The Historical Revisionist Thought Behind Takaichi Sanae’s Fallacies

Japanese Prime Minister Takaichi Sanae’s series of erroneous words and deeds concerning Taiwan epitomize the historical revisionist thought she has long upheld, namely: denying the aggressive nature of Japan’s role in the Second World War and denying the violent atrocities committed by the Japanese military; discarding the post-war reflections of Japan’s domestic peace forces and insightful individuals on the pre-war and wartime systems; raising the slogan of “Japan first” to stir up nationalist sentiment; and vigorously pushing for revision of the “Peace Constitution,” advocating the renaming of the Self-Defense Forces as a “national defense army,” substantially increasing military expenditure, strengthening armaments, and driving Japanese society back toward militarism. Takaichi’s words and deeds may appear “reckless and imprudent,” but they in fact have a profound political intent and are a continuation of her customary method of advancing policy proposals.

日本首相高市早苗的一系列涉台错误言行，集中展现了其长期秉持的历史修正主义思想，即否定日本在第二次世界大战中的侵略性质，否定日军侵略暴行；摒弃二战后日本国内和平势力和有识之士对二战前及战中体制的反思，高举日本中心口号，煽动民族主义情绪；极力推动修改“和平宪法”，主张将自卫队改为“国防军”，大幅增加军费投入，强化军备，推动日本社会向军国主义回归。高市的言行看似“莽撞无谋”，实则有其深刻的政治意图，也是其惯用的政策主张推进方式的延续。

A Consistent and High-Profile Advocate of Historical Revisionism

一贯高调主张历史修正主义

Judging from Takaichi’s political career, she has focused on using media appearances, publishing works, and promoting relevant institutional reforms to propagate her historical revisionist ideas. In 2013, Takaichi claimed at a large roundtable discussion that the Constitution of Japan, based on the “MacArthur Draft” [1]1 The “MacArthur Draft” refers to the draft constitution prepared by the General Headquarters of the Allied Powers under General Douglas MacArthur in February 1946, which served as the basis for Japan’s post-war constitution. drafted in only eight days, although formally passed through the Diet’s procedures, could not be called a constitution that truly reflected the free will of the Diet and the people. In 2021, Takaichi, intending to run for president of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), announced that if she took office she would move to revise the constitution, renaming the Self-Defense Forces as a “national defense army” and deleting the relevant provisions of Article 9 of the current constitution that state Japan does not maintain war potential and does not recognize the belligerent rights of the state. Moreover, Takaichi has collaborated with groups and individuals holding similar political stances to compile and write several works promoting her political views, which are filled with historical revisionist thought. On issues concerning East Asian international relations—such as whether to acknowledge the Nanjing Massacre, the “comfort women” system [2]2 “Comfort women” is a euphemism for women and girls forced into sexual slavery by the Imperial Japanese Army before and during World War II. and other atrocities committed by the Japanese military during World War II, and how to view Japanese war criminals and war dead—Takaichi also holds a blatantly revisionist view of history. Through repeated visits to Yasukuni Shrine [3]3 Yasukuni Shrine is a Shinto shrine in Tokyo that honors Japan’s war dead, including convicted Class A war criminals from World War II; visits by Japanese officials are controversial in China and other Asian countries. at key political junctures, pushing to revise relevant expressions in history textbooks, denying the Nanjing Massacre, and obfuscating the identities of war victims, she attempts to steer the historical understanding of Japanese society in a direction that denies war guilt.

从高市的从政经历来看，其注重通过媒体露面宣传、出版著述、推动相关机制改革等方式宣扬自身的历史修正主义思想。2013年，高市曾在一场大型圆桌讨论会上声称，以仅用8天时间拟就的“麦克阿瑟草案”为蓝本的《日本国宪法》，虽然在形式上通过了国会程序，但称不上是真正体现国会和国民自由意志的宪法。2021年，有意参选自民党总裁的高市宣布，她若上任即拟推动修改宪法，将自卫队的名称改为“国防军”并删除现行宪法第九条中日本不保持战争力量、不承认国家交战权的相关表述。不仅如此，高市还联合持相近政治立场的团体及个人编纂、撰写了几部宣传其政治主张的著作，其间充斥着历史修正主义思想。在是否承认南京大屠杀、从军慰安妇等二战日军暴行，如何看待日本战犯和战死者等事关东亚国际关系的问题上，高市也持赤裸裸的修正主义史观。她通过多次在关键时间节点参拜靖国神社、推动修改历史教科书中的相关表述、否定南京大屠杀、混淆战争受害者等行为及手段，试图引导整个日本社会的历史认知向否定战争罪责的方向发展。

In recent years, Japan has conducted “memorial diplomacy” in some Southeast Asian countries and regions in the form of “consoling the spirits.” This diplomatic approach does not entirely negate history, but Takaichi has used this form to covertly “commemorate” Japanese war dead who participated in the aggressive wars. In late October 2025, during a series of East Asian cooperation leaders’ meetings in Malaysia, Takaichi specifically visited the Japanese cemetery in Kuala Lumpur, where Japanese soldiers who died in World War II are buried, and laid flowers at the “memorial stele,” saying she was “deeply moved,” yet she made no mention at all of the atrocities committed by the Japanese military during its invasion of Malaysia. This act also drew strong criticism in Malaysia.

近年来，日本以“慰灵”形式在东南亚部分国家和地区展开“追悼外交”。这种外交方式并非完全否定历史，但高市却借用此种形式，暗中“缅怀”参与侵略战争的日本战死者。2025年10月下旬，高市在马来西亚出席东亚合作领导人系列会议期间，专门前往葬有二战战死日军的吉隆坡日本人墓园，向“慰灵碑”献花，称自己“深为感慨”，却完全未提及当年日军侵略马来西亚的暴行。她的这番行径在马来西亚也引发了强烈批评。

On the issue of textbooks, which shape the historical consciousness of the people, Takaichi is even more of a vanguard in advocating replacing true historical narratives with historical revisionist ones. She has joined forces with some members of both houses of the Diet and organizations such as the “National Council for Educational Affairs” and the “Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform” [4]4 The “Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform” (Atarashii Rekishi Kyōkasho o Tsukurukai) is a nationalist organization founded in 1996 that seeks to produce history textbooks downplaying Japan’s wartime atrocities. to repeatedly submit questions and proposals to the Japanese Diet and the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, demanding revisions to the expressions concerning “military comfort women” in some Japanese textbooks. In fact, as early as the 141st session of the Japanese Diet in 1997, Takaichi submitted two written questions to the House of Representatives, citing concerns about the developmental stages of children and students, the adoption of one-sided views in textbooks, and the lack of objective academic support, and demanded that the government order five textbook publishers—Nihon Shoseki, Osaka Shoseki, Kyoiku Shuppan, Shimizu Shoin, and Nihon Bunkyo Shuppan—to revise their expressions of “military comfort women.” She argued that “military comfort women” should be changed to “comfort women,” removing the descriptive wording that implies coercion by the Japanese military. Under the continuous proposals of Takaichi and others, on April 27, 2021, the Japanese cabinet passed a relevant written reply, agreeing that the expression “military comfort women” might cause misunderstanding and that directly using “comfort women” was more appropriate. Based on this cabinet decision, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology approved on September 8 of the same year the “applications for correction to delete or modify content in textbooks” submitted by the five textbook publishers. Both the “National Council for Educational Affairs” and the “Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform” are social organizations that vigorously promote historical revisionism, and they maintain close ties with Takaichi. After Takaichi was elected LDP president in 2025, the “Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform” issued a special statement, saying, “Ms. Takaichi has long given us understanding and support in the textbook improvement movement. Her assumption of the prime ministership is a matter of immense joy and encouragement for our association,” and held a special gathering to celebrate Takaichi’s election.

在事关国民历史意识塑造的教科书问题上，高市更是主张以历史修正主义叙事取代真实历史叙事的急先锋。她联合部分参众议员和“全国教育问题协议会”“新历史教科书编撰会”等组织长期向日本国会、文部科学省等提出质询和建议，要求修改部分日本教科书中“从军慰安妇”的相关表述。事实上，早在1997年召开的日本第141次国会上，高市就向众议院两次提交质询书，以顾及儿童和学生身心发展阶段、教科书采纳片面观点、没有客观的学术成果作支撑等为由，要求政府责令日本书籍、大阪书籍、教育出版、清水书院、日本文教出版5家教科书出版公司修改对“从军慰安妇”的表述。她主张应将“从军慰安妇”改为“慰安妇”，去掉体现被日军强迫的描述性字眼。在高市等人的不断建议下，2021年4月27日日本内阁通过了相关答辩书，同意“从军慰安妇”这一表述可能引发误解，直接使用“慰安妇”更为恰当。基于内阁决议，日本文部科学省于同年9月8日批准了5家教科书出版公司提交的“教科书中删除或修改内容的更正申请”。“全国教育问题协议会”“新历史教科书编撰会”均是极力宣扬历史修正主义的社会组织，他们和高市联系密切。在高市2025年当选自民党总裁后，“新历史教科书编撰会”专门发表声明，称“高市先生在教科书改进运动中长期给予我们理解与支持，其就任首相对本协会来说是无比欣喜且倍感鼓舞之事”，并专门举行集会庆祝高市当选。

The Political Methods and Aims of Manipulating Historical Revisionism

操弄历史修正主义的政治手法及目的

Looking at Takaichi’s political actions as a whole, she is adept at using various channels and occasions to loudly propagate her historical revisionist views, and she can steadily advance them over several years. Her method of promoting policy proposals and historical perspectives typically begins with a high-profile, tough political stance, actively provoking discussion and controversy to attract social attention; then she rallies ultra-conservative forces and draws in some centrist elements to guide public opinion; and subsequently she gradually achieves her goals by pushing the government to form relevant policies and resolutions. At the same time, she often seizes favorable international and domestic opportunities, issuing ambiguous statements that confuse right and wrong to create the illusion of broad support.

纵观高市上述政治行径，她擅长利用各种渠道、在各种场合高调宣扬其历史修正主义主张，并能持续数年逐步加以推进。她推进政策主张及历史观念的方式，通常是从一开始就高调抛出，在政治上展现强硬态度，主动挑起讨论和争议以引发社会关注；继而纠集极端保守势力，拉拢部分中间势力，引导舆论；进而通过推动政府形成相关政策、决议逐步实现目标。与此同时，她常抓住某些国际、国内有利时机，通过发表混淆是非的模糊言论，制造一种获得广泛支持的假象。

Takaichi is not only a proponent of historical revisionism but also an active leader of this historical perspective and trend of thought. In fact, her seemingly radical historical revisionist words and deeds often serve clear political objectives. For example: consolidating and rallying conservative forces within the party and society; raising support for constitutional revision and accelerating the revision process; and creating a tense political atmosphere domestically and internationally to win public, intra-party, and Diet member support for strengthening security. These are in fact the political goals that Japan’s ultra-conservative forces have long sought to achieve. If Takaichi remains in power for a long time, she will inevitably use her position as prime minister to draw more people with the same views into politics, thereby steering the entire Japanese political scene in the direction she desires. The consequences would be serious, and Asian countries should be vigilant against this.

高市不仅是历史修正主义的秉持者，更是相关史观和思潮的积极引领者。事实上，其看似激进的历史修正主义言行，往往是服务于其明确的政治目标。例如，稳固、纠集党内和社会上的保守派势力；提高修宪的支持率，加快修宪进度；在国际、国内制造政治紧张氛围，争取民众、党内、国会议员对强化安保的支持。实际上这些都是日本极端保守势力一直想要达成的政治目标。高市若长期执政，势必会凭借其首相身份笼络更多持相同观念者进入政坛，进而引领整个日本政坛向她所期望的方向发展，后果严重，亚洲国家应对之加以警惕。

This time, Takaichi has continued her usual style, ignoring a series of international legal documents such as the Cairo Declaration, the Potsdam Proclamation, and the Japanese Instrument of Surrender, betraying the principles and spirit of the relevant political documents between China and Japan, disregarding the fact that Taiwan belongs to China, and reinterpreting the history of Japan’s invasion of China’s Taiwan as a history of exchange and interaction. She then propagates the “China threat theory,” and even conveys false information to the international community, which is unfamiliar with the historical details, in an attempt to confuse the public. Her fallacies are strikingly similar to Yamagata Aritomo’s [5]5 Yamagata Aritomo (1838–1922) was a Japanese field marshal and prime minister who advocated an expansionist “line of interest” beyond Japan’s borders, a precursor to later imperialist policies. theory of the “line of interest” before the First Sino-Japanese War and Japan’s claims over Northeast China when it withdrew from the League of Nations in 1933. History must not be forgotten, still less distorted. For both China and Japan, the alarm bell of history must ring long and loud.

此次高市延续其一贯作风，无视《开罗宣言》《波茨坦公告》《日本投降书》等一系列国际法律文件，背弃中日有关政治文件原则精神，无视台湾属于中国的事实，将侵略中国台湾的历史解读为交往交流的历史，进而宣传“中国威胁论”，甚至向不了解历史细节的国际社会传递错误信息，试图混淆视听。其谬论与甲午战争前山县有朋的“利益线”之说以及日本1933年退出国联时对中国东北的利益主张何其相似。历史不应忘记，更不容歪曲，对中日双方来说，历史的警钟必须长鸣。

(The author is a research fellow at the Institute of World History, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences)

（作者系中国社会科学院世界历史研究所研究员）