Understanding China and Comprehending the World: The Mutual Convergence of World China Studies and Area and Country Studies

In recent years, area and country studies have begun to emerge as a prominent academic field. For those studying international issues, the more popular approach in previous years was international relations. In the Chinese context, both area and country studies and international relations fall under the broad rubric of international issues research, but they have notable differences. International relations is the study of relationships; it primarily explores the interactions between states, and some theories even hold that the relational structure between states is the main variable determining state behavior. Area and country studies, however, is the study of national conditions and particularities; that is, it focuses on why a given region or country differs from other regions or countries, and its scope of inquiry must include both international and domestic dimensions.

近年来，区域国别学开始成为一门显学。对研究国际问题的人来说，前些年比较流行的是国际关系学。在中国语境下，区域国别学与国际关系学都是广义上的国际问题研究，但有着显著的区别。国际关系学是关系之学，主要探讨的是国家间互动的学问，甚至有的理论认为国家间的关系结构才是决定国家行为的主要变量。但区域国别学是国情之学、特色之学，即重点研究某个区域或国别为何不同于其他区域或国别，其探讨范围既要有国际的维度，也要有国内的维度。

The rise of area and country studies is the result of joint promotion by academia and government, and it also represents a major shift in China’s paradigm for comprehending the world. In the era when international relations dominated, we tended to view interactions among states worldwide as a game of billiards: regardless of the ball’s color, if it collides at the same angle, it will basically change its subsequent trajectory at the same angle or along the same path, and interactions among them resembled more the application of mechanical laws. From the perspective of area and country studies, however, interactions among states are more like a basketball or soccer game: although external coordination and cooperation are very important, the athletes’ own skills, physical strength, and even determination and will can also play a crucial role, and each athlete’s qualities in these respects are clearly different. This is an important reason why area and country studies emphasize subdividing research fields and conducting in-depth fieldwork: because the history, culture, political system, social life, and economic strength of each region and country are different, and they are likely to react differently to the same international situation.

区域国别学的兴起是学术界与政府共同推动的结果，这也是中国理解世界范式的一个重大转变。在国际关系学占据主导地位的时代，我们更多地是把世界范围内国家间的互动看成是一场桌球游戏，不管球的颜色如何，如果按相同的角度发生碰撞，基本上就会按相同角度或路径改变其接下来的移动轨迹，彼此间互动更多地像是一种力学规律的运用。而如果从区域国别学视角来看，国家间的互动更像一场篮球或足球运动，尽管外部的配合与协调非常重要，但运动员本身的技巧、体力甚至决心和意志也能够扮演十分关键的角色，而每个运动员在这些方面的素质显然是不一样的。这就是区域国别学强调要细分研究领域、深入田野调查的重要原因，因为每一个区域与国别的历史、文化、政治制度、社会生活和经济实力都是不一样的，面对同样的国际形势很可能会作出不同的反应。

From this, we can see that area and country studies and World China Studies share common characteristics, goals, and even research pathways. World China Studies is essentially the area and country studies of other countries regarding China; both share a common mission, namely, to study the particularities of other countries; both are studies of national conditions and particularities. But we must rationally recognize that understanding a different “other” is not easy. Human nature is to be close to homogeneity and to distance oneself from or even detest heterogeneity. Especially in some Western countries, for a long time, they have used their own political systems as a template to export “democracy” to other countries. From a cultural perspective, this is also an attempt to make a different other become like oneself, fundamentally ignoring the national conditions and particularities of other countries. Therefore, it is no surprise that this model has widely failed in developing countries. Thus, human society and any country must place greater emphasis on understanding the other, accepting the other’s heterogeneity and particularity, and on this basis make more accurate analyses and judgments of that country’s policies and diplomatic behavior.

由此，我们可以发现，区域国别学与世界中国学有着共同的特点、目标甚至研究路径。世界中国学其实就是世界其他国家的区域国别学，两者都有一个共同的使命，那就是对其他国家的特殊性进行研究，都是国情之学、特色之学。但要理性地看到，理解好一个不同的他者并不容易。人的天性是亲近同质性、疏远甚至厌恶异质性。特别是在一些西方国家，在很长的一段时间内，都以自己的政治制度为模本，向其他国家搞“民主输出”。从文化角度看，这也是要把不一样的他者变得和自己一样，是从根本上忽视其他国家国情和特色的表现，因此这种模式在发展中国家广泛失败也毫不奇怪。所以，人类社会和任何国家都要更多地强调理解他者、接受他者的异质性与特殊性，在此基础上对该国家的政策与外交行为作出更加准确的分析研判。

From a methodological perspective, emphasizing the following three aspects is conducive to better understanding the other.

从方法论角度看，强调如下三个方面有利于更好地理解他者。

First, the temporal dimension of history. Every country undergoes a historical process of development, with ups and downs of rise and decline. At each stage, the country’s behavior differs. For example, to understand the behavioral logic of the current U.S. government, one must understand the historical stage in which the United States finds itself. As a world hegemonic power, the United States has passed the ascending phase in which it provided public goods while reaping benefits from its hegemony. Now the United States believes it can no longer benefit from the world order; on the contrary, the world has “taken advantage of the United States.” The essence of the current U.S. government’s tariff policy is to “reap profits” [n1] globally through hegemony, that is, to forcibly redistribute interests among states in a way favorable to the United States. The reason the United States can no longer benefit from the international order is related to its own massive loss of manufacturing capacity without successfully carrying out industrial adjustment and domestic income redistribution; the root cause is that the United States has entered the descending phase of its hegemony. This historical stage is a key factor in understanding the current U.S. government’s policies.

一是历史的时间维度。任何国家都会经历一个历史的发展过程，都会有兴衰变化的起伏。在每个阶段，国家的行为是不一样的。比如说，要理解当前美国政府的行为逻辑，就要理解美国所处的历史阶段。作为世界霸权国家，美国已经走过了在提供公共产品的同时通过霸权获得收益的上升阶段。现在美国认为自己不能从世界秩序中获益了，相反世界“占了美国便宜”。当前美国政府关税政策的本质就是通过霸权在全球“割韭菜”，即强制在国家间进行有利于美国的利益再分配。而美国之所以无法再从国际秩序中获益，与它自身在制造业大量流失的同时没有成功进行产业调整和国内收入再分配有关，其根本原因就是美国进入了霸权的下行阶段。这一历史阶段是理解当前美国政府政策的关键性因素。

Second, the spatial dimension of the environment. Every country exists within a certain international environment; this environment includes not only power relations with other countries but also the global flows of industries, technologies, personnel, and other factors. Sometimes we compare two seemingly similar countries to analyze their future trajectories, but if we neglect this spatial dimension of the environment in the comparison, we may draw erroneous conclusions. For example, for some time, some have argued that India is “the next China.” This argument overlooks the differences in their international environments. Specifically, during the process of China’s economic takeoff after reform and opening up, it coincided with a massive outflow of Western industrial capital, as manufacturing moved to emerging economies to reduce costs, access markets, and avoid regulation, and China happened to seize that opportunity. But India now faces a completely different environment: Western countries, especially the United States, are vigorously promoting the回流 of industrial capital, even using various means to force other countries to invest in the United States. Under these circumstances, it is difficult for India to replicate the development trajectory China once had.

二是环境的空间维度。任何国家都处在一定的国际环境之中，这种环境不只是与其他国家间的力量关系，还包括各种世界范围内的产业、技术和人员等要素的流动。我们有时会把两个看起来相似的国家作比较，以分析相关国家的未来轨迹，但如果比较时忽略了这种环境的空间维度，也会得出错误的结论。例如，一段时间以来，一直有人主张印度就是“下一个中国”，这种主张忽视了两者在国际环境上的不同。即中国在改革开放后实现经济腾飞的过程中，正好赶上西方产业资本大量输出，制造业出于降低成本、接近市场、回避监管等目的向新兴经济体转移，而中国恰恰赶上了这个时机。但目前印度却面临截然不同的环境，那就是西方国家特别是美国正在极力推动产业资本回流，甚至利用各种手段迫使其他国家向美国投资。在这种情况下，印度很难复制当年中国的发展轨迹。

Third, the systemic dimension of the internal. Every country is a composite based on its own history, culture, economy, and society; its policy behavior is often the result of these factors acting together within a systemic framework. If one-time, contingent behaviors may be the result of a single factor acting alone, then recurring phenomena must be analyzed from a systemic dimension rather than through a single factor. For example, China has recently seen a concentrated emergence of innovations in industries, technology, and even culture. Some in the West claim this is the result of state “subsidies.” In fact, it is the result of the combined effect of factors such as talent, technology, industrial chains, production capacity, management experience, and entrepreneurial spirit since reform and opening up. The systemic dimension of the internal means that we should not only open the “black box” of the state but also recognize that the inside of the “black box” is a systemic structure, and the constituent elements and the logic of their interaction within each country’s internal system are different. Understanding this difference is an important mission of current area and country studies.

三是内部的体系维度。任何一个国家都是基于自身历史、文化、经济、社会的综合体，其政策行为往往都是这些因素在一个体系化框架内综合作用的结果。如果说一次性、偶然性的行为可能是某个因素单独作用的结果，那种经常出现的现象就必须基于体系维度而不是单一因素进行分析。例如，当前中国集中出现了一批产业、技术甚至文化上的创新，西方有人称这是国家“补贴”的结果，事实上这是中国自改革开放以来人才、技术、产业链、生产能力、管理经验以及企业家精神等要素综合作用的结果。内部的体系维度意味着，我们不但应该打开国家这个“黑箱”，而且一定要看到“黑箱”内部是一个体系化的结构，而且每个国家内部体系的构成要素、相互作用的逻辑又不相同，理解这种不同，是当前区域国别学的重要使命。

Therefore, from an academic perspective, area and country studies and World China Studies should learn from each other, because they share a common academic problem to solve: how to understand a heterogeneous other. More importantly, from a practical perspective, area and country studies and World China Studies should and must cooperate with each other, to help the world better understand China and help China better understand the world. On the one hand, China’s development momentum continues to be released, and the complexity and developmental dynamics within China are far from fully understood by the world. On the other hand, the international environment and the internal conditions of many countries are undergoing fundamental changes. If China does not understand these changes, it will be unable to ensure that its various policy initiatives truly take root, grow, and flourish. In short, in an era when the world is undergoing profound changes, and as China advances national rejuvenation domestically while its role and influence expand internationally, this mutual understanding has become key to maintaining and promoting world peace and development. The mutual convergence of area and country studies and World China Studies is driven by common academic principles and has become urgent in practice.

所以，从学理上看，区域国别学与世界中国学应该相互借鉴，因为两者有共同需要解决的学理性问题，即如何理解一个异质的他者。更重要的是，从实践上看，区域国别学与世界中国学也应该且必须相互协作，以帮助世界更好地了解中国和帮助中国更好地了解世界。一方面，中国的发展动能仍在不断释放，中国内部的复杂性和发展动力机制远未被世界充分理解；另一方面，国际环境以及许多国家内部正发生本质性变化，中国如果不去了解这些变化，也就无法推动中国的各种政策倡议真正落地、生根和发芽。总而言之，在世界正在发生深刻变化的时代，在中国正在国内推进民族复兴、国际上的作用与影响日益扩大的情况下，这种相互理解已成为维护和促进世界和平与发展的关键。区域国别学与世界中国学的相互奔赴，在学理上是共性使然，在实践中已变得刻不容缓。

(The author is Vice President of the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies.)

（作者系上海国际问题研究院副院长）

Online Editor: Huihui

网络编辑：慧慧