责是：调查党外知识分子的情况，反映意见，协调关系，提出政策建议；联系并培养党外知识分子的代表人物，负责教科文卫和国有大型企业中党外知识分子的统战工作。

Second, in response to the social reality of the rapid development of the non-public sector of the economy after market-oriented reforms, the CPC put forward the concept of “builders of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics” and the theory of “two healthies” (the healthy development of the non-public sector of the economy and the healthy growth of those working in the non-public sector). In 2001, in his speech at the rally celebrating the 80th anniversary of the founding of the CPC, Jiang Zemin, on behalf of the CPC Central Committee, formally declared that social strata such as entrepreneurs and technical personnel in private tech enterprises, managerial and technical personnel employed by foreign-funded enterprises, self-employed individuals, private entrepreneurs, employees of intermediary organizations, and freelance professionals are “also builders of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics.” At that time, the formulation “builders of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics” was still used. In 2002, in his report to the 16th National Congress of the CPC, Jiang Zemin further pointed out that the above-mentioned “six categories of personnel” who emerged in the course of social change are all builders of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics, thus formally forming the scientific thesis of “builders of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics,” and from this, the concept of the new social strata was put forward. The thesis of “builders of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics” scientifically defined the social attributes and political status of private entrepreneurs and other new social strata, answering a major theoretical and practical question that had long been widely concerned by all sectors of society and urgently needed to be resolved in the course of socialist modernization. This not only promoted the healthy development of the non-public sector of the economy and the healthy growth of those working in the non-public sector, making an important contribution to the sustained development of China’s economy and society, but also promoted theoretical innovation in the united front in the new period, enabling united front theory to closely integrate with social reality and maintain a high degree of responsiveness to economic and social changes.

第二，根据市场化改革之后我国非公有制经济快速发展的社会现实，中国共产党提出了“中国特色社会主义事业的建设者”概念和“两个健康”（非公有制经济健康发展和非公有制经济人士健康成长）理论。2001年，江泽民在庆祝中国共产党成立八十周年大会上的讲话中，代表中共中央正式宣布：民营科技企业的创业人员和技术人员、受聘于外资企业的管理技术人员、个体户、私营企业主、中介组织的从业人员、自由职业者等社会阶层“也是有中国特色社会主义事业的建设者”。这时使用的还是“有中国特色社会主义事业的建设者”的提法。2002年，江泽民在党的十六大报告中进一步指出，在社会变革中出现的上述“六种人员”，都是中国特色社会主义事业的建设者，从而正式形成了“中国特色社会主义事业的建设者”科学论断，并由此提出了新的社会阶层人士概念。“中国特色社会主义事业的建设者”论断，科学界定了私营企业主等新的社会阶层的社会属性和政治地位，回答了长期以来社会各界普遍关注而又是社会主义现代化建设中亟需解决的一个重大理论和实践问题。这既推动了非公有制经济的健康发展和非公有制经济人士的健康成长，为我国经济社会持续发展作出了重要贡献，又推动了新时期统一战线理论创新，使统一战线理论紧密结合社会实际、对经济社会变化保持高度回应性。

Third, in response to changes in China’s social structure after market-oriented reforms, the theory was put forward that the united front must correctly handle the “five major relationships.” In July 2006, at the 20th National United Front Work Conference, Hu Jintao pointed out: “I would like to focus on the relationships between political parties, between ethnic groups, between religions, between social strata, and between compatriots at home and abroad. These are major relationships in the political and social spheres that involve the overall work of the Party and the state, and they are also major relationships that the united front needs to comprehensively grasp and correctly handle. Correctly understanding and handling these five major relationships, and maintaining and promoting harmony in these five major relationships, bears on the overall situation of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics, bears on the process of building a harmonious socialist society, and bears on the prosperity, development, and long-term stability of the Party and the state.” In October 2006, promoting harmony in the “five major relationships” was written into the resolution of the Sixth Plenary Session of the 16th CPC Central Committee. In 2007, the report to the 17th National Congress of the CPC explicitly stated: “Promoting harmony in the relationships between political parties, between ethnic groups, between religions, between social strata, and between compatriots at home and abroad plays an irreplaceable role in enhancing unity and pooling strength.” The “five major relationships” became an organic component of the Party’s general tasks and general policies.

第三，根据市场化改革之后我国社会结构的变化，提出统一战线要正确处理好“五大关系”的理论。2006年7月，胡锦涛在第二十次全国统战工作会议上指出：“我想着重谈谈政党关系、民族关系、宗教关系、阶层关系、海内外同胞关系。这是政治和社会领域中涉及党和国家工作全局的一些重大关系，也是统一战线需要全面把握和正确处理的重大关系。正确认识和处理这五个方面的重大关系，保持和促进这五个方面重大关系和谐，事关中国特色社会主义事业全局，事关构建社会主义和谐社会进程，事关党和国家兴旺发达和长治久安。”2006年10月，促进“五大关系”和谐写入党的十六届六中全会决议。2007年，党的十七大报告明确指出：“促进政党关系、民族关系、宗教关系、阶层关系、海内外同胞关系的和谐，对于增进团结、凝聚力量具有不可替代的作用。”“五大关系”成为党的总任务、总政策的有机组成部分。

In summary, from the perspective of the “Two Integrations,” during the periods of socialist revolution, construction, and reform and opening up, the CPC put forward the ideas of “long live both” [4]4 “Long live both” (两个万岁) refers to the slogan “Long live the Communist Party of China, long live the democratic parties,” first used by Mao Zedong in 1950 to signal the continued role of non-CPC parties under the united front., the theory of the patriotic united front, the theory of the two-range alliance [5]5 The “two-range alliance” (两个范围联盟) refers to the united front’s two arenas: domestic (within mainland China) and overseas (including Hong Kong, Macao, Taiwan, and Chinese diaspora)., the theory of the two banners of patriotism and socialism [6]6 The “two banners” (两面旗帜) are patriotism and socialism, used to unite different groups under the united front: those who support socialism and those who support national unity but not necessarily socialism., the theory of the three-in-one alliance [7]7 The “three-in-one alliance” (三者联盟) refers to the alliance of workers, peasants, and intellectuals, later expanded to include other social strata., the theory of the “two healthies,” and the theory of the “five major relationships,” further advancing the localization and modernization of the united front and making united front theory richer and more diverse.

总之，在“两个结合”视野下，社会主义革命、建设和改革开放新时期，中国共产党提出了“两个万岁”思想、爱国统一战线理论、两个范围联盟理论、爱国主义与社会主义两面旗帜理论、三者联盟理论、“两个健康”理论和“五大关系”理论等，进一步推进了统一战线本土化、时代化，统一战线理论更为丰富多彩。

IV. Theoretical Innovation in the United Front in the New Era from the Perspective of the “Two Integrations”

四、“两个结合”视野下新时代统一战线理论创新

Entering the New Era, in the course of advancing the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics, the CPC explicitly put forward the major thesis of the “Two Integrations.” General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “On the deep foundation of over 5,000 years of Chinese civilization, to open up and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics, integrating the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with the best of traditional Chinese culture is the only way.” “Without the 5,000 years of Chinese civilization, where would Chinese characteristics come from? Without Chinese characteristics, how could we have the successful path of socialism with Chinese characteristics that we have today? Only by standing on the magnificent history of over 5,000 years of Chinese civilization can we truly understand the historical necessity, cultural connotation, and unique advantages of the Chinese path.”

进入新时代，中国共产党在推进中国特色社会主义事业过程中，明确提出了“两个结合”的重大论断。习近平总书记指出：“在五千多年中华文明深厚基础上开辟和发展中国特色社会主义，把马克思主义基本原理同中国具体实际、同中华优秀传统文化相结合是必由之路”，“如果没有中华五千年文明，哪里有什么中国特色？如果不是中国特色，哪有我们今天这么成功的中国特色社会主义道路？只有立足波澜壮阔的中华五千多年文明史，才能真正理解中国道路的历史必然、文化内涵与独特优势”。

The CPC integrates the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s specific realities, paying particular attention to the changes in social structure that have occurred since the New Era, after the market plays a decisive role in the allocation of resources. These changes in social structure are both continuous with the changes in social structure in the new period and exhibit many new characteristics of the New Era.

中国共产党把马克思主义基本原理同中国具体实际相结合，尤其关注新时代以来市场在资源配置中起决定性作用之后所产生的社会结构变化。这种社会结构变化既与新时期的社会结构变化一脉相承，又体现出很多新时代的新特征。

First, individualization. Reform and opening up advanced modernization, and modernization inevitably leads to social differentiation. On the one hand, social differentiation manifests as the individualization of society, where individuals emerge from the work-unit system and enter the market, becoming independent social individuals or market business entities. On the other hand, these independent social individuals will, within the market and society, reorganize themselves based on factors such as occupation, geography, interests, and educational ties, under market conditions, forming different social strata and producing a rich and diverse social stratification structure. The ultimate result is that the original class and stratum internally differentiate, and new strata emerge within the original classes. After new social forces differentiate, new social strata emerge. The emergence of new social strata makes the entire social stratum structure more pluralistic. An important way for the ruling party to organically integrate the old and new social class and stratum structures is the united front.

第一，个体化。改革开放推进了现代化，现代化必然导致社会分化。一方面，社会分化表现为社会的个体化，个体从单位制中出来之后进入市场，成为独立的社会个体或市场经营主体。另一方面，独立的社会个体又会在市场和社会之中根据业缘、地缘、趣缘、学缘等因素而在社会中基于市场化条件再次组织起来，形成不同的社会阶层，产生丰富多彩的社会分层结构。这样的最终结果是，原有的阶级阶层内部发生分化，原有的阶级中会产生新的阶层。新的社会力量分化出来后，会产生新的社会阶层。新的社会阶层的产生会使整个社会阶层结构更为多元。执政党要对新旧社会阶级阶层结构进行有机整合，其重要方式就是统一战线。

Second, grouping. After the individualization of society, independent individuals interact with others in the market to meet their own needs. In interacting with others, in order to defend their own interests or realize personal values, individuals promote the combination of subjects with aligned interests or values, forming social groups. At this point, social groups are no longer the social groups originally formed on the basis of administrative work units, but rather social groups formed on the basis of marketization and socialization, such as groups of online writers, groups of professional e-sports players, and groups of lawyers.

第二，群体化。社会个体化之后，独立的个体为了满足自己的需要而在市场中与他人交往，个体在与他人交往中为了捍卫自身利益或实现个人价值，推动个体与利益一致或价值观念一致的主体结合，组成社会群体。这时候的社会群体不再是原来基于行政化而形成的以单位制为基础的社会群体，而是基于市场化而形成的以社会化为基础的社会群体，如网络作家群体、职业电竞选手群体、律师群体等。

Third, networking. According to the Statistical Report on China’s Internet Development, as of December 2023, the number of Chinese netizens reached 1.092 billion, an increase of 24.8 million netizens compared with December 2022, and the internet penetration rate reached 77.5%. In China, the internet has not only become a form of production and a form of life, but also a social form and a mode of social interaction; both online society and offline society are real societies in a substantive sense. After society entered the era of networking, the united front has closely followed the impact of social networking on itself. The forms of online united front work are diverse, mainly divided into two aspects: first, online united front work centered on internet enterprises, which is both consistent with and distinct from offline enterprise united front work; second, online united front work centered on online figures, which focuses both on internet influencers who shape public opinion through online speech and influence, and on online figures who make a living through the internet and sustain their personal lives through online operations, such as online writers and professional internet celebrities.

第三，网络化。根据中国互联网络发展状况统计报告，截至2023年12月，中国网民规模达10.92亿人，较2022年12月新增网民2 480万人，互联网普及率达77.5%。互联网在我国不但成为一种生产形态和生活形态，也成为一种社会形态和社会交往方式，线上社会和线下社会都是实实在在的现实社会。当社会进入网络化时代之后，统一战线密切关注社会网络化对自身产生的影响。网络统战工作形式多元，主要分为两个方面：一是以网络企业为主的网络统战工作，这种统战工作与线下企业统战工作既有一致性，又有特殊性；二是以网络人士为主的网络统战工作，这种统战工作既关注以网络言论和影响社会舆论为核心的网络大咖，又关注以网络为谋生手段、通过网络经营维持个人生活的网络人士，如网络作家、职业网红等。

Fourth, intelligentization. Intelligentization mainly refers to society’s gradual entry into the digital era and the era of intelligence, with the rapid development of artificial intelligence, which has an impact on social structure. Intelligentization differs from networking; it is a higher-order social form than networking. At present, artificial intelligence has gradually entered the production sphere and the life sphere, becoming a social form and causing changes in social structure. In the united front sphere, artificial intelligence has partially entered united front culture and united front propaganda, such as using VR technology to promote the construction and protection of united front historical and cultural resources, achieving an integrated development of “online + on-site,” and so on. Of course, the impact of intelligentization on changes in social structure and on theoretical innovation of the united front still requires in-depth observation in step with the development of artificial intelligence.

第四，智能化。智能化主要是指社会逐步进入数字时代和智能化时代，人工智能迅速发展，对社会结构产生影响。智能化不同于网络化，是比网络化更为高阶的社会形态。目前，人工智能已经逐步进入生产领域和生活领域，变成一种社会形态，引起社会结构变化。在统一战线领域，人工智能部分进入了统战文化和统战宣传，如利用VR技术推进统战历史文化资源的建设与保护，实现“在线+在场”的融合发展等。当然，智能化对社会结构变化和统一战线理论创新的影响，尚需跟随人工智能发展的步伐而深入观察。

In accordance with the changes in social structure in the New Era, the Communist Party of China has combined the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s specific realities, driving the united front to keep pace with changes in social structure and continuously enrich and develop the theory of united front work concerning new social strata.

根据新时代社会结构变化，中国共产党把马克思主义基本原理同中国具体实际相结合，推动统一战线紧跟社会结构变化，不断丰富和发展新的社会阶层人士统战工作理论。

First, in accordance with the changes in the social strata structure of the New Era, it has put forward the general thinking and work guidelines for united front work concerning new social strata, gradually forming a systematic theory of united front work concerning new social strata. In the new period of reform and opening up, the Communist Party of China put forward the strategic judgment that work concerning new social strata is a new focal point of united front work. After entering the New Era, the Communist Party of China further deepened this: in 2017, it convened the first national conference on united front work concerning new social strata, changing the new social strata from the original “six categories of people” to “four categories of people,”[8]8 The “six categories of people” originally referred to private entrepreneurs, technical personnel employed by private enterprises and foreign-funded enterprises, management and technical personnel employed by intermediary organizations, and freelancers. The “four categories of people” refined this into practitioners in private enterprises and foreign-funded enterprises, practitioners in intermediary organizations and social organizations, freelancers, and new media practitioners. while simultaneously putting forward the work guidelines of “full respect, extensive contact, strengthened unity, warm assistance, and active guidance,” as well as the basic work thinking of organizing and rallying them, establishing new social strata associations at all levels from the national to the provincial, municipal, and county levels, thereby uniting and rallying the broad masses of new social strata. United front work concerning new social strata occupies a pivotal position in the united front work of the New Era.

第一，根据新时代社会阶层结构变化，提出了新的社会阶层人士统战工作的总体思路和工作方针，逐步形成了新的社会阶层人士统战工作的系统理论。在改革开放新时期，中国共产党提出新的社会阶层人士工作是统战工作新的着力点的战略判断。进入新时代之后，中国共产党在此基础上进一步深化：2017年召开了全国首次新的社会阶层人士统战工作会议，把新的社会阶层人士由原来的“六种人”变为“四种人”，同时提出了“充分尊重、广泛联系、加强团结、热情帮助、积极引导”工作方针，以及组织起来、凝聚起来的基本工作思路，建立了从全国到省市县各个层次的新的社会阶层人士联谊会，把广大新的社会阶层人士团结凝聚起来。新的社会阶层人士统战工作在新时代统战工作中具有举足轻重的地位。

Second, in accordance with the social reality of grouping, it has put forward new concepts such as united front work concerning practitioners in intermediary organizations and social organizations, and united front work concerning freelancers. Practitioners in intermediary organizations include practitioners in social groups such as registered tax agents, certified public accountants, lawyers, and industry associations. Practitioners in social organizations include those who work in institutions such as social groups, foundations, private non-enterprise units, new social organizations, and public welfare social organizations. Freelancers mainly refer to a large number of “self-employed persons” who rely on their skills and are not employed by any unit, including social groups such as online writers, independent designers, and psychological counselors. The number of practitioners in these social groups is enormous. On the one hand, the above new concepts have expanded the scope of united front work concerning new social strata and broadened the work front of the united front; on the other hand, they have paid close attention to the emerging social groups produced by changes in social structure.

第二，根据群体化的社会现实，提出了中介组织和社会组织从业人员统战工作和自由职业人员统战工作等新概念。中介组织从业人员包括注册税务师、注册会计师、律师和行业协会等社会群体中的从业人员。社会组织从业人员包括在社会团体、基金会、民办非企业单位、新社会组织和公益性社会组织等机构中从业的人员。自由职业人员主要是指大量“自雇人士”，他们凭一技之长而不受雇于任何单位，包括网络作家、独立设计师、心理咨询师等社会群体。这些社会群体从业人员数量庞大。上述新概念一方面拓展了新的社会阶层人士统战工作范围，拓展了统一战线的工作面，另一方面高度关注了社会结构变化所产生的新兴社会群体。

Third, in accordance with the social reality of the networking era, it has put forward new concepts such as united front work concerning new media practitioners and united front work concerning online figures. New media practitioners and online figures are both emerging social groups that have grown up with the rapid development of network technology and new media. In 2014, the United Front Work Department of the CPC Central Committee and the Office of the Central Cyberspace Affairs Commission jointly issued the “Opinions on Carrying Out United Front Work Concerning New Media Practitioners,” emphasizing the need to adhere to promoting the healthy development of the new media industry and the healthy growth of new media practitioners as the theme, and to focus on cultivating a group of representative figures in the new media industry who are politically steadfast, outstanding in performance, and recognized by the masses, so as to closely unite new media practitioners around the Party. Online figures generally refer to people who have influence on the internet, the vast majority of whom are non-Party figures, mainly distributed outside the system. They can be specifically summarized as personnel who, based on information technology and using the internet as a platform, engage in activities such as management and operation, production and dissemination, technology research and development, and investment and financing, and who possess the capacity for public opinion dissemination, content production, and social mobilization. United front work concerning online figures refers to the Communist Party of China as the main body, uniting and rallying all kinds of non-Party figures engaged in online activities, especially those engaged in content production and dissemination, around the Party, and by establishing a united front with online figures, constructing an online political concentric circle with the Communist Party of China as the center. In 2019, the Central Leading Group for United Front Work issued the “Opinions on Strengthening United Front Work Concerning Online Figures,” and the United Front Work Department of the CPC Central Committee and the Central Cyberspace Affairs Commission jointly convened the first conference on united front work concerning online figures in the history of the Communist Party of China, putting forward specific requirements for doing a good job of united front work concerning online figures in the New Era. With the advent of the intelligentization era, new concepts such as digital united front are about to be born, requiring corresponding theoretical innovation of the united front.

第三，根据网络化时代的社会实际，提出了新媒体从业人员统战工作和网络人士统战工作等新概念。新媒体从业人员和网络人士都是随着网络技术、新媒体迅速发展而成长起来的新兴社会群体。2014年，中央统战部、中央网络安全和信息化领导小组办公室联合出台了《关于开展新媒体从业人员统战工作的意见》，强调要坚持以促进新媒体行业健康发展和新媒体从业人员健康成长为主题，以培养一支政治坚定、业绩突出、群众认同的新媒体行业代表人士为重点，把新媒体从业人员紧密团结在党的周围。网络人士泛指在互联网上有影响力的人，其中绝大部分是党外人士，主要分布在体制外，可以具体概括为以信息技术为基础、以互联网为平台，从事经营管理、生产传播、技术研发、投融资等活动，具有舆论传播能力、内容生产能力、社会动员能力的人员。网络人士统战工作是指以中国共产党为主体，把各类从事网络活动的党外人士，特别是从事内容生产和传播的网络人士团结凝聚到党周围，通过与网络人士建立统一战线，建构网上以中国共产党为圆心的政治同心圆。2019年，中央统一战线工作领导小组下发了《关于加强网络人士统战工作的意见》，中央统战部、中央网信办联合召开了中国共产党历史上首次网络人士统战工作会议，对做好新时代网络人士统战工作提出了具体要求。随着智能化时代的到来，数字统战等新概念即将诞生，需要进行相应的统一战线理论创新。

In the aspect of the “Second Integration,” the Communist Party of China has formed a stronger ideological consciousness of combining Marxism with the fine traditional Chinese culture in the New Era. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “The ‘Second Integration’ is a profound summary by our Party of the historical experience of adapting Marxism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times, and a profound grasp of the laws governing the development of Chinese civilization. It shows that our Party’s understanding of the Chinese path, theory, and system has reached a new height, shows that our Party’s historical confidence and cultural confidence have reached a new height, and shows that our Party’s consciousness of promoting cultural innovation in inheriting the fine traditional Chinese culture has reached a new height.”

在“第二个结合”方面，中国共产党在新时代形成了更为强烈的把马克思主义与中华优秀传统文化相结合的意识形态自觉。习近平总书记指出：“‘第二个结合’，是我们党对马克思主义中国化时代化历史经验的深刻总结，是对中华文明发展规律的深刻把握，表明我们党对中国道路、理论、制度的认识达到了新高度，表明我们党的历史自信、文化自信达到了新高度，表明我们党在传承中华优秀传统文化中推进文化创新的自觉性达到了新高度。”

The results of the integration of Marxist united front theory with the fine traditional Chinese culture are not only a component of General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important thought on doing a good job of the Party’s united front work in the New Era, but also have become the core content of the patriotic united front in the New Era.

马克思主义统一战线理论与中华优秀传统文化相结合的成果，既是习近平总书记关于做好新时代党的统一战线工作的重要思想的组成部分，又成为新时代爱国统一战线的核心内容。

First, inheriting and developing the ideological propositions of “benevolent governance” and “humane governance” in Chinese civilization, as well as the traditional wisdom of “the benevolent love others and establish themselves through virtue,” it emphasizes that united front work must focus on people’s hearts, that the essential requirement of united front work is great unity and great solidarity, and that what it resolves is precisely the issue of people’s hearts and strength, thereby forming the “political strength” theory of the united front in the New Era.

第一，继承和发展中华文明“德政”“仁政”的思想主张，以及“仁者爱人、以德立人”的传统智慧，强调统战工作要关注人心，统战工作的本质要求是大团结大联合，解决的就是人心和力量问题，形成了新时代统一战线的“政治力量”论。

Second, inheriting and developing the political wisdom of Chinese civilization of “being inclusive and tolerant, seeking common ground while reserving differences, and harmony in diversity,” it emphasizes firmly grasping the theme of great unity and great solidarity, developing seeking common ground while reserving differences into adhering to the unity of consistency and diversity, finding the greatest common divisor, and drawing the largest concentric circle, thereby forming the “political concentric circle” theory of the united front in the New Era.

第二，继承和发展中华文明“兼容并包、求同存异、和而不同”的政治智慧，强调牢牢把握大团结大联合的主题，把求同存异发展为坚持一致性与多样性相统一、找到最大公约数、画出最大同心圆，形成了新时代统一战线的“政治同心圆”论。

Third, it inherits and develops the Chinese civilization’s concept of “shared governance under heaven,” the governing tradition of “republicanism” and “consultation,” and the cultural spirit of “pooling wisdom, broadly benefiting the many, and collective efforts,” thereby putting forward the theory of political parties participating in socialism with Chinese characteristics, and clarifying that the system of multiparty cooperation and political consultation under the leadership of the CPC is a new type of party system. This constitutes a major theoretical innovation concerning China’s party system in the New Era. In 2013, at the Spring Festival symposium with non-CPC figures, General Secretary Xi Jinping first proposed that the democratic parties are “political parties participating in socialism with Chinese characteristics that work in close cooperation with the CPC.” In 2018, while visiting members of the China Democratic League, the China Zhi Gong Party, non-affiliated personages, and the All-China Federation of Returned Overseas Chinese attending the First Session of the 13th National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) and participating in a joint group discussion, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out that the system of multiparty cooperation and political consultation under the leadership of the CPC “is a new type of party system that has grown out of China’s soil,” thereby first proposing the concept of a new type of party system. Fourth, it inherits and develops the Chinese civilization’s great-unification thought of “unifying customs across the six directions and bringing order to the nine provinces,” [9]9 “Unifying customs across the six directions and bringing order to the nine provinces” (六合同风，九州共贯) is a classical Chinese phrase from the Book of Han (汉书), expressing the ideal of political and cultural unity under a single sovereign. follows the developmental trend of the Chinese nation characterized by inward cohesion and unity in diversity, emphasizes forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation, and forms a theoretical system of the Chinese national community. Fifth, it inherits and develops the Chinese civilization’s governing tradition of “integrity, prudence, and diligence,” the Confucian concept of “righteousness and benefit,” and the spirit of reform and innovation that discards the old and fosters the new while keeping pace with the times, emphasizing the construction of a new type of cordial and clean unified government-business relationship theory. Sixth, it inherits and develops the broad-mindedness of Chinese civilization, which is as inclusive as the sea receiving all rivers and as virtuous as the earth bearing all things, emphasizing that realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is the common dream of all Chinese sons and daughters at home and abroad, and that it is necessary to improve the grand united front work framework, mobilizing all Chinese sons and daughters to think and act together around the realization of the Chinese Dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, thereby forming the theory of improving the grand united front work framework. Seventh, it inherits and develops the core value of “harmony” in Chinese civilization and puts forward the theory of socialist consultative democracy. “Harmony” or “harmoniousness” is the core value of Chinese civilization; “harmony” as a concept was formally proposed in the late Western Zhou Dynasty. [10]10 The Western Zhou Dynasty (c. 1046–771 BCE) was an early Chinese dynasty; the late Western Zhou period refers to its final decades before the capital was moved eastward. In the late Spring and Autumn period, political and intellectual elites such as Yan Ying, Laozi, and Confucius all attached great importance to “harmony,” regarding it as a core concept of worldview, values, and outlook on life. “Harmony,” as the harmonious unity of different factors, inherently requires consultation, emphasizing the development of socialist consultative democracy. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “Under the socialist system in China, when it comes to matters, it is good to discuss them; the affairs of the many should be discussed by the many. Finding the greatest common divisor of the will and demands of the whole society is the true essence of people’s democracy.”

第三，继承和发展中华文明的天下共治理念、“共和”“商量”的施政传统和“集思广益、博施众利、群策群力”的文化精神，提出了中国特色社会主义参政党理论，明确中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度是新型政党制度。这是新时代以来围绕我国政党制度的重大理论创新。2013年，习近平总书记在党外人士迎春座谈会上首次提出各民主党派是“与中国共产党通力合作的中国特色社会主义参政党”。2018年，习近平总书记在看望参加全国政协十三届一次会议的民盟、致公党、无党派人士、侨联界委员并参加联组座谈会时指出，中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度“是从中国土壤中生长出来的新型政党制度”，首次提出了新型政党制度概念。第四，继承和发展中华文明“六合同风，九州共贯”的大一统思想，顺应向内凝聚、多元一体的中华民族发展大趋势，强调铸牢中华民族共同体意识，形成了中华民族共同体理论体系。第五，继承和发展中华文明“清、慎、勤”的为政传统，儒家“义利”观念，以及革故鼎新、与时俱进的改革创新精神，强调构建亲清统一的新型政商关系理论。第六，继承和发展中华文明海纳百川、厚德载物的博大胸怀，强调实现中华民族伟大复兴是海内外中华儿女共同的梦，要完善大统战工作格局，动员全体中华儿女围绕实现中华民族伟大复兴中国梦一起来想、一起来干，形成了完善大统战工作格局理论。第七，继承和发展“和谐”的中华文明核心价值，提出社会主义协商民主理论。“和”或“和谐”是中华文明的核心价值，“和”作为概念在西周晚期正式提出。春秋末期，晏婴、老子和孔子等政治精英和知识精英都很重视“和”，将它作为世界观、价值观和人生观的核心概念来看待。“和”作为不同因素的和谐统一，内在地需要协商，强调要发展社会主义协商民主。习近平总书记指出：“在中国社会主义制度下，有事好商量，众人的事情由众人商量，找到全社会意愿和要求的最大公约数，是人民民主的真谛。”

In summary, after entering the New Era, the CPC has explicitly put forward the major thesis of the “Two Integrations,” and has unified the “Two Integrations,” especially the “Second Integration,” with the development of the united front in the New Era, proposing the theory of “political forces,” the theory of “political concentric circles,” the theory of China’s new type of party system, the theoretical system of the Chinese national community, the theory of a new type of cordial and clean unified government-business relationship, the theory of socialist consultative democracy, the theory of united front work among new social strata, and the theory of improving the grand united front work framework. These are the new achievements in the theoretical development of the united front in the New Era.

总之，进入新时代之后，中国共产党明确提出“两个结合”的重大论断，并把“两个结合”尤其是“第二个结合”与新时代统一战线发展统一起来，提出了“政治力量”论、“政治同心圆”论、中国新型政党制度理论、中华民族共同体理论体系、亲清统一的新型政商关系理论、社会主义协商民主理论、新的社会阶层人士统战工作理论和完善大统战工作格局理论。这是新时代统一战线理论发展的新成就。

V. Conclusion

五、结语

The historical practice of the CPC in adapting Marxism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times, through creative achievements that continuously write new chapters, interprets the fact that adhering to the “Two Integrations” is the key to the Party’s eternal youth and enduring success. In the course of China’s revolution, construction, and reform, the evolution from a class alliance to a patriots’ alliance reflects the trajectory of adapting the Marxist theory of the united front to the Chinese context and the needs of the times. The “Two Integrations” have become the internal mechanism for adapting the Marxist theory of the united front to the Chinese context and the needs of the times. The “Two Integrations” have driven theoretical innovations in the CPC’s united front over more than a century, becoming one of the important sources of theoretical innovation in the united front over more than a century. A history of the theoretical development of the CPC’s united front is also a history of innovation in the mutual integration of the “Two Integrations” and the united front. During the period of the New Democratic Revolution, the CPC integrated Marxism with the realities of the Chinese revolution, put forward the theory of the united front as a magic weapon, and achieved the great victory of the New Democratic Revolution. During the periods of socialist revolution, construction, and the new era of reform and opening up, through the “Two Integrations,” the CPC determined the patriotic nature of the united front in the new period, put forward the theory of the patriotic united front, as well as the thought of “long live both,” [11]11 “Long live both” (两个万岁) refers to the slogan “Long live the Communist Party of China, long live the democratic parties,” used to emphasize unity between the CPC and non-CPC parties. the theory of alliances in two spheres, the theory of the alliance of the three, [12]12 The “alliance of the three” (三者联盟) refers to the alliance of workers, peasants, and intellectuals, or in some contexts, the alliance of socialist workers, builders of socialism, and patriots supporting socialism. and the theory of the five major relationships. [13]13 The “five major relationships” (五大关系) refers to relationships among political parties, ethnic groups, religions, social strata, and compatriots at home and abroad, as key areas of united front work. Entering the New Era, through the “Two Integrations,” the CPC has put forward the theory of “political forces,” the theory of “political concentric circles,” the theory of improving the grand united front work framework, the theory of China’s new type of party system, the theoretical system of the Chinese national community, the theory of a new type of cordial and clean unified government-business relationship, the theory of socialist consultative democracy, and the theory of united front work among new social strata. These innovative theories are both components of General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important thought on united front work in the New Era and have become the core content of the patriotic united front in the New Era.

中国共产党推进马克思主义中国化时代化的历史实践，以不断谱写新篇章的创造性成果，诠释了坚持“两个结合”是党青春永驻、基业长青的密钥所在。在中国革命、建设和改革进程中，从阶级联盟到爱国者联盟的演进，反映了马克思主义统一战线理论中国化时代化的发展轨迹。“两个结合”成为马克思主义统一战线理论中国化时代化的内在机理。“两个结合”推动了百余年来中国共产党统一战线理论创新，成为百余年来统一战线理论创新的重要源泉之一。一部中国共产党统一战线理论发展史，也是“两个结合”与统一战线相互契合的创新史。新民主主义革命时期，中国共产党把马克思主义与中国革命实际相结合，提出了统一战线的法宝理论，取得了新民主主义革命的伟大胜利。社会主义革命、建设和改革开放新时期，中国共产党通过“两个结合”，确定了新时期统一战线的爱国主义性质，提出了爱国统一战线理论，以及“两个万岁”思想、两个范围联盟理论、三者联盟理论、五大关系理论等。进入新时代，中国共产党通过“两个结合”，提出了“政治力量”论、“政治同心圆”论、完善大统战工作格局理论、中国新型政党制度理论、中华民族共同体理论体系、亲清统一的新型政商关系理论、社会主义协商民主理论、新的社会阶层人士统战工作理论等。这些创新理论既是习近平总书记关于做好新时代党的统一战线工作的重要思想的组成部分，又成为新时代爱国统一战线的核心内容。

Online editor: Jing Mu

网络编辑：静穆