Grasping the Four Dimensions of Marxism in the 21st Century

At the National Conference on Party School Work in December 2015, Xi Jinping put forward the important proposition of “Marxism in the 21st century.” He pointed out: “It is hoped that Party schools will, in light of changes in the times and practical developments, strengthen theoretical summation and theoretical innovation, and make efforts to develop Marxism in the 21st century and Marxism in contemporary China.” Marxism in the 21st century is both a grand theoretical proposition and an extremely important practical proposition, requiring in-depth research and exploration by the theoretical community.

在2015年12月全国党校工作会议上，习近平提出了“21世纪马克思主义”的重要命题。他指出：“希望党校根据时代变化和实践发展，加强理论总结和理论创新，为发展21世纪马克思主义、当代中国马克思主义作出努力。”21世纪马克思主义既是一个宏大的理论命题，又是一个极为重要的现实命题，需要理论界进行深入研究和探索。

I. The Theoretical Dimension: Marxism in the 21st Century Is the Crystallization of the Development of Marxism over Nearly 200 Years

一、理论维度：21世纪马克思主义是近200年来马克思主义发展的结晶

Marxism in the 21st century is rich in meaning; it is first and foremost a historical concept. Marxism in the 21st century is Marxism that emerges and develops in the 21st century, but it also embodies the entire essence of Marxism’s development since its founding. From Marxism in the 19th century to Marxism in the 20th century, and then to Marxism in the 21st century, they belong not only to their respective centuries but are also inevitably closely linked to the preceding history and the broad future. Among these, Marxism in the 21st century must open up a brighter prospect for humanity. Therefore, it is necessary to theoretically eliminate various misconceptions and correctly understand and fully elucidate Marxism in the 21st century.

21世纪马克思主义含义丰富，它首先是一个历史的概念。21世纪马克思主义是产生、发展于21世纪的马克思主义，但也凝聚着马克思主义自创立以来发展的全部精华。从19世纪马克思主义到20世纪马克思主义，再到21世纪马克思主义，它们不仅属于其各自产生的世纪，还必然与之前的历史和广阔的未来紧密相关。其中，21世纪马克思主义要为人类开辟更加光明的前景。因此，要从理论上破除各种迷误，正确理解、完整阐释21世纪马克思主义。

(1) Marxism in the 21st Century Must Clear Away Various Misconceptions Attached to Marxism in the 19th and 20th Centuries

(一)21世纪马克思主义必须廓清附加在19世纪、20世纪马克思主义之上的各种迷误

The longer history extends, the more misconceptions shroud thought, and the history of Marxism’s development is no exception. Sweeping away the thick dust of history is an important historical responsibility of Marxism in the 21st century.

历史越久远，笼罩在思想上的迷误越多，马克思主义发展的历史也不例外。清扫厚厚的历史尘土，是21世纪马克思主义重要的历史责任。

First, due to insufficient practical experience in socialist construction, some misconceptions were created by people in practice. For example, the occurrence of the “Cultural Revolution” [1]1 The “Cultural Revolution” (1966–1976) was a socio-political movement launched by Mao Zedong, officially intended to preserve “true” communism and purge capitalist elements, but which resulted in widespread chaos, violence, and persecution. had a certain relationship with our misunderstanding and dogmatization of Marxist principles. The “Resolution on Certain Historical Issues of the Party Since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China” [2]2 The “Resolution on Certain Historical Issues of the Party Since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China” was adopted by the 11th Central Committee of the CPC in 1981, providing an official assessment of Party history, including a critique of the Cultural Revolution. clearly states: “The ‘Cultural Revolution’ occurred and lasted for ten years… due to complex social and historical reasons… certain ideas and theses from the works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin were misunderstood or dogmatized, which instead gave them a semblance of ‘theoretical basis.’ For example: it was held that the equal right to exchange equal amounts of labor in the distribution of consumer goods in a socialist society—what Marx called ‘bourgeois right’—should be restricted and criticized, and therefore the principle of distribution according to work and the principle of material interests should be restricted and criticized; it was held that after the basic completion of socialist transformation, small-scale production would still massively generate capitalism and the bourgeoisie on a daily and hourly basis, thus forming a series of ‘Left’ urban and rural economic policies and class struggle policies; it was held that ideological differences within the Party were all reflections of social class struggle, thus leading to frequent and intense inner-Party struggles, and so on. This led us to mistake the misconception of exaggerating class struggle for defending the purity of Marxism.” Mao Zedong repeatedly discussed the issue of “bourgeois right,” believing that revolution would be needed after 100 years and even after 1,000 years. This became one of the theoretical bases for his “continuous revolution.” He always wanted to resolve the issue of “bourgeois right” in China. On October 20, 1974, during a meeting with Danish Prime Minister Poul Hartling, he said: “In a word, China is now a socialist country. It was not much different from capitalism before. The eight-grade wage system, distribution according to work, and commodity exchange—these are not much different from the old society.”

第一，由于社会主义建设的实践经验不足，有的迷误是人们在实践中制造出来的。例如，“文化大革命”的发生与我们对马克思主义原理的误解和教条化有一定关系。《关于建国以来党的若干历史问题的决议》明确指出：“‘文化大革命’所以会发生并且持续十年之久……有复杂的社会历史原因……把马克思、恩格斯、列宁、斯大林著作中的某些设想和论点加以误解或教条化，反而显得有‘理论根据’。例如：认为社会主义社会在消费资料分配中通行的等量劳动相交换的平等权利，即马克思所说的‘资产阶级权利’应该限制和批判，因而按劳分配原则和物质利益原则就应该限制和批判；认为社会主义改造基本完成以后小生产还会每日每时地大批地产生资本主义和资产阶级，因而形成一系列‘左’倾的城乡经济政策和城乡阶级斗争政策；认为党内的思想分歧都是社会阶级斗争的反映，因而形成频繁激烈的党内斗争，等等。这就使我们把关于阶级斗争扩大化的迷误当成保卫马克思主义的纯洁性。”毛泽东多次谈到“资产阶级法权”问题，认为100年后要革命，1000年后还要革命。这成为他“继续革命”的理论依据之一。他一直想在中国解决“资产阶级法权”问题。1974年10月20日，他在会见丹麦时任首相保罗·哈特林(Poul Hartling)时说道：“总而言之，中国现在属于社会主义国家。以前跟资本主义差不多。八级工资制，按劳分配，货币交换，这些跟旧社会没有多少差别。”

Second, some misconceptions were created by people who revise, subvert, and oppose Marxism while flying the banner of Marxism. Lenin once pointed out: “The theoretical victory of Marxism forces its enemies to disguise themselves as Marxists; such is the dialectics of history.” Some Western scholars, under the banner of “Marxology,” fabricate oppositions such as the young Marx versus the old Marx, the humanistic Marx versus the revolutionary Marx, and Marx versus Engels; some Western scholars, under the banner of “Leninology,” fabricate so-called “ruptures” in Leninism, oppositions between Marxism and Leninism, and so on.

第二，有的迷误是修正、颠覆和反对马克思主义的人打着马克思主义的旗号制造出来的。列宁曾指出：“马克思主义在理论上的胜利，逼得它的敌人装扮成马克思主义者，历史的辩证法就是如此。”有的西方学者打着“马克思学”的旗号制造所谓青年马克思与晚年马克思、人道的马克思与革命的马克思以及马克思与恩格斯的对立；有的西方学者打着“列宁学”的旗号制造所谓的列宁主义的“断裂”、马克思主义与列宁主义的对立；等等。

Third, some misconceptions were created by people who claim to reform, reconstruct, and reflect on Marxism. British scholar Terrell Carver, in his book *Marx*, points out that as a great thinker and revolutionary, Marx “was criticized in the 1950s, revived in the 1960s, reconstructed in the 1970s, and reinterpreted by post-Marxists from the late 1980s onward. Since the 1990s and into the 21st century, some have regarded Marx as the main theorist of globalization, occupying an important position in global studies and international political economy.” Such scholars have reinterpreted many of Marx’s concepts and theses, but some of their interpretations not only create an “ideological gap” between Marx and Engels but also distort Marx’s original meaning. For example, Marx proposed the method of the unity of the logical and the historical. Engels, in his article “Karl Marx, ‘A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy. First Part’” written in August 1859, provided a systematic and comprehensive exposition consistent with Marx’s original intent. However, some Western scholars believe that Engels misinterpreted Marx’s original meaning. For instance, Canadian “Marxology” expert Marcello Musto holds this view. In his book *Another Marx*, he states: “Engels evidently had not read the 1857 ‘Introduction’ essay, and in his 1859 review of the ‘Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy,’ he wrote that one could proceed ‘in two ways: historically or logically’ in the critique of political economy… In short, Engels believed there was a parallelism between history and logic, which Marx categorically denied in the ‘Introduction.’” Musto’s view is debatable: First, Engels’s review was written based on his grasp of Marx’s 1857 “Introduction to a Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy”; without a full understanding of this essay, he could not have written an article with such profound ideological content. Second, a careful reading of Engels’s exposition shows that the ideas of Marx and Engels are consistent. Engels expressed it thus: “The critique of economics, even according to the method already obtained, could be carried out in two ways: historically or logically… Broadly speaking, the order in which economic categories appear is the same as their order in logical development… Therefore, the logical method is the only appropriate one. But in fact, this method is nothing but the historical method, only stripped of its historical form and of disturbing contingencies.” Engels’s exposition is generally consistent with Marx’s thesis on the unity of the logical and the historical. Third, in this article, Engels repeatedly emphasizes that this method is “the method we adopt,” meaning it is not only a method summarized by Engels himself but also a method jointly recognized by him and Marx. We know that this book review by Engels was written at Marx’s request, and Marx also suggested that Engels “briefly discuss the method and the new things in content.” After writing the first part of this article, Engels sent it to Marx for revision. From their correspondence, it can be seen that Engels’s views were affirmed by Marx.

第三，有的迷误是所谓改良、重构和反思马克思主义的人制造出来的。英国学者特瑞尔·卡弗(Terrell Carver)在《马克思》一书中指出，作为伟大的思想家和革命家，马克思“在20世纪50年代被批评，60年代被复活，70年代被重构，80年代后期开始被后马克思主义者重新解读。20世纪90年代以及21世纪以来，一些人认为，马克思是全球化的主要理论家，在全球性研究和国际政治经济学中占据着重要地位”。这类学者重新诠释了马克思的很多概念与论断，但是他们的有些诠释不仅制造了马克思与恩格斯的“思想鸿沟”,而且还扭曲了马克思的本意。比如，马克思提出了逻辑与历史相一致的方法，恩格斯在1859年8月撰写的《卡尔·马克思〈政治经济学批判。第一分册〉》中对其进行了符合马克思原意的、系统全面的阐述。但是，有的西方学者认为恩格斯曲解了马克思的本意。比如，加拿大知名“马克思学”专家马塞罗·默斯托(Marcello Musto)就持这种看法。他在《另一个马克思》中表示，“恩格斯显然没有读过1857年《导言》中的论文，他在1859年的《〈政治经济学批判〉导言》的评论中写道，他就可以通过‘两种方式：按照历史或按照逻辑’进行政治经济学批判”,“简言之，恩格斯认为历史与逻辑之间存在着一种平行性，马克思在《导言》中断然否定了这一点”。默斯托的这一观点值得商榷：其一，恩格斯的评论是基于对马克思1857年《〈政治经济学批判〉导言》的把握基础上而作的，没有对这一论文的充分了解，是写不出这样有深刻思想内涵的文章的。其二，认真阅读恩格斯的论述，可以看出马克思和恩格斯的思想是一致的。恩格斯是这样表述的：“对经济学的批判，即使按照已经得到的方法，也可以采用两种方式：按照历史或者按照逻辑……大体说来， 经济范畴出现的顺序同它们在逻辑发展中的顺序也是一样的……因此，逻辑的方式是唯一适用的方式。但是，实际上这种方式无非是历史的方式，不过摆脱了历史的形式以及起扰乱作用的偶然性而已。”恩格斯的阐述跟马克思关于逻辑与历史相统一的论点总体上是一致的。其三，恩格斯在这篇文章中一再强调这一方法是“我们采用这种方法”,即这一方法不仅是恩格斯自己概括的方法，也是他和马克思共同认可的方法。我们知道，恩格斯的这篇书评是应马克思的要求写的，马克思还建议恩格斯“简短地谈一下方法问题和内容上的新东西”。恩格斯写完这篇文章的第一部分后，把它寄给了马克思，请马克思修改。从书信往来中可以看出，恩格斯的观点得到了马克思的肯定。

(2) The Task of Truly Elucidating the Basic Principles of Marxism Is Very Heavy

(二)真正阐明马克思主义基本原理的任务很重

Due to various complex reasons, the longer history extends, the easier it becomes for the cognition of basic principles to become blurred. From this perspective, the task of upholding the correct principles (守正) [3]3 “Upholding the correct principles” (守正, *shouzheng*) is a term in CPC discourse meaning to adhere to the fundamental tenets of Marxism and socialism while innovating in practice. for Marxism in the 21st century is extremely arduous.

由于各种复杂的原因，历史越久远，对于基本原理的认知就越容易变得模糊。从这个角度来说，21世纪马克思主义守正的任务是极其繁重的。

The British Marxist researcher David McLellan said in his *Karl Marx: A Biography*: “To understand Marx’s own thought, one must strip away many historical shells. Because Marx’s thought has been obscured by many different interpretations and used to justify many different types of politics.” Many people have modified, reinterpreted, or even distorted and falsified Marxism. For example, some scholars do not discuss dialectical materialism and historical materialism, only practical materialism; some scholars deny the three component parts of Marxist philosophy, political economy, and scientific socialism; some scholars do not acknowledge Marx’s theory of the “five forms” of social evolution, even considering it Stalin’s “fabrication” and invention; and so on. In response to these doubts, Xi Jinping pointed out at the ceremony marking the bicentenary of Marx’s birth: “Marxism is mainly composed of three major parts: philosophy, political economy, and scientific socialism,” and “Marx scientifically revealed the inevitable trend of human society ultimately moving toward communism.”

英国马克思主义研究者戴维·麦克莱伦(David McLellan)在《马克思传》中说道：“为了理解马克思本人的思想，必须剥去很多历史的外壳。因为马克思的思想被很多不同的解释所遮蔽，并被用于证明很多不同政治类型的合理性。”很多人对马克思主义进行修改、重新解释甚至是歪曲和篡改。例如，有的学者不讲辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义，只讲实践唯物主义；有的学者否定马克思主义哲学、政治经济学和科学社会主义三个组成部分；有的学者不承认马克思关于社会演进的“五形态”理论，甚至认为这是斯大林的“杜撰”和臆造；等等。针对这些质疑，习近平在纪念马克思诞辰200周年大会上指出：“马克思主义主要由哲学、政治经济学、科学社会主义三大组成部分构成”,“马克思科学揭示了人类社会最终走向共产主义的必然趋势”。

It is particularly important to note that since reform and opening up, because we have supported, encouraged, and guided the rational development of the non-public sector of the economy, some people in China have argued that upholding public ownership is not a basic principle of scientific socialism; because we have established, improved, and developed the socialist market economy system, some have proposed that the basic principle of scientific socialism regarding organized production is outdated, and other such views. Furthermore, some foreign scholars consider socialism with Chinese characteristics to be “capital socialism,” “state capitalism,” or “new bureaucratic capitalism.” Faced with various domestic and international views questioning socialism with Chinese characteristics, Xi Jinping emphasized that socialism with Chinese characteristics is essentially scientific socialism. The main content of the basic principles of scientific socialism includes: organizing social production on the basis of public ownership of the means of production, using the efficiency of socialized production to create richer social products and continuously meet the needs of the broad masses of the people; conducting organized and purposeful regulation of social production to prevent the anarchic state of production; implementing a distribution system that meets the requirements of future socialized production, applying distribution according to work in the first stage of communism and distribution according to need in the higher stage; transforming and utilizing nature in accordance with natural laws; transitioning through the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat to the higher stage of communism, which is classless, exploitative, and stateless; and so on.

特别要注意的是，改革开放以来，由于我们支持、鼓励、引导非公有制经济合理发展，国内有人就认为坚持公有制不是科学社会主义基本原则；由于我们建立、完善和发展了社会主义市场经济体制，有人就提出有组织的生产这一科学社会主义基本原则过时了等观点。此外，一些国外学者认为中国特色社会主义是“资本社会主义”“国家资本主义”“新官僚资本主义”。面对国内外种种质疑中国特色社会主义的观点，习近平强调，中国特色社会主义本质上是科学社会主义。科学社会主义基本原则的主要内容为：在生产资料公有制基础上组织社会生产，以社会化生产效率的发挥创造出更丰富的社会产品，不断满足广大人民群众的需要；对社会生产进行有组织、有目的的调节，防止生产的无政府状态；实行符合未来社会化生产要求的分配制度，在共产主义第一阶段实行按劳分配，在高级阶段实行按需分配；合乎自然规律地改造和利用自然；通过无产阶级专政的国家向无阶级、无剥削、无国家的共产主义高级阶段过渡；等等。

II. Historical Dimension: Marxism in the 21st Century is Marxism Rooted in the Development of Humanity in the 21st Century

二、历史维度：21世纪马克思主义是立足于21世纪人类发展的马克思主义

The 21st century has already entered its third decade. Using Marxism’s grand view of the era to grasp the major trends of human development in the 21st century is an important method for correctly understanding the 21st century.

21世纪已经开启第三个十年了。用马克思主义的大时代观把握21世纪人类发展的大趋势是正确认识21世纪的重要方法。

(I) Grasping the Future and Destiny of Humanity in the 21st Century Requires Grasping Marxism’s “View of the Century”

(一)把握21世纪人类前途命运就要把握马克思主义的“世纪观”

The founders of Marxism and their successors have always been able to view historical changes from a grand historical scale, seeking the laws of social development from the changes of centuries.

马克思主义创始人以及马克思主义后来人总是能够站在大历史尺度上来看待历史变迁，从世纪变迁中找寻社会发展规律。

What kind of century was the 17th century? The famous British political scientist Harold Joseph Laski, in his *The Grammar of Politics*, devoted a chapter titled “The Seventeenth Century” to expound its characteristics. He pointed out that the 17th century was considered an age of genius, where Newton, Descartes, Hobbes, Locke, Pascal, and others brilliantly developed the ideas of their predecessors. From a Marxist perspective, the 17th century was the century in which the capitalist system began to replace feudalism. The English bourgeoisie carried out a bourgeois revolution in the 17th century; this political revolution transformed into a deeper social revolution in the 18th century, which in turn spurred the development of the American Revolution and the occurrence of the French Revolution in the 18th century. Engels pointed out: “The English Revolution of the 17th century was precisely the prelude to the French Revolution of 1789. In the ‘Long Parliament,’ it is easy to identify three stages corresponding to the French Constituent Assembly, the Legislative Assembly, and the National Convention. The process of transition from constitutional monarchy to democracy, military dictatorship, restoration, and moderate revolution is also clearly manifested in the English Revolution. Cromwell combined Robespierre and Napoleon in one person; the Presbyterians corresponded to the Girondins, the Independents to the Montagnards, and the Levellers to the Hébertists and Babeufists.” [4]4 Harold J. Laski, *The Interpretation of Ideas* (Chinese edition), p. 1. [Translator’s note: The original English text has not been located; the citation follows the Chinese translation used by the author.] Here, Engels emphasized the profound influence of the 17th-century English bourgeois revolution. Marx also clearly stated: “The victory of the bourgeoisie means the victory of a new social system, the victory of bourgeois property over feudal property.”

17世纪是怎样的世纪?英国著名政治学家哈罗德·约瑟夫·拉斯基(Harold Joseph Laski)在《思想的阐释》中专设一章“十七世纪”来阐述17世纪的特征。他指出，17世纪被认为是天才的时代，牛顿、笛卡尔、霍布斯、洛克、帕斯卡等人天才地发展了先驱们的思想。从马克思主义的角度看，17世纪是资本主义制度开始替代封建主义的世纪，英国资产阶级在17世纪进行了资产阶级革命，这一政治革命在18世纪转化为更加深刻的社会革命，并带动了18世纪美国革命的发展和法国革命的发生。恩格斯指出：“17世纪英国革命恰恰是1789年法国革命的先声。在‘长期国会’里，很容易识别相当于法国制宪议会、立法议会和国民公会的三个阶段。从立宪君主制到民主制、军事专制制度、复辟和中庸革命这个转变过程，在英国革命中也鲜明地显现出来。克伦威尔集罗伯斯比尔和拿破仑于一身；长老派相当于吉伦特派，独立派相当于山岳派，平等派相当于阿贝尔派和巴贝夫派。”在此，恩格斯强调了17世纪英国资产阶级革命的深远影响。马克思也明确指出：“资产阶级的胜利意味着新社会制度的胜利，资产阶级所有制对封建所有制的胜利。”

What kind of century was the 18th century? Engels, in his *The Condition of England. The Eighteenth Century*, scientifically expounded the characteristics of the 18th century. He considered it the century in which humanity transitioned from a relatively isolated and scattered state to a state of regional integration, even certain global states. In the 18th century, the Germans carried out a philosophical revolution, the French a political revolution, and the English a revolution deeper than both—a social revolution. The 18th century was the century in which the interests of capital began to become prominent and further rose to become the dominant subject and force. The American War of Independence and the French Revolution were both revolutions carried out for the interests of capital. All this originated from the Industrial Revolution, which was deeply carried out in England in the 18th century. The “first result” of this revolution “was that interest was elevated to the rule over man. Interest took possession of the newly created industrial forces and used them to achieve its own ends; due to the effect of private property, these forces, which should belong to all humanity, became the monopoly of a few wealthy capitalists, the tools for them to enslave the masses. Commerce swallowed up industry and thus became omnipotent, becoming the bond of humanity; all intercourse

18世纪是怎样的世纪?恩格斯在《英国状况。十八世纪》中对于18世纪的特点进行了科学的阐述。他认为这是人类从相对孤立分散状态向区域一体化状态甚至是某些全球性状态转变的世纪。18世纪，德国人进行了哲学革命，法国人进行了政治革命，英国人进行了比这两个革命都深刻的革命——社会革命。18世纪是资本利益开始凸显，并进一步上升为统治主体、统治力量的世纪，美国独立战争、法国大革命都是为资本利益而进行的革命。这一切都源于18世纪在英国深入开展的工业革命，这一革命的“第一个结果就是利益被升格为对人的统治。利益霸占了新创造出来的各种工业力量并利用它们来达到自己的目的；由于私有制的作用，这些理应属于全人类的力量便成为少数富有的资本家的垄断物，成为他们奴役群众的工具。商业吞并了工业，因而变得无所不能，变成了人类的纽带；个人的或国家的一切交往，都被溶化在商业交往中，这就等于说，财产、物升格为世界的统治者”。这是一个资产阶级统治日益巩固的世纪，资产阶级创造出来的生产力比过去几百年人类创造的生产力还要多、还要大。

What kind of century was the 19th century? Laski stated in *The Interpretation of Ideas*: “The 19th century was an era of the great triumph of liberalism. Since the Battle of Waterloo before the outbreak of the First World War, no other doctrine in history had possessed such authoritative voice or exerted such broad influence. Its victory was undoubtedly an extremely complex phenomenon, complex because these phenomena, from the day of their birth, sought to design themselves as a theory that could be worshipped on different altars.” [4]4 Harold J. Laski, *The Interpretation of Ideas* (Chinese edition), p. 1. [Translator’s note: The original English text has not been located; the citation follows the Chinese translation used by the author.] Plekhanov, on the other hand, pointed out: “Just as the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries were marked by the bourgeois liberation movement, so the 19th century was the century of the liberation movement of the working class. This is the main feature of its cultural history and the most precious legacy it handed over to the 20th century.” [5]5 *Plekhanov Philosophical Selected Works*, Vol. 1, p. 67. [Translator’s note: The original Russian text has not been located; the citation follows the Chinese translation used by the author.] “Because of this brutal and shortsighted egoism, in the 19th century workers shed much blood, and they will probably shed no less in the 20th century. To oppose this egoism, the proletariat has only one means: to unite its forces to seize political power.” [6]6 *Plekhanov Philosophical Selected Works*, Vol. 1, p. 68. [Translator’s note: The original Russian text has not been located; the citation follows the Chinese translation used by the author.] It can be said that the 19th century was the era of free competitive capitalism, a century of capitalist development and the continuous growth of the proletarian forces.

19世纪是怎样的世纪?拉斯基在《思想的阐释》中说道：“19世纪是一个自由主义大获全胜的时代。从一战爆发之前的滑铁卢战役以来，历史上尚无任何其他的学说能有如此权威的声音，产生如此广阔的影响。它的胜利无疑是一个极其复杂的现象，之所以复杂是因为这些现象从诞生之日起就想将自己设计成一个可以在不同的祭坛上接受人们顶礼膜拜的理论。”普列汉诺夫则指出：“正像16、17和18世纪是资产阶级解放运动的标志一样，19世纪则是工人阶级解放运动的世纪。这就是它的文化史的最主要特点和它转交给20世纪的最珍贵的遗产”,“由于这种凶残而短视的利己主义。在19世纪，工人们流了很多血，大概在20世纪还要流不少血。而要反对这种利己主义，无产阶级只有一种手段：联合自己的力量以夺取政权”。可以说，19世纪是自由竞争资本主义的时代，是资本主义发展、无产阶级力量不断壮大的世纪。

What kind of century was the 20th century? Lenin, in *Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism*, emphasized that from the end of the 19th century, capitalism moved from free competition to the monopoly stage, i.e., the stage of imperialism. “This book proves that the war of 1914–1918 was, on both sides, an imperialist (i.e., predatory, rapacious, plundering) war, a war for the division of the world, for the division and redivision of colonies, ‘spheres of influence’ of finance capital, etc.” Imperialism was not only the eve of the proletarian revolution but also the eve of the national revolutionary movement in colonial and semi-colonial countries. Lenin pointed out: “It was precisely because of the first imperialist war that the East has finally joined the revolutionary movement, finally been drawn into the general vortex of the world revolutionary movement.” It can be said that the first half of the 20th century was an era of imperialism and proletarian revolution. Lenin, by profoundly grasping this essence, led the great victory of the October Revolution and opened a new epoch in human history. The second half of the 20th century was an era of coexistence and competition between two systems—capitalism and socialism—and two camps, as well as an era of the disintegration of the socialist camp and the downturn of the socialist movement.

20世纪是怎样的世纪?列宁在《帝国主义是资本主义的最高阶段》中强调，从19世纪末开始，资本主义由自由竞争走向了垄断阶段即帝国主义阶段。“本书证明，1914—1918年的战争，从双方来说，都是帝国主义的(即侵略的、掠夺的、强盗的)战争，都是为了瓜分世界，为了瓜分和重新瓜分殖民地、金融资本的‘势力范围’等等而进行的战争。”帝国主义不仅是无产阶级革命的前夜，也是殖民地、半殖民地国家民族革命运动的前夜。列宁指出：“正是由于第一次帝国主义大战，东方已经最终加入了革命运动，最终卷入了全世界革命运动的总漩涡。”可以说，20世纪上半叶是帝国主义和无产阶级革命的时代，列宁深刻把握这一本质，领导了十月革命的伟大胜利，开辟了人类历史新纪元；20世纪下半叶是资本主义和社会主义两种制度、两大阵营并存竞争以及社会主义阵营解体和社会主义运动陷入低潮的时代。

(II) The 21st century is an era of long-term coexistence, cooperation, and intense competition between transnational financial-information monopoly and militarized capitalism and socialism with Chinese characteristics for a New Era.

(二)21世纪是金融信息技术跨国垄断和军事化的资本主义与新时代中国特色社会主义长期合作共存、进行激烈竞争的时代

Looking back over the 400-year history from the 17th to the 20th centuries, it can be seen that capitalism has evolved from the stage of free competition to monopoly capitalism, and monopoly capitalism has itself evolved from private monopoly to state monopoly to transnational monopoly, and in the 21st century is increasingly trending toward transnational financial-information monopoly and militarization. This trend indicates that a new type of imperialism is taking shape.

纵观17—20世纪400年的历史，可以看出，资本主义经历了从自由竞争阶段到垄断资本主义的阶段，而垄断资本主义则经历了从私人垄断到国家垄断到跨国垄断再到21世纪正日益向着金融信息技术跨国垄断和军事化发展的趋势，这种趋势表明一种新型的帝国主义正在形成。

Transnational financial-information monopoly is an extremely important characteristic of contemporary capitalism. It uses finance combined with information technology to extract super-monopoly profits from most countries in the world, prompting its own continuous expansion, and at critical moments launches financial-information warfare against other countries. First, the capital of transnational financial-information monopoly corporations is a kind of capital that transcends time, space, and national borders, mixing finance and information technology, and its rate of expansion is extremely rapid. The market capitalizations of several US financial-information technology companies exceed $1.5 trillion each. For example, on August 31, 2020, the market capitalization of the US tech giant Tesla was as high as $470 billion; on May 6, 2022, its market capitalization exceeded $890 billion, far exceeding the annual GDP of many countries. That a company founded less than 20 years ago could grow to such a scale is the result of information technology superimposed on financial assets. Second, the capacity of transnational financial-information monopoly has greatly strengthened, exhibiting borderless characteristics—that is, no boundaries of time, space, industry, nation, or even morality. Transnational financial-information monopoly corporations merge with state power to exert strong control over the world economic order and high-tech fields. Once conflicts between states occur, these corporations become sharp weapons for certain countries. For example, after the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine war, the United States, together with the European Commission, Germany, France, the United Kingdom, Italy, and Canada, decided to exclude some Russian banks from the SWIFT payment system. SWIFT has previously been used multiple times as a tool for financial sanctions; financial institutions sanctioned by it are unable to participate in international capital flows. Excluding numerous Russian banks from this payment system effectively cuts off Russia’s connection with the external economy, affecting Russia’s long-term economic development. Third, the brutality of transnational financial-information monopoly has intensified. This type of capitalism can weaponize many things: information technology weaponized, financial instruments weaponized, Facebook and various propaganda media weaponized. This is a degenerated capitalism, a capitalism returning to the cave, a capitalism whose brutality has been greatly strengthened.

金融信息技术跨国垄断是当代资本主义极为重要的特点，它利用金融叠加信息技术对世界上多数国家进行超额垄断利润的榨取，促使其自身不断膨胀，并在关键时刻对其他国家发动金融信息技术战争。首先，金融信息技术跨国公司资本是一种超越时空和国家边界的、混合了金融和信息技术的资本，其膨胀速度极快。美国有多家金融信息技术公司的股票市值都在1.5万亿美元以上。例如，2020年8月31日，美国科技巨头特斯拉的公司市值高达4700亿美元；2022年5月6日，公司市值超过8900亿美元，远超很多国家一年的国内生产总值。一个创业不到20年的公司发展到如此大的规模，是信息技术叠加金融资产的结果。其次，金融信息技术跨国垄断的能力大大加强，并呈现出无边界的特点，即没有时间、空间、产业、国家甚至道德边界。金融信息技术跨国公司与国家力量融合在一起，对世界经济秩序和高科技领域进行强力控制，一旦发生国家间的冲突，金融信息技术跨国公司就会成为一些国家的利器。例如，俄乌战争爆发后，美国与欧盟委员会、德国、法国、英国、意大利、加拿大决定将俄罗斯部分银行排除在环球银行金融电信协会(以下简称“SWIFT”)支付系统之外。SWIFT此前曾多次成为金融制裁的工具， 遭到其制裁的金融机构将无法参与国际资金流动。将俄罗斯众多银行排除在该支付系统之外，将有效切断俄罗斯与外部经济的联系，影响俄罗斯经济的长远发展。再次，金融信息技术跨国垄断的野蛮性增强。这种资本主义可以把很多事物都武器化：信息技术武器化、金融工具武器化、脸书以及各种宣传媒体武器化。这是一种退化了的资本主义，是回归洞穴的资本主义，是野蛮性大大强化的资本主义。

The capitalist countries of transnational financial-information monopoly not only engage in Cold War thinking but also Cold War mentality, not only erect an “Iron Curtain” but also build “bronze walls,” not only pursue unilateralism but also engage in group politics and camp confrontation, basing their own security on the insecurity of other countries. Concepts such as “NATO’s Asia-Pacificization,” “union of democracies,” “values-based diplomatic partnerships,” and the “Five Eyes” alliance constantly emerge. They engage heavily in double standards, abuse unilateral sanctions and “long-arm jurisdiction,” and use various means to constrain and sanction so-called “disobedient, uncooperative, and unruly” countries. At the same time, socialism with Chinese characteristics for a New Era is growing and strengthening, dealing with this constantly mutating capitalism, and will coexist with it for a long historical period.

金融信息技术跨国垄断的资本主义国家不仅搞冷战思维还搞寒战思维，不仅搞“铁幕”还要筑“铜墙”,不仅搞单边主义还搞集团政治和阵营对抗，把本国安全建立在他国不安全的基础之上，“北约亚太化”“民主国家联合体”“价值观外交伙伴”“五眼联盟”等构想不断出现。它们大搞双重标准，滥用单边制裁和“长臂管辖”,通过各种手段制约、制裁所谓“不听话、不配合、不守规矩”的国家。与此同时，新时代中国特色社会主义正在发展壮大，正在与不断变异的资本主义打交道，并且在一段很长的历史时期内要与之共存共处。

III. The Realistic Dimension: Major Issues for 21st Century Marxism to Study

三、现实维度：21世纪马克思主义应当研究的重大课题

Developing Marxism in the 21st century must closely focus on major practical issues. On April 25, 2022, when inspecting Renmin University of China, Xi Jinping pointed out: “At present, upholding and developing the theory and practice of socialism with Chinese characteristics has raised a large number of new problems urgently awaiting solutions. The changes unseen in a century are accelerating, and the world has entered a new period of turbulence and transformation. It is urgently necessary to answer the questions of the times: ‘What is wrong with the world?’ and ‘Where is humanity heading?’” [7]7 Xi Jinping’s speech at Renmin University of China, April 25, 2022. Marxism in the 21st century should deeply study and profoundly answer the large number of new problems raised in the process of upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics.

发展21世纪马克思主义必须紧密关注重大现实问题。2022年4月25日，习近平在中国人民大学考察时指出：“当前，坚持和发展中国特色社会主义理论和实践提出了大量亟待解决的新问题，世界百年未有之大变局加速演进，世界进入新的动荡变革期，迫切需要回答好‘世界怎么了’、‘人类向何处去’的时代之题。”2021世纪马克思主义就应当深入研究、深刻回答在坚持和发展中国特色社会主义过程中所提出的大量新问题。

(I) The question of where humanity is heading and toward what goal it is advancing must be answered.

(一)要回答好人类向何处去、向着什么样的目标前进的问题

This is a question of the century that Marxism in the 21st century must answer, and it is also a question that Marxists can truly answer clearly. The 20th century witnessed two world wars and a Cold War lasting over 40 years, along with the Korean War, the Vietnam War, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the Iran-Iraq War, the India-Pakistan War, etc., with the flames of war spreading across multiple continents. After the end of the Cold War, conflicts such as the Kosovo War, the US invasion of Afghanistan, the Iraq War, the Syrian War, the Yemen War, and the Russia-Ukraine War occurred. Marxism in the 21st century must commit to clearly answering the question of humanity’s future and destiny. The answer to this question should be approached from three aspects.

这是21世纪马克思主义要回答的世纪问题，也是马克思主义者能够真正回答清楚的问题。20世纪人类经历了两次世界大战和持续40余年的冷战，其间还有朝鲜战争、越南战争、苏联入侵阿富汗战争、两伊战争、印巴战争等，战火遍及世界多个大洲。冷战结束后，又发生了诸如科索沃战争、美国入侵阿富汗战争、伊拉克战争、叙利亚战争、也门战争以及俄乌战争等。21世纪马克思主义必须致力于回答清楚人类的前途命运问题。对这个问题的回答，应当从三个方面进行。

First, from the perspective of over 500 years of world socialism, humanity in the 21st century is still within the historical process indicated by Marxism. This process is the process of socialism replacing capitalism, a process of socialism developing in an upward spiral and capitalism declining in a downward spiral. Second, from the perspective of over 500 years of history since the Age of Discovery, humanity in the 21st century is still within the process of national history developing into world history and national and regional economies expanding into a global economy. A world history in the holistic sense, and economic globalization on a rational and just foundation, have not yet been truly realized. Third, from the perspective of over 400 years of history since the first modern international relations system established by the Peace of Westphalia, humanity’s long-cherished goal has been to establish a just and reasonable international order, and humanity in the 21st century must still strive for it. The principles of sovereign equality among states, non-interference in internal affairs, and the balance of power, established by European states at Westphalia in 1648, have in fact been unrealizable due to the inherent contradictions of capitalism. Meghnad Desai, a member of the UK House of Lords and scholar, stated in *Marx’s Revenge: The Resurgence of Capitalism and the Death of Statist Socialism*: “Starting with the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, the European state system evolved in a Eurocentric manner over the following three centuries, but its external expansion and universalization principles belong to the second half of the 20th century.” The construction of a new, fair, and reasonable international economic and political order should be based on a better social system.

首先，从世界社会主义500余年的历史来看，21世纪的人类仍然处在马克思主义所指明的历史进程中，这个进程就是社会主义代替资本主义的进程，是社会主义不断螺旋上升发展、资本主义螺旋下降的进程。其次，从世界大航海时代以来500余年的历史来看，21世纪的人类仍然处在民族历史向世界历史发展、国家和区域经济向全球经济拓展的进程中，整体意义上的世界历史、合理公正基础上的经济全球化并没有真正实现。再次，从《威斯特伐利亚和约》确立的近代意义上第一个国际关系体系以来400余年的历史来看，人类孜孜以求的目标就是建立公正合理的国际秩序，21世纪的人类仍然要为之奋斗。1648年欧洲诸国在威斯特伐利亚所确定的国与国之间主权独立平等原则、不干涉内政原则和势力均衡原则由于资本主义的内在矛盾实际是无法实现的。英国议会上院议员、学者梅格纳德·德赛(Meghnad Desai)在《马克思的复仇：资本主义的复苏和苏联集权社会主义的灭亡》中说道：“从1648年的《威斯特伐利亚和约》开始，欧洲的国家体系在其后的三个世纪中是以一种欧洲中心论的方式进化的，但是它的对外扩张和普遍化原则则属于20世纪后半叶。”而新的、公平合理的国际经济政治秩序的建构应当以更加美好的社会制度为基础。

(II) The question of how to continuously improve the socialist market economy system and enhance the capacity to manage it must be answered.

(二)要回答好如何不断完善社会主义市场经济体制并提高驾驭该体制能力的问题

On April 29, 2022, Xi Jinping emphasized during the 38th group study session of the Political Bureau of the 19th CPC Central Committee that how to regulate and guide the healthy development of capital under the socialist system is a major theoretical and practical issue that Marxist political economy in the New Era must study and resolve. The socialist market economy system is an important component of the basic socialist economic system; it is necessary to let the market play a decisive role in allocating resources while simultaneously better leveraging the role of the government. Marxism in the 21st century must pay long-term attention to the improvement and development of the socialist market economy system.

2022年4月29日，习近平在十九届中共中央政治局第三十八次集体学习时强调，在社会主义制度下如何规范和引导资本健康发展，这是新时代马克思主义政治经济学必须研究解决的重大理论和实践问题。社会主义市场经济体制是社会主义基本经济制度的重要组成部分，要让市场在配置资源中发挥决定性作用，同时要更好发挥政府作用。21世纪马克思主义必须长期关注社会主义市场经济体制的完善与发展问题。

First, it is necessary to answer the question of whether the socialist market economy system and the capitalist market economy system will converge, or whether there is an essential difference between the two. The nature of pursuing profit is a common characteristic of capital under all social systems; whether it plays a positive or negative role depends on the social system in which capital exists. The socialist system is a people-centered system; in the final analysis, capital’s pursuit of profit must serve the realization of the people’s interests. The capitalist system is capital-centered; capital’s pursuit of profit aims to realize the interests of a very small minority. Second, it is necessary to fully leverage the superiority of the socialist market economy system so that it can better and more rapidly promote high-quality economic and social development. The greatest superiority of the socialist market economy system is adherence to the leadership of the Party. On the one hand, the CPC can overcome the influence of vested interest groups through self-revolution and by constantly maintaining the Party’s advanced nature and integrity, creating a market environment where entities under all forms of ownership can equally use resources and factors of production according to law, participate in competition fairly, justly, and openly, and receive equal legal protection. On the other hand, the CPC can continuously advance the construction of institutional mechanisms that ensure officials dare not, cannot, and do not want to engage in corruption, preventing the principle of commodity exchange from penetrating into inner-Party life, and while preventing leading cadres from being “hunted,” [1]1 The “Cultural Revolution” (1966–1976) was a socio-political movement launched by Mao Zedong, officially intended to preserve “true” communism and purge capitalist elements, but which resulted in widespread chaos, violence, and persecution. enabling them to maintain a strong capacity to manage the market economy.

首先，要回答社会主义市场经济体制与资本主义市场经济体制是否会趋同，或者说两者是否有本质区别的问题。逐利本性是所有社会制度下资本共同的本性，是发挥积极作用还是消极作用取决于资本所在的社会制度。社会主义制度是以人民为中心的制度，归根到底，资本逐利要为实现人民的利益服务；资本主义制度以资本为中心，资本逐利是要实现极少数人的利益。其次，要充分发挥好社会主义市场经济体制的优越性，使其能够更好更快地推动经济社会高质量发展。社会主义市场经济体制最大的优越性就是坚持党的领导。一方面，中国共产党能够通过自我革命、始终保持党的先进性和纯洁性来克服既得利益集团的影响，营造各种所有制主体依法平等使用资源要素、公平公正公开参与竞争、同等受到法律保护的市场环境；另一方面，中国共产党能够不断推进不敢腐、不能腐、不想腐的体制机制建设，防止商品交换原则渗透到党内生活中去，能够在防止领导干部被围猎的同时，使其保持驾驭市场经济的强大能力。

(3) It is necessary to answer the question of the basic trends and developmental dynamics of the continued evolution of capitalism in the 21st century.

(三)要回答好21世纪资本主义继续演进的基本趋势、发展态势的问题

On December 3, 2013, Xi Jinping, during the 11th group study session of the Political Bureau of the 18th CPC Central Committee, discussed the “two inevitables” [2]2 The “Resolution on Certain Historical Issues of the Party Since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China” was adopted by the 11th Central Committee of the CPC in 1981, providing an official assessment of Party history, including a critique of the Cultural Revolution. and stated: “This important thesis of Marx can help us understand why capitalism has not completely perished to this day, why socialism has experienced twists and turns such as the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, and why the communism foreseen by Marx still requires a very long historical development to be realized. Understanding this scientific worldview and methodology for recognizing and researching social and historical development allows us to strengthen the backbone of our ideals, fortify the ballast stone of our convictions, and maintain a strong strategic resolve.” Marxism in the 21st century should focus on answering the following questions.

2013年12月3日，习近平在十八届中共中央政治局第十一次集体学习时谈到“两个决不会”,他指出：“马克思的这一重要论点，可以帮助我们理解为什么资本主义至今没有完全消亡，为什么社会主义还会出现苏联解体、东欧剧变那样的曲折，为什么马克思主义预见的共产主义还需要经过很长的历史发展才能实现。学懂了这一认识和研究社会历史发展的科学世界观和方法论，我们就能坚定理想的主心骨、筑牢信念的压舱石，保持强大的战略定力”。21世纪马克思主义应当重点回答以下几个问题。

First, in what ways will capitalism continue to survive in the 21st century? In the 21st century, all fields in capitalist countries have been capitalized, including public health fields such as the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, where capital interests dominate. Since the outbreak of the pandemic, the death toll from COVID-19 in the most developed capitalist country, the United States, has exceeded one million. An important reason for this situation is that capital pursues its own interests and is unwilling to provide free vaccination and nucleic acid testing services to ordinary people, especially the elderly, the poor, ethnic minorities, and other vulnerable groups, let alone engage in “dynamic zero-COVID” [3]3 “Upholding the correct principles” (守正, *shouzheng*) is a term in CPC discourse meaning to adhere to the fundamental tenets of Marxism and socialism while innovating in practice. at the cost of harming capital interests. This naked profit-seeking nature has shed the constraints of morality and the shackles of freedom, democracy, equality, fraternity, and human rights. Second, how have the forms of expression of the basic contradiction of capitalism changed? The basic contradiction of capitalism between the socialization of production and the private ownership of the means of production has taken on new forms: first, the contradiction between the strengthened international control of financial information technology multinational corporations and the declining capacity of numerous sovereign states to maintain their own sovereignty and security; second, the contradiction between powerful capital oligarch groups and ordinary social people whose various rights and interests are continuously weakened. In 2021, while the world was fighting the COVID-19 pandemic, the revenues of the five major tech giants—Meta Platforms, Google, Amazon, Apple, and Microsoft—surged, with their combined earnings exceeding $1.2 trillion, nearly $200 billion more than in 2020. These companies not only dominate the domestic populace of the United States but also pose a great threat to many sovereign states.

首先，资本主义会以怎样的方式继续在21世纪生存。21世纪，资本主义国家的所有领域都资本化了，包括抗击新冠肺炎疫情这样的公共卫生领域都是资本利益在主导。疫情暴发以来，最发达的资本主义美国因新冠肺炎疫情导致的死亡人数已经超过百万。之所以出现这种情况，一个重要原因就是资本追逐自身利益，不愿意为普通民众特别是老人、穷人、少数族裔以及其他弱势群体提供免费疫苗接种、核酸检测等服务，更不会以损害资本利益为代价进行“动态清零”。这种赤裸裸的逐利性摆脱了道德的束缚，摆脱了自由、民主、平等、博爱、人权的约束。其次，资本主义基本矛盾的表现形式发生了怎样的变化。生产的社会化以及生产资料私人占有的资本主义基本矛盾有了新的表现形式：一是金融信息技术跨国公司国际控制力加强与众多主权国家维护自身主权安全能力下降之间的矛盾；二是力量强大的资本权贵集团与各种权益被不断弱化的社会普通民众之间的矛盾。2021年，当世界正在抗击新冠肺炎疫情之时，五大科技巨头元宇宙平台、谷歌、亚马逊、苹果和微软的收入激增，它们的进账加起来超过1.2万亿美元，比2020年多出近2000亿美元。这些公司不仅凌驾于美国国内民众之上，而且对很多主权国家都构成了极大威胁。

IV. The Dimension of the Era: Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is Marxism in the 21st Century

四、时代维度：习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想是21世纪马克思主义

The “Resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party over the Past Century” [4]4 Harold J. Laski, *The Interpretation of Ideas* (Chinese edition), p. 1. [Translator’s note: The original English text has not been located; the citation follows the Chinese translation used by the author.] points out: “Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is contemporary Chinese Marxism, Marxism in the 21st century, and the essence of the times and spirit of Chinese culture, achieving a new leap in adapting Marxism to the Chinese context.” [5]5 *Plekhanov Philosophical Selected Works*, Vol. 1, p. 67. [Translator’s note: The original Russian text has not been located; the citation follows the Chinese translation used by the author.]

《中共中央关于党的百年奋斗重大成就和历史经验的决议》指出：“习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想是当代中国马克思主义、二十一世纪马克思主义，是中华文化和中国精神的时代精华，实现了马克思主义中国化新的飞跃。”

(1) Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era has issued the strongest voice of the 21st century in defending, upholding, and developing Marxism.

(一)习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想发出了21世纪捍卫、坚持和发展马克思主义的最强音

As Marxism in the 21st century, Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era connects Marxism of the 19th, 20th, and 21st centuries; connects Marxist philosophy, political economy, and scientific socialism; and connects socialism with Chinese characteristics and world socialism. Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era not only clearly upholds the fundamental principles of Marxism but also eliminates certain theoretical traps and errors; it not only soberly defends the scientific system of Marxism but also endows it with distinct contemporary content.

作为21世纪马克思主义，习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想贯通了19世纪、20世纪和21世纪的马克思主义，贯通了马克思主义哲学、政治经济学和科学社会主义，贯通了中国特色社会主义和世界社会主义。习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想不仅旗帜鲜明地坚守马克思主义基本原理，而且还消除了一些理论陷阱和迷误；不仅清醒地捍卫了马克思主义的科学体系，而且赋予了其鲜明的时代内容。

First, Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era truly inherits Marxism. In response to phenomena in practical work where Marxism has been marginalized, hollowed out, and labeled in some fields, and has “lost its voice” in some disciplines, “gone missing” in textbooks, and “fallen silent” in forums, it very clearly states that although Marxism was born more than a century and a half ago, both history and reality prove it is a scientific theory that still possesses strong vitality today; on the fundamental issue of upholding the guiding position of Marxism, we must be unwavering and cannot waver in the slightest under any circumstances at any time; the fundamental reason why the CPC can succeed and why socialism with Chinese characteristics is good is that Marxism works; Marxism has provided a powerful ideological weapon for China’s revolution, construction, and reform, leading China to create a development miracle unprecedented in human history, and it is entirely correct for history and the people to have chosen Marxism, and entirely correct for the CPC to have inscribed Marxism on its banner; adhering to the guidance of Marxism is the fundamental hallmark that distinguishes contemporary Chinese philosophy and social sciences from other philosophies and social sciences, and it must be upheld unequivocally.

第一，习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想真正继承了马克思主义。它针对实际工作中马克思主义在有的领域中被边缘化、空泛化、标签化以及在一些学科中“失语”、教材中“失踪”、论坛上“失声”等现象，十分明确地提出，尽管马克思主义诞生在一个半多世纪之前，但历史和现实都证明它是科学的理论，迄今依然有着强大生命力；在坚持马克思主义指导地位这一根本问题上，我们必须坚定不移，任何时候任何情况下都不能有丝毫动摇；中国共产党为什么能，中国特色社会主义为什么好，从根本上说，是因为马克思主义行；马克思主义为中国革命、建设、改革提供了强大思想武器，引领中国创造了人类历史上前所未有的发展奇迹，历史和人民选择马克思主义是完全正确的，中国共产党把马克思主义写在自己的旗帜上是完全正确的；坚持以马克思主义为指导，是当代中国哲学社会科学区别于其他哲学社会科学的根本标志，必须旗帜鲜明地加以坚持。

Second, Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era firmly defends Marxism. Xi Jinping has consistently and clearly refuted various theories and viewpoints that deny Marxism. In response to erroneous ideas and statements in recent years, both domestically and internationally, that claim socialism with Chinese characteristics is “capital socialism,” “state capitalism,” or “new bureaucratic capitalism,” Xi Jinping has clearly pointed out that these

第二，习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想坚定捍卫了马克思主义。对于各种否定马克思主义的理论和观点，习近平始终明确反驳。针对近年来国内外有人认为中国特色社会主义是“资本社会主义” “国家资本主义”“新官僚资本主义”等错误思想和言论，习近平明确指出，这些都是完全错误的，中国特色社会主义是根植于中国大地、反映中国人民意愿、适应中国和时代发展进步要求的科学社会主义；针对有人认为马克思主义政治经济学、《资本论》过时了的错误思想和言论，习近平明确指出，这个说法是武断的，国际金融危机发生后，不少西方学者也在重新研究马克思主义政治经济学和《资本论》,以反思资本主义的弊端。

Third, Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era has comprehensively innovated Marxism. It adheres to integrating the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with the fine traditional Chinese culture, profoundly answering the major questions of the New Era concerning what kind of socialism with Chinese characteristics to uphold and develop and how to uphold and develop it, what kind of great modern socialist country to build and how to build it, and what kind of long-term governing Marxist party to build and how to build it, thereby achieving a new leap in adapting Marxism to the Chinese context. Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era includes propositions such as the principal contradiction in Chinese society in the New Era, the essence of the times of Chinese culture and the Chinese spirit, a new form of human civilization, the general principle of pursuing progress while maintaining stability, and a systems perspective, thereby originally developing Marxist philosophy; it proposes a new connotation of the basic socialist economic system, grasping the new development stage, implementing the new development philosophy, building a new development pattern, implementing supply-side structural reform, preventing the disorderly expansion of capital, solidly promoting common prosperity, and implementing the rural revitalization strategy, thereby originally developing Marxist political economy; it puts forward views such as that the most essential feature of socialism with Chinese characteristics is the leadership of the Communist Party of China, advancing the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity, building a socialist rule-of-law system with Chinese characteristics, building a socialist country under the rule of law, building the people’s military into a world-class military, promoting the building of a community with a shared future for mankind, preventing the formation of interest groups within the Party, and that the Party’s courage to engage in self-revolution is a distinctive mark distinguishing it from other political parties, thereby originally developing scientific socialism.

第三，习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想全面创新了马克思主义。它坚持把马克思主义基本原理同中国具体实际相结合、同中华优秀传统文化相结合，深刻回答了新时代坚持和发展什么样的中国特色社会主义、怎样坚持和发展中国特色社会主义，建设什么样的社会主义现代化强国、怎样建设社会主义现代化强国，建设什么样的长期执政的马克思主义政党、怎样建设长期执政的马克思主义政党等重大时代课题，实现了马克思主义中国化新的飞跃。习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想包含新时代我国社会主要矛盾、中华文化和中国精神的时代精华、人类文明新形态、稳中求进工作总基调、系统观念等论断，原创性地发展了马克思主义哲学；提出社会主义基本经济制度新内涵、把握新发展阶段、贯彻新发展理念、构建新发展格局、实施供给侧结构性改革、防止资本无序扩张、扎实推动共同富裕、实施乡村振兴战略等，原创性地发展了马克思主义政治经济学；提出中国特色社会主义最本质的特征是中国共产党领导、推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化、建设中国特色社会主义法治体系、建设社会主义法治国家、把人民军队建设成为世界一流军队、推动构建人类命运共同体、防止党内形成利益集团、勇于自我革命是中国共产党区别于其他政党的显著标志等观点，原创性地发展了科学社会主义。

(II) Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era focuses on the deepest problems of the 21st century concerning China, the world, humanity, and the development of the times, thereby developing Marxism.

(二)习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想聚焦21世纪中国、世界、人类和时代发展最深层次的问题，发展了马克思主义

As Marxism in the 21st century, Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era answers the basic questions concerning the long-term development of Marxism—the questions of China, the world, the people, and the times—and will profoundly influence the development of China, human society, and world socialism throughout the entire 21st century.

作为21世纪马克思主义，习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想回答了中国之问、世界之问、人民之问、时代之问这些事关马克思主义长远发展的基本问题，将深刻影响整个21世纪中国、人类社会以及世界社会主义的发展。

First, as Marxism in the 21st century, Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era focuses on the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, the highest and most fundamental interest of the Chinese nation, and answers the question of China: “what kind of rejuvenation to achieve and how to achieve it.” It emphasizes that an important aspect of the New Era of socialism with Chinese characteristics is that all sons and daughters of the Chinese nation work together with one heart and one mind to strive to realize the Chinese Dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. The main task facing the Party in the New Era is to achieve the First Centenary Goal, [8]8 The First Centenary Goal refers to the goal of building a moderately prosperous society in all respects by the centenary of the founding of the Communist Party of China in 2021. embark on a new journey toward the Second Centenary Goal, [9]9 The Second Centenary Goal refers to the goal of building China into a great modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, harmonious, and beautiful by the centenary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 2049. and continue to advance toward the grand goal of realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. The great achievements created by the Communist Party of China leading the people in the New Era have provided more complete institutional guarantees, a more solid material foundation, a more stable social foundation, and a more proactive spiritual force for realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

第一，作为21世纪马克思主义，习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想着眼于中华民族伟大复兴这一中华民族最高利益和最根本利益，回答了“实现什么样的伟大复兴、怎样实现伟大复兴”这一中国之问。它强调中国特色社会主义新时代很重要的一个方面是全体中华儿女勠力同心、奋力实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦。新时代党面临的主要任务是实现第一个百年奋斗目标，开启实现第二个百年奋斗目标新征程，朝着实现中华民族伟大复兴的宏伟目标继续前进。新时代中国共产党领导人民创造的伟大成就，为实现中华民族伟大复兴提供了更为完善的制度保证、更为坚实的物质基础、更为稳定的社会基础和更为主动的精神力量。

Second, as Marxism in the 21st century, Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era not only embraces the world with a broad vision, answering the question of the world—“what is wrong with the world and what should we do about it”—with the sentiment that “when the great Way prevails, the world is for the common good,” but is also adept at thinking through comparative analysis of long historical cycles about major issues of common concern to people of all countries, such as “how to overcome the epidemic and how to build a post-epidemic world.” Xi Jinping deeply grasps the millennia-long course of human social development, standing at the height of historical philosophy, and emphasizes the need to clarify major issues such as where we come from, where we are now, and where we are going. The lessons of history are painful and profound; they tell us that those who are warlike will perish, and only by adhering to communication, dialogue, and consultation can lasting peace for humanity be achieved. The most fundamental path to communication is building a community with a shared future for mankind. Building a community with a shared future for mankind is a Chinese concept, a Chinese proposal, and Chinese wisdom put forward by Xi Jinping with a view to human development and the future of the world. It has not only been highly appraised and widely welcomed by the international community but has also greatly promoted the resolution of contradictions and problems in international society.

第二，作为21世纪马克思主义，习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想不仅胸怀天下，以“大道之行，天下为公”的情怀回答了“世界怎么了、我们怎么办”这一世界之问，而且善于从历史长周期比较分析中思考“如何战胜疫情、如何建设疫后世界”等这些世界各国人民共同关心的重大问题。习近平深入把握人类社会发展的数千年历程，站在历史哲学的高度，强调要弄清楚我们从哪里来、现在在哪里、将到哪里去等重大课题。历史的教训惨痛而深刻，它告诉我们：好战必亡，只有坚持沟通和对话协商，才能实现人类持久和平。沟通的最根本路径是构建人类命运共同体。构建人类命运共同体是习近平着眼于人类发展和世界前途提出的中国理念、中国方案、中国智慧，不仅受到国际社会的高度评价和广泛欢迎，还极大地推动了国际社会矛盾和问题的解决。

Third, as Marxism in the 21st century, Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is a theory that seeks happiness for the people, answering the question of the people: “what is a good life and how to achieve it.” It emphasizes that the principal contradiction in Chinese society has transformed into the contradiction between the people’s ever-growing need for a better life and unbalanced and inadequate development. To realize the people’s good life, it is necessary to deeply grasp that the need for a better life includes not only higher material and cultural requirements but also demands in areas such as democracy, the rule of law, fairness, justice, security, and the environment, and it is necessary to focus on resolving the principal aspect of the principal contradiction, namely the problem of unbalanced and inadequate development. It also emphasizes that as we march toward the Second Centenary Goal, we must adhere to a people-centered development philosophy, take promoting common prosperity for all the people as the focal point of seeking happiness for the people, and continuously consolidate the foundation for the long-term governance of the Communist Party of China. The people-centered development philosophy inherently includes the requirement to achieve common prosperity; the common demand of the people is to achieve common prosperity in the shortest possible time. Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized that common prosperity is an essential requirement of socialism, a common aspiration of the people, and an important manifestation of the Communist Party of China’s adherence to the fundamental purpose of serving the people wholeheartedly.

第三，作为21世纪马克思主义，习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想是为人民谋幸福的理论，回答了“什么是美好生活、怎样实现美好生活”这一人民之问。它强调我国社会主要矛盾已经转化为人民日益增长的美好生活需要和不平衡不充分的发展之间的矛盾，实现人民的美好生活就要深刻把握美好生活需要既包含更高的物质文化要求又包括民主、法治、公平、正义、安全、环境等方面的要求，就要着力解决主要矛盾的主要方面即不平衡不充分的发展的问题。它还强调我们正在向第二个百年奋斗目标迈进，必须坚持以人民为中心的发展思想，把促进全体人民共同富裕作为为人民谋幸福的着力点，不断夯实中国共产党长期执政的基础。以人民为中心的发展思想内在地包含了实现共同富裕的要求，人民的共同要求就是在尽可能短的时间内实现共同富裕。习近平多次强调，共同富裕是社会主义的本质要求，是人民群众的共同期盼，是中国共产党坚持全心全意为人民服务根本宗旨的重要体现。

Fourth, as Marxism in the 21st century, Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is the theoretical crystallization of adapting Marxism to the needs of the times, answering the question of the times: “what kind of era to lead and how to lead it.” It tells us: this is an era in which the destinies of humanity are closely intertwined; all countries in the world are aboard a great ship of shared destiny, and to navigate through stormy seas and sail toward a bright future, they must help each other in the same boat; this is an era in which peace, development, cooperation, and win-win outcomes have become the trend; Cold War thinking that undermines the global peace framework, hegemonism and power politics that endanger world peace, and bloc confrontation that exacerbates security challenges in the 21st century are all going against the trend of the times; this is an era that requires global governance. “International society has developed to the point today where it has become a complex, delicate, and organically integrated machine. Removing any component will cause serious difficulties for the operation of the entire machine; those whose parts are removed will suffer, and those who remove them will also suffer.” Only by adhering to true multilateralism, firmly upholding the international system centered on the United Nations and the international order based on international law, effectively practicing the global governance concept of extensive consultation, joint contribution, and shared benefits, consciously promoting the common values of all humanity, and advocating exchanges and mutual learning among different civilizations can this machine operate well. (Notes omitted)

第四，作为21世纪马克思主义，习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想是马克思主义时代化的理论结晶，回答了“引领什么样的时代、怎样引领时代”这一时代之问。它告诉我们：这是一个人类命运休戚与共的时代，世界各国乘坐在一条命运与共的大船上，要穿越惊涛骇浪、驶向光明未来，必须同舟共济；这是一个和平、发展、合作、共赢成为潮流的时代，破坏全球和平框架的冷战思维，危害世界和平的霸权主义和强权政治，加剧21世纪安全挑战的集团对抗，都是逆时代潮流而动的；这是一个需要全球治理的时代，“国际社会发展到今天已经成为一部复杂精巧、有机一体的机器，拆掉一个零部件就会使整个机器运转面临严重困难，被拆的人会受损，拆的人也会受损”,只有坚持真正的多边主义，坚定维护以联合国为核心的国际体系和以国际法为基础的国际秩序，有效践行共商共建共享的全球治理观，自觉弘扬全人类共同价值，倡导不同文明交流互鉴，才能使这部机器良好运转。（注释略）

Online editor: Zhang Jian

网络编辑：张剑