The Rich Implications and Practical Essentials of “the Party’s Self-Revolution Focuses on Governing Power”

General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized at the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection: “The Party’s self-revolution focuses on governing power; confining power within the cage of institutions is an important task of comprehensive and strict governance of the Party in the New Era.” [1]1 The 20th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) is the Party’s top internal disciplinary body. Its Fifth Plenary Session, held in early 2025, typically reviews anti-corruption work and sets priorities for the year. A profound understanding of the spirit of this important statement is of great significance for further deepening the understanding of the laws governing the fight against corruption, advancing the Party’s self-revolution, effectively regulating the key link of power operation, and ensuring that the power entrusted by the Party and the people is always used to serve the people.

习近平总书记在二十届中央纪委五次全会上强调：“党的自我革命重在治权，把权力关进制度笼子是新时代全面从严治党的一项重要任务。”深刻理解这一重要讲话精神，对于进一步深化对反腐败斗争的规律性认识，深入推进党的自我革命，切实规范权力运行这个关键，确保党和人民赋予的权力始终用来为人民服务具有十分重要的意义。

1. A Profound Grasp of the Laws of Governance and the Laws of Power Operation

1、对执政规律和权力运行规律的深刻把握

General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “Our Party has such a long history, such a large scale, and has been in power for so long. How can it break out of the historical cycle of rise and fall? Comrade Mao Zedong gave the first answer in the cave dwellings of Yan’an, which was ‘only by letting the people supervise the government will the government not dare to slack off.’ After a century of struggle, especially the new practice since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, our Party has given the second answer, which is self-revolution.” [2]2 The “historical cycle of rise and fall” (治乱兴衰的历史周期率) refers to the pattern observed in Chinese dynastic history of founding, flourishing, decline, and collapse. The “cave-dwelling question” (窑洞之问) refers to a 1945 conversation between Mao Zedong and the democratic figure Huang Yanpei in Yan’an, where Huang asked how the CPC could avoid this cycle. How to successfully break out of the historical cycle of rise and fall is a fundamental issue concerning the eternal cause of the Communist Party of China, and also a clear main line running through the practice of the Party’s governance. The exploration and answer to this question clearly reflect the trajectory of the Party’s deepening understanding of the laws of governance at different historical stages.

习近平总书记指出：“我们党历史这么长、规模这么大、执政这么久，如何跳出治乱兴衰的历史周期率？毛泽东同志在延安的窑洞里给出了第一个答案，这就是‘只有让人民来监督政府，政府才不敢松懈’。经过百年奋斗特别是党的十八大以来新的实践，我们党又给出了第二个答案，这就是自我革命。”如何成功跳出治乱兴衰的历史周期率，是关系中国共产党千秋伟业的一个根本性课题，也是贯穿我们党治国理政实践的一条鲜明主线。对这个问题的探索与回答，清晰反映出我们党在不同历史阶段对执政规律认识不断深化的轨迹。

Looking back to the Yan’an period, in the face of the “cave-dwelling question,” Comrade Mao Zedong gave the answer of “letting the people supervise the government.” The great significance of this answer lies in the fact that, based on the historical materialist view that the people create history, it profoundly revealed the essence of the people’s democratic dictatorship and established the fundamental political principle that public power must accept the supervision of its owner, that is, the people. As socialism with Chinese characteristics enters the New Era, facing the severe tests of governance, reform and opening up, the market economy, and the external environment confronting our Party, General Secretary Xi Jinping solemnly proposed the second answer to breaking out of the historical cycle, namely “self-revolution.” This answer profoundly indicates that maintaining the Party’s advanced nature and purity requires not only external “physical examination and treatment” but, more importantly, relies on the “immune repair” of the Party’s own robust organism. To advance the Party’s self-revolution, it is necessary to grasp its most critical and concrete focal points and breakthroughs; only by directly targeting the core field of power operation can the deep-seated roots of corruption be touched.

回溯延安时期，面对“窑洞之问”，毛泽东同志给出了“让人民来监督政府”的答案，其伟大意义在于，这一答案立足人民创造历史的唯物史观，深刻揭示了人民民主专政的本质，确立了公共权力必须接受其所有者的监督即人民监督这一根本政治原则。中国特色社会主义进入新时代，面对我们党所面临的执政考验、改革开放考验、市场经济考验、外部环境考验的严峻形势，习近平总书记郑重提出了跳出历史周期率的第二个答案即“自我革命”。这一答案深刻昭示了，保持党的先进性和纯洁性，不仅要靠外在的“体检治疗”，更要依靠党自身肌体强健的“免疫修复”。推进党的自我革命，必须抓住其最关键、最具体的着力点与突破口，而只有直指权力运行这一核心场域，才能触及腐败滋生的深层根源。

The important thesis that “the Party’s self-revolution focuses on governing power” realizes a leap from emphasizing the supervision and restriction of power to a paradigm shift towards the systematic governance of power. This is not only an inheritance and sublimation of the two answers of “people’s supervision” and “self-revolution,” but also a core hub and strategic fulcrum that pushes them deeper and implements them concretely. The rise and fall of countless regimes, both ancient and modern, Chinese and foreign, prove that power lacking effective restraint will inevitably lead to corruption and alienation. Explicitly designating “governing power” as the center of gravity of self-revolution reflects our Party’s profound grasp of the laws of power operation, indicating that the most thorough self-revolution lies in systematically regulating the allocation of power, strictly supervising the exercise of power, and ensuring that power always submits to the will and interests of the people. This centrally embodies: the distinct class nature of a Marxist ruling party determines that power must faithfully serve the fundamental interests of the broad masses of the people and must never be allowed to become a tool for any privileged stratum or interest group; the thorough revolutionary spirit requires the courage to engage in self-inflicted pain and wage the most resolute struggle against all acts of abusing power and harming the cause of the Party and the people; the scientific institutional philosophy requires the comprehensive incorporation of the establishment, operation, and supervision of power into an institutionalized, standardized, and procedural track, ultimately building a power operation system with scientific decision-making, resolute implementation, and effective supervision. Thus, it can be said that the important thesis “the Party’s self-revolution focuses on governing power” is the most resolute, profound, and era-characteristic response to the “cave-dwelling question” on the new journey of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, pointing the way forward for our Party to maintain stable and long-term governance under conditions of prolonged rule.

“党的自我革命重在治权”这一重要论断，实现了从强调对权力的监督与制约，向对权力进行系统性治理范式转换的跨越。这既是对“人民监督”与“自我革命”两个答案的承继与升华，更是将其推向纵深、落于实处的核心枢纽与战略支点。古今中外无数政权的兴衰更替证明，缺乏有效约束的权力必然走向腐败与异化。将“治权”明确为自我革命的重心，体现了我们党对权力运行规律的深刻把握，表明最彻底的自我革命就在于系统性地规范权力配置、严密监督权力行使、确保权力始终服从于人民的意志与利益。这集中体现了马克思主义执政党的鲜明阶级性所决定的权力必须忠实服务于广大人民群众的根本利益，绝不容许成为任何特权阶层或利益集团的工具；彻底的革命精神所要求的必须敢于以刀刃向内的魄力，同一切滥用权力、损害党和人民事业的行为进行最坚决的斗争；科学的制度理念所要求的必须将权力的设定、运行、监督全面纳入制度化、规范化、程序化轨道，最终构建起决策科学、执行坚决、监督有力的权力运行体系。由此可以说，“党的自我革命重在治权”这一重要论断，是对“窑洞之问”在民族复兴新征程上作出的最坚定、最深邃、最富时代特色的回应，为我们党在长期执政条件下行稳致远指明了前进方向。

2. A Sober Understanding of the Severity and Complexity of the Anti-Corruption Struggle

2、对反腐败斗争严峻性复杂性的清醒认识

Corruption is the biggest cancer eroding the Party’s vitality and combat effectiveness. The important thesis that “the Party’s self-revolution focuses on governing power” stems from our Party’s sober judgment and strategic consideration of the severity and complexity of the anti-corruption struggle.

腐败是危害党的生命力和战斗力的最大毒瘤。“党的自我革命重在治权”这一重要论断，源于我们党对反腐败斗争严峻性、复杂性的清醒判断与战略考量。

The fundamental crux of corruption often points to the abuse of power. The various manifestations of corruption differ in appearance, but their common root and core crux invariably point to the abuse of power. When public power deviates from its original purpose of establishment, alienating from a public instrument serving the people into a tool for seeking private gain, the Party’s governing foundation will be severely eroded. Whether it is the exchange of power for money and interest transfer in the economic field, the formation of cliques and personal依附 in political life that disrupt rules, or the backroom deals and bending the law for personal gain in organizational personnel, resource allocation, administrative approval, law enforcement, and judicial processes, what lies behind them all is the anomie and loss of control in power operation. A large number of facts in social life warn us that the breeding and spread of corruption are often related to unscientific and unreasonable power allocation, insufficiently open and transparent operation processes, and ineffective and insufficiently tight supervision and restraint. The reason why some so-called “high-risk areas” have become hard-hit areas for corruption often lies in the excessive concentration of power and lack of necessary supervision; the trajectory of some leading cadres degenerating from “good cadres” to “prisoners” often stems from the loss of effective restraint over the power in their hands. It is precisely based on a profound understanding of the mechanism of corruption that our Party is soberly aware that the anti-corruption struggle must never be satisfied with the case-by-case investigation and punishment of “uprooting rotten trees” or “treating diseased trees.” The most thorough and effective anti-corruption must directly target the profound transformation and systematic reshaping of power operation itself. That is, through comprehensively deepening reform and scientific institutional construction, to regulate the conferment, allocation, exercise, and supervision of power from the source, to maximize the compression of space for power rent-seeking and rent-setting, and to completely eradicate the soil and conditions on which corruption depends for survival.

腐败的根本症结往往指向权力的滥用。形形色色的腐败现象，其外在表现千差万别，但共同的根源与核心的症结无不指向权力的滥用。当公共权力背离了设立初衷，从为人民服务的公器异化为谋取私利的工具时，党的执政基础就会受到严重侵蚀。无论是经济领域中的权钱交易与利益输送，政治生活中破坏规矩的团团伙伙与人身依附，还是在组织人事、资源分配、行政审批、执法司法等环节的暗箱操作与徇私枉法，背后隐藏的都是权力运行的失范与失控。社会生活中的大量事实警示我们，腐败的滋生与蔓延，往往与权力配置不够科学合理、运行过程不够公开透明、监督制约不够严密有效相关。一些所谓“高危领域”之所以成为腐败重灾区，根源常在于权力过度集中且缺乏必要的监督；一些领导干部从“好干部”滑向“阶下囚”的蜕变轨迹，根由常在于其手中掌握的权力失去了有效约束。正是基于对腐败发生机理的深刻认识，我们党清醒意识到，反腐败斗争决不能满足于“拔烂树”“治病树”的个案查处，最彻底、最有效的反腐败必须直击权力本身运行的深刻变革与系统重塑，即通过全面深化改革与科学的制度建构，从源头上规范权力的赋予、配置、行使与监督，最大限度压缩权力寻租设租的空间，彻底铲除腐败现象赖以生存的土壤与条件。

Anti-corruption is the most thorough self-revolution. Further regulating power operation is not only a fundamental strategy for winning the anti-corruption struggle but also a touchstone for measuring whether self-revolution truly touches the soul and confronts real problems. If the practice of self-revolution bypasses the core issue of regulating power operation and avoids the deep-seated problem of optimizing and adjusting the power structure, it will degenerate into superficial window dressing, unable to truly remove deep-seated ills and accumulated malpractices. The goals of self-purification, self-improvement, self-renovation, and self-enhancement would then be impossible to achieve. Regulating power operation means using great political courage and wisdom to define its field of activity with clear and definite rules, to regulate its scope of operation with strict and fair procedures, and to illuminate every corner of it with comprehensive, all-encompassing supervision. To this end, it is necessary to carry forward the spirit of thorough self-revolution, have the courage to target unreasonable power allocations, dare to break down the institutional and mechanistic barriers that breed privileged thinking and privilege phenomena, and be adept at building a power operation mechanism with scientific decision-making, resolute implementation, and effective supervision. Only in this way can it be ensured that the power entrusted by the Party and the people is always used for the great practice of seeking rejuvenation for the nation and happiness for the people, thereby more fully demonstrating the thoroughness, authenticity, and effectiveness of self-revolution.

反腐败是最彻底的自我革命。进一步规范权力运行，既是赢得反腐败斗争胜利的治本之策，也是衡量自我革命是否触及灵魂、动真碰硬的试金石。倘若自我革命的实践绕开了规范权力运行这个核心议题，回避了对权力结构进行优化调整这一深层次难题，那就会沦为隔靴搔痒的表面文章，无法真正祛除沉疴积弊，自我净化、自我完善、自我革新、自我提高的目标便无从谈起。规范权力运行，意味着要以巨大的政治勇气和智慧，用清晰明确的规则界定其活动的领域，用严密公正的程序规制其运行的范围，用全方位、无死角的监督照亮其每一个角落。为此，必须发扬彻底的自我革命精神，勇于向那些不合理的权力配置开刀，敢于破除那些滋生特权思想和特权现象的体制机制障碍，善于构建起决策科学、执行坚决、监督有力的权力运行机制。唯有如此，方能确保党和人民赋予的权力始终用于为民族谋复兴、为人民谋幸福的伟大实践，从而更加彰显自我革命的彻底性、真实性与有效性。

3. Confining Power More Scientifically and Effectively within the Cage of Institutions

3、更加科学有效地把权力关进制度笼子

To govern power, the Party must first be governed; to govern the Party, strictness is imperative. “Confining power more scientifically and effectively within the cage of institutions” is not only an important task of comprehensive and strict governance of the Party in the New Era but also an inevitable requirement for implementing the important thesis that “the Party’s self-revolution focuses on governing power.”

治权必先治党，治党务必从严。“更加科学有效地把权力关进制度笼子”，既是新时代全面从严治党的一项重要任务，也是落实“党的自我革命重在治权”这一重要论断的必然要求。

Institutions are the fundamental guarantee for constraining power. To cage power within the institutional framework, the primary prerequisite is that the cage itself is scientifically rigorous and tight without being cumbersome, preventing situations such as “a cattle pen letting cats in and out at will” or “a paper cage failing to restrain a tiger,” which exist in name only. Scientific institutional design must adhere to a problem-oriented approach, closely targeting weak links in power operation, high-incidence areas of corruption, and new trends in new types of corruption and covert corruption, precisely filling institutional gaps and blanks. Around key links such as policy formulation, decision-making, and approval supervision, it should classify and formulate power catalogs, clarify the subjects, scope, procedures, and responsibilities of power exercise, delineate power boundaries, and eliminate the disconnection between power and responsibility. At the same time, it must strengthen systematic thinking, promote the organic integration of intra-Party regulations and national laws, improve power allocation, advance the legalization of institutions, functions, powers, procedures, and responsibilities in accordance with the principle of “no authority without legal authorization,” perfect the power-and-responsibility list system, and construct an institutional closed loop of “scientific authorization—correct use of power—effective checks on power.” Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, from the Eight-Point Regulations to the Regulations of the Communist Party of China on Disciplinary Action and then to the Supervision Law, each has been a powerful testament to the gradual formation of a systematic, complete, scientific, and standardized institutional system, providing a solid institutional guarantee for the fair, clean, and scientific exercise of power. On the new journey, to tighten the institutional cage, we must base ourselves on the overall situation of the Party and the nation’s development during the 15th Five-Year Plan period, focus on the new characteristics of power operation, continuously improve institutional supply, and ensure that institutional design not only meets practical needs but also possesses foresight and operability, truly becoming a hard benchmark for regulating power operation.

制度是约束权力的根本保障，把权力关进制度笼子，首要前提是笼子本身科学严密、密而不繁，杜绝“牛栏关猫”随意进出、“纸笼禁虎”名存实亡等情形发生。科学的制度设计，既要坚持问题导向，紧盯权力运行的薄弱环节、腐败高发领域和新型腐败、隐性腐败新动向，精准补齐制度短板、填补制度空白，围绕定政策、作决策、审批监管等关键环节分类制定权力目录，明确权力行使的主体、范围、程序和责任，厘清权力边界、杜绝权责脱节；又要强化系统思维，推动党内法规与国家法律有机衔接，完善权力配置，按照“法无授权不可为”的原则推进机构、职能、权限、程序、责任法定化，健全权责清单制度，构建“科学授权—正确用权—有效制权”的制度闭环。党的十八大以来，从中央八项规定到《中国共产党纪律处分条例》再到监察法，无一不是系统完备、科学规范的制度体系逐步形成的有力见证，这为公正用权、廉洁用权、科学用权提供了坚实制度保障。新征程上扎紧制度之笼，就要立足“十五五”时期党和国家发展大局，聚焦权力运行的新特点，持续完善制度供给，让制度设计既贴合实践需求，又具备前瞻性和操作性，真正成为规范权力运行的硬核标尺。

No matter how rigorous the institutional system or how efficient the operational mechanism, they are inseparable from strong implementation. The core of strong implementation lies in making institutional provisions truly become “high-voltage lines” that carry electric current, possessing an authority that is beyond doubt and cannot be touched. First, we must adhere to the principle that everyone is equal before the institutions, that there are no privileges in observing laws and regulations, and that there are no exceptions in implementing laws and regulations, so that ironclad rules take effect and prohibitions carry weight. Whether senior cadres or ordinary Party members, whether leading organs or grassroots organizations, there is no particularity in the requirements for observing rules and disciplines. Any behavior that violates the institutions must be seriously investigated and dealt with according to regulations, disciplines, and laws, without any leniency or accommodation, so as to maintain the universal binding force of the institutions through fair enforcement of discipline and law. Second, we must strengthen the intensity and effectiveness of supervision, discipline enforcement, and accountability. As the specialized organ for intra-Party supervision and state supervision, discipline inspection and supervision agencies must faithfully fulfill the duties entrusted by the Party Constitution and the Constitution, dare to confront tough issues and engage in rigorous struggles, precisely apply the “four forms” of supervision and discipline enforcement, [3]3 The “four forms” of supervision and discipline enforcement refer to a graduated system of handling violations: (1) “red-face” criticism and self-criticism as the norm; (2) light organizational measures and disciplinary warnings as the majority; (3) heavy organizational adjustments and severe disciplinary penalties as a minority; (4) criminal prosecution for serious disciplinary and legal violations as a very small minority. address problems early and nip them in the bud, while maintaining a zero-tolerance deterrent against serious violations of discipline and law. Improve the accountability mechanism, ensure that dereliction of duty is invariably questioned and accountability is invariably strict, and promote the layer-by-layer compaction of political responsibility for comprehensive and strict governance of the Party. Third, we must continuously carry out publicity, education, and cultural cultivation. By strengthening education on Party spirit, Party conduct, and Party discipline, as well as building a culture of clean governance, we guide the vast number of Party members and cadres to establish a sense of reverence for the institutions from the depths of their minds, build a dam against corruption and degeneration, enhance their sense of identification with and reverence for the institutions, achieve the organic unity of external rigid constraints and internal conscious compliance, and thereby ensure that the institutional cage is indestructible and effective over the long term.

再严密的制度体系、再高效的运行机制，都离不开强有力执行。强有力执行的核心在于使制度规定真正成为带电的“高压线”，具有不容置疑、不可触碰的权威。一要坚持制度面前人人平等、遵守法规制度没有特权、执行法规制度没有例外，让铁规发力、禁令生威。无论是高级干部还是普通党员，无论是领导机关还是基层组织，在遵规守纪的要求上没有任何特殊性，对于任何违反制度的行为，都必须依规依纪依法严肃查处，决不姑息迁就，以公平执纪执法维护制度的普遍约束力。二要强化监督执纪问责的力度与效能。纪检监察机关作为党内监督和国家监察的专责机关，必须忠诚履行党章和宪法赋予的职责，敢于较真碰硬，精准运用监督执纪“四种形态”，抓早抓小、防微杜渐，同时对严重违纪违法问题保持零容忍的震慑。完善问责机制，做到失责必问、问责必严，推动全面从严治党政治责任层层压实。三要持续不断开展宣传教育与文化浸润，通过加强党性党风党纪教育和廉洁文化建设，引导广大党员干部从思想深处树立对制度的敬畏之心，筑牢拒腐防变的堤坝，增强对制度的认同感、敬畏感，实现外在刚性约束与内在自觉遵守的有机统一，进而保障制度的笼子坚不可摧、长期有效。

4. Firmly uphold the resolve of “not stopping for a single step, not retreating for half a step”

4、坚定“一步不停歇、半步不退让”的决心

The soil and conditions that breed corruption are stubborn and recurrent; the anti-corruption work has no completion date. Only by firmly upholding the conviction and resolve of “not stopping for a single step, not retreating for half a step,” and continuously improving the mechanisms for checking and supervising power allocation and operation, can power always operate on the institutional track, and can the practical results of governing power consolidate the Party’s long-term governing foundation.

腐败滋生的土壤和条件具有顽固性、反复性，反腐败工作没有完成时。只有坚定“一步不停歇、半步不退让”的信念和决心，持续完善权力配置、运行的制约监督机制，方能让权力始终在制度轨道上运行，以治权的实际成效筑牢党的长期执政基础。

Maintain the strategic resolve of “not stopping for a single step,” adhere to the guidance of the Party’s self-reform spirit, make unremitting efforts, and tighten the institutional cage. Adhere to a problem-oriented approach, focus on weak links in power operation and high-incidence areas of corruption, accelerate the legalization of institutions, functions, powers, procedures, and responsibilities, delineate the power boundaries of different positions and levels, and eliminate phenomena such as overlapping functions and the disconnection between power and responsibility. Around key links such as policy formulation, decision-making, and approval supervision, classify and formulate power catalogs, clarify the subjects, scope, and responsibilities of power exercise, so that power allocation has rules to follow. Improve the Supervision Law and its implementing regulations, introduce laws such as the Anti-Cross-Border Corruption Law, strengthen the systematic nature and coordination of the institutional system, fill institutional gaps in new business forms and new fields while avoiding institutional overlap and redundancy, and create an institutional cage that is tight without being cumbersome, effective, and practical.

保持“一步不停歇”的战略定力，坚持以党的自我革命精神为引领，常抓不懈，扎紧制度笼子。坚持问题导向，聚焦权力运行的薄弱环节和腐败高发领域，加快推进机构、职能、权限、程序、责任法定化，厘清不同岗位、不同层级的权力边界，杜绝职权交叉、权责脱节现象。针对定政策、作决策、审批监管等关键环节，分类制定权力目录，明确权力行使的主体、范围和责任，让权力配置有章可循。完善监察法及其实施条例、出台反跨境腐败法等法律法规，强化制度体系的系统性和协同性，既填补新业态新领域的制度空白，又避免制度重叠冗余，打造密而不繁、有效管用的制度之笼。

Adhere to the rigid requirement of “not retreating for half a step,” ensuring that power operation does not cross the red line. The implementation of institutions focuses on grasping the “key minority.” [4]4 “Key minority” refers to leading cadres at or above the county and department level, especially senior leaders, who are seen as having disproportionate influence on political conduct. First, improve supervision methods for the “key minority,” strictly implement democratic centralism and the “three major and one large” decision-making system, [5]5 The “three major and one large” decision-making system requires that major decisions, important personnel appointments, major project arrangements, and large sums of funds be decided collectively by the leading Party group or committee. eliminate undesirable work styles such as “one person has the final say” and “patriarchal system,” and use the “head goose effect” [6]6 “Head goose effect” is a metaphor for the exemplary and leading role of senior cadres, analogous to the lead goose in a flock. to guide the vast number of Party members and cadres to establish institutional awareness and rule-of-law thinking, and consciously exercise power within institutional constraints. Second, follow the requirement of “integrating the promotion of not daring to be corrupt, not being able to be corrupt, and not wanting to be corrupt, and resolutely fighting the tough, protracted, and overall battle against corruption,” focus on key areas and key positions, adhere to no forbidden zones, full coverage, and zero tolerance, build the defense line of “not daring to be corrupt” through heavy deterrence, strong pressure, and long-term shock, while deepening reforms to improve institutional mechanisms and strengthening ideological and political education to eradicate the soil that breeds corruption from the source. Third, based on the prominent manifestations of the “four forms of decadence” [7]7 The “four forms of decadence” (四风) refer to formalism, bureaucratism, hedonism, and extravagance. in different regions, fields, and levels, continuously carry out the work of rectifying work styles and enforcing discipline, quickly investigate and severely punish violations of discipline that occur in defiance of prohibitions, strengthen the deterrent effect of punishment, and ensure with rigid enforcement intensity that power operation does not deviate from the course or cross boundaries.

坚持“半步不退让”的刚性要求，让权力运行不越红线。执行制度重在抓住“关键少数”。一要完善对“关键少数”的监督办法，严格执行民主集中制和“三重一大”决策制度，杜绝“一言堂”“家长制”等不良作风，以“头雁效应”引领广大党员干部树立制度意识、法治思维，自觉在制度约束下用权。二要遵循“一体推进不敢腐、不能腐、不想腐，坚决打好反腐败斗争攻坚战、持久战、总体战”要求，聚焦重点领域和关键岗位，既坚持无禁区、全覆盖、零容忍，以重遏制、强高压、长震慑筑牢“不敢腐”的防线，又通过深化改革完善制度机制，加强思想政治教育，从源头铲除腐败滋生土壤。三要根据不同地区、不同领域、不同层级“四风”问题的突出表现，持续抓好正风肃纪工作，快查快处、严查严处顶风违纪行为，强化惩治震慑作用，以刚性的执行力度确保权力运行不偏航、不越界。

With the perseverance of “always on the road,” improve the supervision system so that power supervision has no forbidden zones and no blind spots. On the one hand, strengthen the leading role of intra-Party supervision, improve the work pattern of comprehensive supervision by Party committees (leading Party groups), specialized supervision by discipline inspection agencies, functional supervision by Party work departments, daily supervision by grassroots Party organizations, and democratic supervision by Party members, and promote the implementation of the Regulations on Intra-Party Supervision and the Regulations on the Main Responsibility for Comprehensive and Strict Governance of the Party. On the other hand, deepen the reform of the discipline inspection and supervision system, optimize the mechanisms of “group-group” coordinated supervision, “office-group” linked supervision, and “office-group-locality” joint case handling, and enhance the effectiveness of specialized supervision. Promote the coordination and integration of various types of supervision, organically combine intra-Party supervision with supervision by people’s congresses, democratic supervision, administrative supervision, judicial supervision, public supervision, and media supervision, improve the coordination mechanism of supervision, achieve information sharing, mutual transfer of leads, and shared use of results, and form a joint force of supervision. At the same time, fully utilize modern technological means such as big data and artificial intelligence to build a smart supervision platform, achieve real-time monitoring and dynamic early warning of power operation, and enhance the precision and effectiveness of supervision.

以永远在路上的执着健全监督体系，让权力监督不设禁区无盲区。一方面，强化党内监督的主导作用，健全党委（党组）全面监督、纪律检查机关专责监督、党的工作部门职能监督、党的基层组织日常监督、党员民主监督的工作格局，推动党内监督条例、全面从严治党主体责任规定落地落实。另一方面，深化纪检监察体制改革，优化“组组”协同监督、“室组”联动监督、“室组地”联合办案机制，提升专责监督效能。推动各类监督贯通协调，把党内监督与人大监督、民主监督、行政监督、司法监督、群众监督、舆论监督等有机结合，健全监督协同机制，实现信息共享、线索互移、成果共用，形成监督合力。同时，充分运用大数据、人工智能等现代科技手段，搭建智慧监督平台，实现对权力运行的实时监控、动态预警，提升监督的精准性和有效性。

(Author: Huang Rongsheng, Researcher at the Research Center for the Theoretical System of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics in Chongqing, Professor at the School of Marxism, Southwest University)

（作者：黄蓉生，系重庆市中国特色社会主义理论体系研究中心研究员、西南大学马克思主义学院教授）