Constructing China’s Independent Knowledge System of International Relations – A Dialogue with Zheng Yongnian

General Secretary Xi Jinping has pointed out: “The rich practice of reform and opening up and socialist modernization in the New Era is a ‘rich mine’ for theoretical and policy research.” Since the founding of New China, and especially since the 18th National Congress of the CPC [1]1 The 18th National Congress of the CPC, held in 2012, marked the beginning of the New Era under Xi Jinping’s leadership., China’s economic strength, comprehensive national power, and international influence have achieved historic leaps. The vivid practice of socialism with Chinese characteristics contains immense driving force, vitality, and potential for theoretical innovation. The study of international relations belongs both to the category of theoretical research, as an important branch of the social sciences, and is also concerned with the formulation of a country’s foreign policy. Facing the overall strategy of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and changes unseen in a century in the world, how can we adhere to the guidance of Xi Jinping Thought on Diplomacy, construct an independent Chinese knowledge system of international relations that matches the Two Overall Situations [2]2 The Two Overall Situations refers to the overall strategy of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the changes unseen in a century in the world., and provide China’s own theoretical framework for understanding and responding to changes in the international situation? Based on the great practice of advancing Chinese-path modernization, how can we deepen practical propositions into theoretical topics, and thereby answer the questions posed by China, the world, the people, and the times? Focusing on these issues, the *People’s Forum* magazine invited Zheng Yongnian, Presidential Chair Professor at the School of Management and Economics, Dean of the School of Public Policy, and Dean of the Qianhai Institute of International Affairs at The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shenzhen, for an exchange.

习近平总书记指出：“新时代改革开放和社会主义现代化建设的丰富实践是理论和政策研究的‘富矿’”。新中国成立以来特别是党的十八大以来，我国经济实力、综合国力和国际影响力实现历史性跨越，中国特色社会主义的生动实践蕴含着理论创新的巨大动力、活力、潜力。国际关系研究既属于理论研究范畴，是社会科学的重要分支，也关涉一国外交政策的制定。面对中华民族伟大复兴战略全局和世界百年未有之大变局，如何坚持以习近平外交思想为指导，建构与两个大局相匹配的中国自主的国际关系知识体系，为理解和应对国际形势变化提供中国自己的理论框架？立足推进中国式现代化的伟大实践，如何把实践命题深化为理论课题，进而回答好中国之问、世界之问、人民之问、时代之问？围绕这些问题，《人民论坛》杂志社邀请香港中文大学（深圳）校长学勤讲座教授、公共政策学院院长、前海国际事务研究院院长郑永年进行交流。

China and the West have different experiences in international relations; Chinese theory must be used to interpret Chinese practice.

中国和西方的国际关系经验不同，要用中国理论阐释中国实践

*People’s Forum* magazine: Constructing an independent Chinese knowledge system has become a research hotspot in academia. Regarding the discipline of international relations, what are the practical backgrounds for constructing an independent Chinese knowledge system?

《人民论坛》杂志社：建构中国自主的知识体系已成为学界研究热点。就国际关系学科来说，建构中国自主的知识体系，有哪些现实背景？

Zheng Yongnian: Since General Secretary Xi Jinping proposed “constructing an independent Chinese knowledge system,” this proposition has become a focus of attention and a key research area for the theoretical and academic circles. Constructing an independent Chinese knowledge system is also the long-cherished wish of several generations of Chinese scholars. The practice of Chinese-path modernization is unprecedented, providing powerful impetus and broad space for theoretical creation and academic flourishing. After years of development, China has grown from a backward agricultural country, poor and weak, into the world’s second-largest economy, becoming a responsible major country with strong international influence on the world stage. Facing changes unseen in a century in the world, and with China at a critical period for achieving the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, under these circumstances, there is an urgent need to construct an independent Chinese knowledge system of international relations.

郑永年：自习近平总书记提出“建构中国自主的知识体系”以来，这一命题已经成为理论界、学术界的关注焦点和研究重点。建构中国自主的知识体系也是几代中国学人的夙愿。中国式现代化实践前无古人，为理论创造、学术繁荣提供了强大动力和广阔空间。经过多年发展，中国从积贫积弱的落后农业国成长为世界第二大经济体，成为世界舞台上具有强大国际影响力的负责任大国。面对世界百年未有之大变局，中国又处在实现中华民族伟大复兴的关键时期，这种情况下，迫切需要建构中国自主的国际关系知识体系。

From a historical and practical perspective, constructing an independent Chinese knowledge system of international relations has long and rich practical experience. China has a history of several thousand years of uninterrupted civilization and rich diplomatic practice, has the painful experience of being invaded by imperialism in modern times, and has successful experience in various fields since the founding of New China, especially since the New Era. If we can conceptualize, theorize, and systematize these practical experiences, we can not only produce various theories of international relations and diplomacy but also form theoretical tools that can truly explain and predict international relations and diplomatic practice. Using an independent Chinese knowledge system of international relations, we can inject strong development momentum into the international academic community.

从历史与现实看，建构中国自主的国际关系知识体系拥有悠久和丰厚的实践经验。中国拥有数千年不中断的文明史及丰富的外交实践，有近代以来被帝国主义侵略的惨痛经历，有新中国成立以来特别是新时代以来各个领域的成功经验。如果我们能够把这些实践经验概念化理论化体系化，不仅可以产生各种不同的国际关系和外交理论，而且可以形成真正能够解释和预测国际关系和外交实践的理论工具，用中国自主的国际关系知识体系，为国际学术界注入强劲的发展动力。

*People’s Forum* magazine: In the actual process of construction, what challenges do scholars face?

《人民论坛》杂志社：在实际建构过程中，学者面临着哪些挑战？

Zheng Yongnian: First, in terms of ways of thinking, some scholars still mechanically apply Western ways of thinking or Western theories to interpret Chinese practice, without fully considering how Chinese practice emerged and developed. Since reform and opening up, Chinese academia has cultivated a considerable-scale research team in international relations and has produced increasingly mature theoretical results. In the past, several Western theories of international relations, including (neo)liberalism, (neo)realism, and constructivism, were once prevalent in domestic academia. In recent years, as the independent consciousness of Chinese scholars has strengthened, this phenomenon has greatly improved.

郑永年：首先是在思维方式上，仍有学者有意无意地生搬硬套西方思维方式或者西方理论解读中国实践，而没有充分考虑中国实践是如何产生和发展的。改革开放以来，中国学术界已经培养了规模可观的国际关系研究队伍，也产出了越来越成熟的理论成果。曾经，西方几种国际关系理论，包括（新）自由主义、（新）现实主义、建构主义等一度在国内学术界盛行。近些年来，随着我国学者自主意识增强，这种现象有了很大改观。

General Secretary Xi Jinping has pointed out: “Whether our philosophy and social sciences have Chinese characteristics ultimately depends on whether they have subjectivity and originality.” Since the New Era, the vast majority of Chinese scholars have realized that they cannot copy Western theories to explain and summarize China’s experience in international relations, but must carry out independent innovation starting from China’s historical traditions. Just as Western scholars often seek intellectual sources from the “international relations” between ancient Greek city-states, some domestic scholars also attempt to find inspiration from China’s ancient history, especially the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods [3]3 The Spring and Autumn (770–476 BCE) and Warring States (475–221 BCE) periods were eras of frequent interstate conflict and diplomacy in ancient China, often compared by scholars to the European state system.. From that time to the modern era, China has rich experience in handling relations between states. Summarizing China’s experience is very important, but the process is not easy; at least two major issues need to be resolved.

习近平总书记指出：“我们的哲学社会科学有没有中国特色，归根到底要看有没有主体性、原创性。”新时代以来，我国广大学者意识到，不能照搬西方理论来阐释和总结中国的国际关系经验，而要从中国的历史传统出发进行自主创新。正如西方学者往往从古希腊城邦国家之间的“国际关系”来寻找思想源泉一样，国内一些学者也试图从中国古代尤其是春秋战国时期的历史来寻找灵感。从那时到近代，中国拥有丰富的处理国家间关系的经验。总结中国的经验很重要，但过程并不容易，至少有两个重大问题需要解决。

First, when summarizing China’s historical experience, it is necessary to avoid analyzing Chinese experience using Western ways of thinking. Some of China’s ancient historical experiences are used by some people as cases to verify Western concepts and theories. This appears to be academic innovation, but is in fact “Western concepts, Chinese materials” and “Western propositions, Chinese cases.” Such research superficially takes China as the subject, but cannot form original concepts and theories based on Chinese experience.

其一，在总结中国的历史经验时，需要避免以西方的思维方式来分析中国经验。中国古代的一些历史经验，被有些人拿来当作验证西方概念和理论的案例，看似有学术创新，实际上是“西方概念、中国材料”“西方命题、中国案例”。这样的研究表面上中国是主体，但无法形成以中国经验为基础的原创性概念和理论。

Second, international relations are realistic and changing; the environments faced by modern China and ancient China are vastly different. The knowledge and experience of ancient China can be drawn upon, but it is difficult to help us establish a knowledge system that can fully explain modern international relations. Western scholars draw on the historical experience of interactions and wars between ancient Greek city-states mainly to explore the essence of international relations; therefore, they borrow concepts useful to them, such as hegemony, power, and alliances.

其二，国际关系是现实的、变化的，现代中国和古代中国所面临的环境差异很大。中国古代的知识经验可以借鉴，但很难帮助我们建立能够完全解释现代国际关系的知识体系。西方学者借鉴古希腊城邦国家相互交往与战争的历史经验，主要是为了探讨国际关系的本质，因此他们借用的是霸权、权力、联盟等对其有用的一些概念。

*People’s Forum* magazine: In what aspects is the significance of constructing an independent Chinese knowledge system of international relations manifested?

《人民论坛》杂志社：建构中国自主的国际关系知识体系，其重要意义体现在哪些方面？

Zheng Yongnian: Western theories of international relations are built upon the international relations and diplomatic practices of Western countries. They can explain Western experience, but cannot explain China’s international relations and diplomatic practice. Clearly, China and the West do not share the same experience in international relations. In fact, there does not exist one or several theories of international relations applicable to all countries, nor one or several theories that can be directly applied. Even among Western countries, the theories of international relations in European countries and the United States are not entirely the same, despite cultural similarities. Going further, even among European countries, the focus of their respective theories of international relations differs.

郑永年：西方的国际关系理论建立在西方国家国际关系和外交实践之上，能够解释西方经验，但无法解释中国的国际关系和外交实践。很显然，中国和西方的国际关系经验并不相同。实际上，世界上并不存在一个或几个适用于所有国家的国际关系理论，也不存在一个或几个可以拿来就套用的国际关系理论。即使西方国家之间，欧洲国家和美国的国际关系理论也是不尽相同的，尽管其在文化方面有类似之处。再进一步说，即使是欧洲国家之间，各国国际关系理论的侧重点也是不一样的。

General Secretary Xi Jinping has emphasized: “We must accelerate the construction of Chinese discourse and Chinese narrative systems, use Chinese theory to interpret Chinese practice, and use Chinese practice to elevate Chinese theory, creating new concepts, categories, and expressions that integrate Chinese and foreign elements, to more fully and vividly present the Chinese story and the ideological and spiritual power behind it.” An independent Chinese knowledge system of international relations is built both on China’s practical experience in international relations and on the inheritance and development of fine traditional Chinese culture. Constructing an independent Chinese knowledge system of international relations has at least two aspects of significance. On the one hand, it can be used to explain China’s international relations and diplomatic practice. In areas such as neighborhood diplomacy, major-country diplomacy, regional integration, and economic globalization, China has accumulated extremely rich practical experience in international relations and diplomacy, which needs to be comprehensively summarized, elevated, and condensed into a theoretical system. On the other hand, it can provide methods for the world to understand China’s international relations practice and foreign policy. A small number of Western countries have unclear or even deliberately distorted and misleading understandings of China’s international relations concepts and diplomacy. This makes it even more necessary for us to provide the world with correct methods for understanding China. If we cannot provide the world with concepts and theories that can explain China’s international relations and diplomatic practice, it will be difficult for the world to accurately understand China.

习近平总书记强调：“要加快构建中国话语和中国叙事体系，用中国理论阐释中国实践，用中国实践升华中国理论，打造融通中外的新概念、新范畴、新表述，更加充分、更加鲜明地展现中国故事及其背后的思想力量和精神力量。”中国自主的国际关系知识体系，既建立在中国的国际关系实践经验上，也传承发展了中华优秀传统文化。建构中国自主的国际关系知识体系，至少具有两方面的重要意义。一方面，可以用来解释中国的国际关系和外交实践。在周边外交、大国外交、区域一体化、经济全球化等领域，中国积累了极其丰富的国际关系和外交实践经验，需要全面总结和提升凝练为理论体系。另一方面，可以为世界理解中国的国际关系实践和外交政策提供方法。少数西方国家对中国的国际关系和外交理念认识不清，甚至故意歪曲误导，这就更需要我们向世界提供认识中国的正确方法。如果我们不能向世界提供能够解释中国国际关系和外交实践的概念和理论，世界就难以准确理解中国。

Geopolitics both influences a country’s practice of international relations and shapes that country’s concepts and ideas about international relations.

地缘政治既影响一个国家的国际关系实践，也塑造这个国家关于国际关系的概念和理念

*People’s Forum* magazine: From the process of the emergence and development of Western concepts and ideas of international relations, what are the key factors?

《人民论坛》杂志社：从西方国际关系概念和理念的产生和发展过程看，其中的关键因素是什么？

Zheng Yongnian: Geopolitics is a key factor. Geopolitics both influences a country’s practice of international relations and shapes that country’s concepts and ideas about international relations. The emergence of modern international relations can be traced back to Europe. Europe’s geopolitics profoundly influenced Europe’s practice of international relations and its theories of international relations.

郑永年：地缘政治是一个关键因素。地缘政治既影响一个国家的国际关系实践，也塑造这个国家关于国际关系的概念和理念。近代国际关系的产生，可以追溯到欧洲。欧洲的地缘政治，深刻影响了欧洲的国际关系实践和国际关系理论。

European international relations are built on sovereign states. The concept of sovereignty determines both the internal structure of modern sovereign states and the relations between states. The emphasis on the legal status of sovereign equality is an important feature of European international relations. Why is equality stressed? Mainly because modern Europe did not produce a superpower; the major states had roughly equal power, and no single state could completely dominate another. It is precisely because of this de facto relative equality that European states emphasize equality when handling relations, and this equality is embodied through international law.

欧洲的国际关系建立在主权国家之间，主权概念既决定近代主权国家的内部构造，也决定国家之间的关系。强调法律地位的主权平等是欧洲国际关系的一个重要特点。为什么讲平等？主要是近代欧洲没有产生一个超级大国，主要国家间力量相当，没有一个国家可以完全主宰另外一个国家。正因为事实上的比较平等，欧洲国家在处理关系时才会强调平等，而这种平等又通过国际法体现出来。

Another important feature of European international relations is alliance politics and the balance of power among states. Establishing the principle of sovereign equality among states does not mean they will not face the “security dilemma under anarchy” that exists in the reality of international relations—that is, the emergence of self-interested sovereign states that may pose a threat to another state. Therefore, alliances between states become an important strategy, used to prevent the threat from another state or another alliance of states. Only two roughly equal state blocs can constitute mutual checks and balances.

欧洲国际关系的另一个重要特点，是国家间的联盟政治和权力平衡。确立国家间的主权平等原则，并不是说它们不会面临国际关系现实中存在的“无政府状态下的安全困境”，即出现追求私利的主权国家，会对另一个国家构成威胁。所以，国家间的结盟成为重要策略，通过结盟来防止另一个国家或者另一个国家同盟的威胁。两个旗鼓相当的国家集团，才能构成相互制约。

A third feature of European international relations is the strategy of maritime expansion, which is closely related to geopolitics. Many European states are coastal countries, familiar with the sea, but with very limited internal resources. This prompted these states to pursue a maritime development strategy.

欧洲国际关系的第三个特点，是海洋扩张战略，这与地缘政治密切相关。很多欧洲国家是沿海国家，熟悉海洋，但内部资源又非常有限，这促成了这些国家走海洋发展战略。

*People’s Forum* magazine: How did the theory and practice of international relations in the United States develop? Is it also related to geopolitics?

《人民论坛》杂志社：美国的国际关系理论和实践是怎样发展的？是否也与地缘政治相关？

Zheng Yongnian: Conceptually, American international relations theory is deeply influenced by Europe. But in practice, American international relations theory differs greatly from that of Europe. American international relations theory was largely founded and developed by European scholars who immigrated to the United States. The ability of the United States to become a hegemonic power and maintain its hegemony is also closely related to its geopolitical position.

郑永年：从概念上说，美国的国际关系理论深受欧洲影响。但实际上，美国的国际关系理论和欧洲差别很大。美国的国际关系理论，基本上是由移民到美国的欧洲学者创立和发展起来的。美国成为霸权国家和维持霸权的能力，也与其所处的地缘政治密切相关。

In most cases, there is a lack of direct and intense geopolitical competition between the United States and Europe, or among European states themselves. This factor is very important; it determined that after the Second World War, the United States could become the leader of Western countries. It is hard to imagine that if the United States were located in Europe, European states would still accept its leadership. Among the European states, power is roughly equal, making it difficult for any single state to establish absolute hegemony. Among all major powers, the United States has a relatively simple geopolitical environment, with two main land neighbors: Canada and Mexico. The United States successfully established the North American Free Trade Area centered on itself, which consolidated its position.

在多数情况下，美国与欧洲以及欧洲国家之间缺少直接的、激烈的地缘政治竞争。这个因素很重要，决定了第二次世界大战后，美国能够成为西方国家的领头者。很难想象，如果美国位于欧洲，欧洲国家还会接受美国的领导。欧洲各国之间力量旗鼓相当，很难有一个国家建立绝对的霸权。在所有大国中，美国地缘政治环境相对简单，有两个主要陆地邻国：加拿大和墨西哥。美国成功地建立起以自身为中心，并且能巩固其地位的北美自由贸易区。

*People’s Forum* magazine: Apart from geopolitical factors, what other important means does the United States use to maintain its hegemony?

《人民论坛》杂志社：除地缘政治因素外，美国维持霸权还有什么重要手段？

Zheng Yongnian: The first is the means of the market economy. The market not only integrates the relations between the United States and its allies but also reduces the cost of maintaining allied relations. Using economic means to maintain alliances appears “softer” than using political and military means, making it more easily accepted by other countries. The second means is “taxing” other countries. The relatively simple geopolitical environment already enables the United States to expand its international influence, possess the ability to influence the international economic and trade system, have the dollar as an international currency, and be a major consumer country. These factors give the United States the ability to “tax” its allies and even other countries, forcing them to bear and share the costs of maintaining the hegemonic status of the United States.

郑永年：第一个是市场经济手段。市场不仅整合了美国及其盟友的关系，更减少了维持盟友关系的成本。用经济手段来维持同盟，要比用政治和军事手段显得“软”性，更容易为其他国家所接受。第二个手段是向其他国家“征税”。相对简单的地缘政治环境，本来就使得美国有能力拓展其国际影响力，具有影响国际经济贸易体制的能力、美元是国际货币、自身是消费大国等因素，使得美国具备向其盟友甚至他国“征税”的能力，能够迫使其他国家承担和分摊维持美国霸权地位的成本。

Western international relations theory reflects the above facts; it is a demonstration and justification of America’s international status and mode of behavior. Whether it is (neo)realism, (neo)liberalism, or the various variants within these theories, such as hegemonic stability theory, democratic peace theory, etc., they are all direct reflections and defenses of American international relations practice, not general laws of international relations.

西方国际关系理论反映的是上述事实，是对美国的国际地位和行为方式的论证。无论是（新）现实主义、（新）自由主义，还是这些理论内部的各种变种，如霸权稳定论、民主和平论等，都是对美国国际关系实践的直接反映和辩护，并不是国际关系的一般规律。

In fact, since modern times, many countries have constructed regional or international orders centered on themselves. Objectively speaking, constructing a regional or international order based on a country’s actual conditions is also a relatively realistic strategic choice. But here we need to point out two cognitive errors that easily arise: first, considering one’s own country as civilized and all other countries as barbaric; second, when formulating and implementing foreign policy, not considering the interests of other countries, manifesting as “my country first,” especially extremely selfish diplomatic behavior. If these two cognitive errors are vigorously promoted and transformed into practice, they violate the basic norms of international relations.

实际上，近代以来，不少国家都以自己为中心构建区域秩序或者国际秩序。客观地说，从国家实际条件出发构建区域秩序或者国际秩序，也是比较现实的策略选择。但这里需要指出两个容易出现的认知错误：一是认为自己国家是文明的，而其他国家都是野蛮的；二是在制定和推行外交政策时，不考虑其他国家的利益，表现为本国优先，尤其是极端自私的外交行为。如果这两种认知错误大肆推行、转化为实践，是违背国际关系基本准则的。

*People’s Forum* magazine: Historically, in what main aspects has geopolitics influenced China’s diplomacy?

《人民论坛》杂志社：从历史上看，地缘政治对中国外交的影响，主要表现在哪些方面？

Zheng Yongnian: In traditional society, China did not produce concepts and theories of international relations in the modern sense. But this does not mean that China had no policies or experience in handling international relations. From the policies of the time, it is clear that China’s foreign interactions were also influenced by geopolitics. From the frontier to the periphery to the world—this was the order of traditional Chinese thinking on international relations. The main focus of traditional Chinese geopolitics was the frontier issue. Centered on the frontier issue, the influence of traditional Chinese geopolitics on China’s diplomacy mainly exhibits the following characteristics.

郑永年：在传统社会中，中国没有产生现代意义上的国际关系概念和理论，但这并不意味着中国没有处理国际关系的政策和经验。从当时的政策可以明确看出，中国的对外交往行为也受到地缘政治影响。从边疆到周边再到世界，这是中国传统的国际关系思维次序。中国传统地缘政治最主要的关注点是边疆问题。围绕边疆问题，中国传统地缘政治对中国外交的影响，主要表现出以下几个特点。

First, it emphasizes defense aimed at maintaining one’s own peace. A clear example of this characteristic is the construction of the Great Wall to defend against attacks from external enemies. Historically, China did not develop an expansionist foreign strategy like that of the West.

一是强调以维护自身和平为目的的防守。这个特点较为明显的例子就是修筑长城以防御外敌的进攻。历史上，中国并没有发展出像西方那样具有扩张性的外交战略。

Second, it emphasizes the internal unification of the land-based state. Although China has a long coastline and developed advanced maritime technology very early on, this was not transformed into a driving force for developing overseas relations. Zheng He’s voyages to the Western Seas [4]4 Zheng He’s voyages to the Western Seas: A series of seven maritime expeditions led by the Chinese admiral Zheng He under the Ming dynasty (1405–1433), reaching Southeast Asia, South Asia, the Middle East, and East Africa. They are often cited to illustrate China’s historical capacity for maritime exploration without subsequent colonization or expansion. can illustrate this point. Ancient China did not become a country that relied on maritime development, not because of a lack of capability, but because of the policy choices of the time. In fact, China was not a country “locked in” by land, but it made such a policy choice, also influenced by geopolitics. China has so many neighboring countries; precisely because it is surrounded by many countries, in order to handle frontier issues, peripheral diplomacy became the focus of China’s international relations. Handling frontier issues was always the main direction of traditional Chinese diplomacy.

二是强调陆地国家内部统一。尽管中国有很长的海岸线，也很早发展出先进的航海技术，但是并没有转化为发展海外关系的动力。郑和下西洋能够说明这一点。古代中国没有成为一个依靠海洋发展的国家，不是因为缺乏能力，而是因为当时的政策选择。实际上，中国并不是被陆地“锁住”的国家，而在政策上作出这样的选择，也是受地缘政治影响。中国周边有那么多国家，正是因为被众多国家所包围，为了处理边疆问题，周边外交成为中国国际关系的重点。处理边疆问题始终是中国传统外交的主要方向。

Third, it involves the tributary system with an open character. In recent years, there has been considerable academic research on the tributary system. Some scholars believe that the tributary system shows that ancient China only wanted superficial submission from other countries and did not seek to develop its own power outward. This is a misunderstanding or distortion under the influence of Western international relations theory. In fact, ancient China emphasized the concept of “tribute and bestowal” (贡赋), not “tributary” (朝贡). “Tributary” is a term imposed on China by Western scholars. If viewed with modern concepts, the “tribute and bestowal” system is more like contemporary “unilateral opening up.” After foreign envoys presented gifts to the Chinese imperial court, they could receive gifts of greater value from the Chinese emperor and often obtained the right to trade in China. It needs to be emphasized that the formation of the tributary system was also related to geopolitics; it was an institutional design by ancient China to stabilize the surrounding environment.

三是具有开放色彩的朝贡制度。近些年，学界对朝贡制度的研究比较多。有学者认为朝贡体系表明古代中国只想要其他国家表面上的服从，没有向外发展自身的实力。这是在西方国际关系理论影响下的一种误解或曲解。实际上，古代中国强调的是“贡赋”概念，而非“朝贡”。“朝贡”是西方学者强加给中国的说法。如果用现代的概念看，“贡赋”体系更像现在的“单边开放”。外国使者向中国朝廷献上礼品之后，可以从中国皇帝那里获得价值更大的礼物，并且往往获得在中国经商的权利。需要强调的是，朝贡制度的形成也与地缘政治有关，是古代中国为了稳定周边环境的制度设计。

Regardless of how people evaluate traditional Chinese diplomacy, this diplomacy was maintained for thousands of years. Ancient China’s frontier governance and peripheral and regional diplomacy were quite successful. A simple fact is that other forms of empires underwent complex evolution and even disintegration, while China largely retained its traditional territory. How was this achieved? Many people emphasize cultural factors. Culture is certainly important, but how did cultural factors work? The fact that China was able to create a culture with strong cohesive power over its long historical process is itself related to geopolitics. In world history, many empires only focused on outward expansion while neglecting internal cultural construction, thus lacking internal cohesion.

不管人们对中国传统外交如何评价，这种外交维持了数千年。古代中国的边疆治理以及周边和区域外交，是相当成功的。一个简单的事实是，其他各种形式的帝国都发生复杂的演变甚至解体，而中国一直大体上保留了传统疆域。这是如何做到的呢？很多人强调文化因素。文化固然重要，但文化因素又是怎样起作用的？中国能够在漫长历史进程中造就具有强大凝聚力的文化，这一事实本身就和地缘政治相关。在世界历史上，很多帝国只顾向外扩张，而忽视了内部的文化建设，因此缺少内聚力。

Forming an independent knowledge system capable of scientifically explaining and predicting China’s international relations and diplomacy

形成能够科学解释和预测中国国际关系和外交的自主知识体系

*People’s Forum* magazine: How should we grasp the new positioning of contemporary China in international relations?

《人民论坛》杂志社：如何把握当代中国在国际关系中的崭新定位？

Zheng Yongnian: As contemporary geopolitical conditions change, international relations have also become more complex. In keeping with China’s status as a major country, Xi Jinping Thought on Diplomacy has put forward a series of new concepts, ideas, and strategies for handling international relations. Among these, developing global partnerships has become an important innovation in the theory and practice of Chinese diplomacy in the New Era. General Secretary Xi Jinping, standing at the height of the historical process of human development, has profoundly observed the future and destiny of humanity and the general trend of the times, proposing the concept of building a community with a shared future for mankind. This has pointed the way forward and provided fundamental guidance for promoting global cooperation and building a new type of international relations. China adheres to a global governance concept of extensive consultation, joint contribution, and shared benefits, and has creatively proposed the high-quality joint construction of the Belt and Road Initiative, reflecting China’s role as a responsible major country.

郑永年：随着当代地缘政治条件改变，国际关系也变得更为复杂。与中国大国地位相适应，习近平外交思想提出一系列处理国际关系的新理念新思想新战略。其中，发展全球伙伴关系，成为新时代中国外交理论和实践的重要创新。习近平总书记站在人类历史发展进程的高度，深刻洞察人类前途命运和时代发展大势，提出构建人类命运共同体理念，为推动全球合作、构建新型国际关系指明了前进方向、提供了根本遵循。中国坚持共商共建共享的全球治理观，并创造性提出高质量共建“一带一路”，反映了中国作为负责任大国的角色定位。

At the practical level, China and ASEAN are each other’s largest trading partners, and both sides have fully completed the upgrade negotiations for version 3.0 of the Free Trade Area; the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, since its establishment in 2001, has continuously grown and strengthened, evolving into the world’s largest regional organization with 26 participating countries, cooperation in over 50 fields, and an economic aggregate approaching 30 trillion US dollars, with its international influence and appeal increasingly enhanced; strategic development alignment has been strengthened, and the high-quality joint construction of the Belt and Road Initiative has been deeply advanced; the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the Asian Development Bank, and the BRICS New Development Bank are playing increasingly important roles in global financing governance; and so on. These practices demonstrate that the propositions China advocates—genuine multilateralism, an equal and orderly multipolar world, inclusive and beneficial economic globalization, and mutual learning among civilizations—have all yielded fruitful results, and China’s international influence, appeal, and shaping power have been significantly enhanced.

在实践层面，中国和东盟互为最大贸易伙伴，双方已全面完成自贸区3.0版升级谈判；上海合作组织自2001年成立以来不断发展壮大，已经成长为26国参与、在50多个领域开展合作、经济总量接近30万亿美元的世界最大区域组织，国际影响力和感召力日益增强；加强发展战略对接，深入推进高质量共建“一带一路”；亚洲基础设施投资银行、亚洲开发银行和金砖国家新开发银行在全球融资治理中发挥着日益重要的作用；等等。这些实践表明，中国所倡导的真正的多边主义、平等有序的世界多极化、普惠包容的经济全球化、文明交流互鉴等主张都取得了丰硕成果，中国的国际影响力、感召力、塑造力显著提升。

People’s Forum Magazine: What are the distinctive features of Chinese diplomacy in the New Era?

《人民论坛》杂志社：新时代中国外交有哪些鲜明特色？

Zheng Yongnian: The strategic autonomy and initiative of Chinese diplomacy in the New Era have been significantly strengthened, exhibiting the following features.

郑永年：新时代中国外交的战略自主性和主动性显著增强，表现出以下特色。

First, major-country diplomacy. President Xi Jinping has pointed out: “Relations between major countries bear

一是大国外交。习近平主席指出：“大国关系事关全球战略稳定，大国肩上都承担着特殊责任。中国致力于推进大国协调合作，期待大国和睦相处，不冲突不对抗、相互尊重、合作共赢。”大国外交成为中国对外交往的重要组成部分，是中国发展同主要大国的关系。大国外交很重要，因为它影响国际秩序的构架。中国要履行推动全球治理变革的责任，就必须参与大国外交并且成为重要一员。今天，中国同包括俄罗斯、美国、法国、印度等在内的所有大国都频繁交往互动，不仅是为了维护自身的利益，也是为了建立更加公正合理的国际秩序。

The second is development diplomacy. President Xi Jinping has pointed out: “Countries that have developed should sincerely help other countries with their development. Blowing out others’ lamps does not make oneself brighter; blocking others’ paths does not make oneself go farther.” [5]5 Xi Jinping, “Rallying Forces to Jointly Meet Global Challenges,” keynote speech at the opening ceremony of the World Economic Forum Virtual Event of the Davos Agenda, January 25, 2021. Chinese diplomacy exhibits the distinctive feature of development diplomacy. Development diplomacy primarily refers to diplomacy with the vast number of developing countries, that is, what we often call Global South countries. Since modern times, many developing countries have been reduced to colonies of Western countries. In the process of modernization, Western countries plundered the resources of developing countries, treating them as sources of raw materials and markets for dumping commodities, thereby making it difficult for developing countries to develop themselves. More seriously, after individual Western countries developed, they pulled up the ladder by which they themselves had climbed, obstructing developing countries from obtaining equal rights to development. As the world’s largest developing country, China upholds the concept of solidarity, cooperation, and shared development. While developing itself, it also brings more new development opportunities to the vast number of developing countries, helping them achieve development. We deeply recognize that if some countries develop while others do not, the world economy will be unbalanced, and it will be difficult for the international community to achieve sustainable development goals. Therefore, China has proposed high-quality joint construction of the Belt and Road Initiative, advocating that while we live well ourselves, we should also enable others to live well, emphasizing that many hands make light work and mutual help enables us to go far, pursuing common development and win-win cooperation, and promoting the economic development and improvement of people’s living standards in the countries involved in the construction.

二是发展外交。习近平主席指出：“走在前面的国家应该真心帮助其他国家发展。吹灭别人的灯，并不会让自己更加光明；阻挡别人的路，也不会让自己行得更远。”中国外交表现出发展外交的鲜明特色。发展外交主要是指与广大发展中国家，也就是我们常说的全球南方国家的外交。近代以来，许多发展中国家沦为西方国家的殖民地。西方国家在现代化过程中，掠夺发展中国家资源，把发展中国家当作原料产地和倾销商品的市场，造成发展中国家难以发展自身。更为严峻的是，个别西方国家发展起来之后，就把自己爬上来的梯子抽掉，阻碍发展中国家获得平等发展权利。作为世界最大发展中国家，中国秉持团结合作、共同发展的理念，在发展自身的同时，也为广大发展中国家带来更多发展新机遇，助力发展中国家实现发展。我们深刻认识到，如果一些国家发展，而另一些国家不发展，那么世界经济是不平衡的，国际社会就难以实现可持续发展目标。因此，中国提出高质量共建“一带一路”，主张自己过得好，也让别人过得好，注重众人拾柴火焰高、互帮互助走得远，谋求共同发展、合作共赢，促进共建国家经济发展和人民生活水平提高。

The third is open diplomacy. Openness has become a distinctive feature of contemporary China’s international relations and diplomatic practice. Open diplomacy is mainly manifested at three levels. The first level is genuine multilateralism. The multilateralism advocated by certain countries is essentially exclusive “cliques and factions” specifically targeting third countries. The genuine multilateralism practiced by China is open and inclusive, not targeting any other country, but committed to solving the common problems facing the world. The second level is institutional opening up. Rules and standards are the institutional conditions for the operation of the international order. As China’s economy achieves high-quality development and increasingly integrates into the tide of world economic development, it has taken solid steps in aligning rules and institutional opening up. China actively participates in the formulation of international rules and practices the global governance concept of extensive consultation, joint contribution, and shared benefits. The third level is being a responsible major country. China grants zero-tariff treatment on 100% tax items to all least developed countries that have diplomatic relations with China, continuously promoting world development through higher-level opening up. In fact, at whatever level, China’s open policy has become an effective channel for China to provide international public goods to the world.

三是开放外交。开放已成为当代中国国际关系和外交实践的鲜明特点。开放外交主要表现在三个层面。第一个层面是真正的多边主义。某些国家宣扬的多边主义本质是排他性的、专门针对第三国的“团团伙伙”，中国践行的真正的多边主义是开放包容的，不针对其他任何国家，而是致力于解决全球面临的共同问题。第二个层面是制度型开放。规则和标准，都是国际秩序运行的制度条件。中国经济实现高质量发展，日益融入世界经济发展大潮，在规则对接和制度型开放方面迈出坚实步伐。中国积极参与国际规则制定，践行共商共建共享的全球治理观。第三个层面是负责任的大国。中国给予所有同中国建交的最不发达国家100%税目产品零关税待遇，不断以更高水平的开放推动世界发展。实际上，无论在哪个层面，中国的开放政策已经成为中国向世界提供国际公共产品的有效途径。

*People’s Forum* magazine: Based on the fertile practical soil of major-country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics, how should the arduous and complex systematic project of constructing China’s independent knowledge system of international relations be carried out?

《人民论坛》杂志社：立足中国特色大国外交实践沃土，建构中国自主的国际关系知识体系，这个艰巨复杂的系统工程应当怎样开展？

Zheng Yongnian: The practical foundation for constructing China’s independent knowledge system of international relations is clear, namely, the creative transformation of China’s international relations and diplomatic practice from tradition to the contemporary era.

郑永年：建构中国自主的国际关系知识体系的实践基础是明确的，那就是中国国际关系和外交实践从传统到当代的创造性转型。

First, it is necessary to re-understand and re-elaborate the traditional wisdom of China in handling international relations. For example, the tribute system. [6]6 The tribute system (贡赋体系) refers to a hierarchical network of diplomatic and trade relations centered on imperial China, in which neighboring states presented tribute to the Chinese emperor in exchange for recognition and trading rights. It was a key framework for China’s pre-modern international order. The fact that this system could exist and develop for thousands of years is not without reason. From the perspective of its concept, it is a kind of moral realism, a practical expression of “when poor, one attends to one’s own virtue in solitude; when prosperous, one brings benefits to the whole world.” [7]7 A classical Chinese saying from Mencius (孟子), *Jin Xin, Part I* (尽心上), expressing the ideal that a virtuous person cultivates themselves when in obscurity and benefits the world when in a position of power. It both acknowledges the responsibilities of a major country and takes into account the sustainable development of the major country itself. One important factor enabling China to maintain its vast territory for a long time is that the tribute system was a highly flexible regional and international order system.

第一，需要重新认识和阐述中国处理国际关系的传统智慧。比如贡赋体系，这一体系能够存在和发展数千年并不是没有任何道理的。从理念看，这是一种道德现实主义，是穷则独善其身、达则兼济天下的实践表达，既承认大国的责任，又兼顾大国本身的可持续发展。中国能够长期维持辽阔的疆域，一个重要因素就是贡赋体系是一种具有高度伸缩性的区域和国际秩序体系。

Second, correctly understand the concentric-circle structure of China’s international relations and diplomatic practice. The aforementioned sequence structure of ancient China, from the frontier (land frontier and maritime frontier) to the periphery and then to the world, has undergone creative transformation in the contemporary era. If the concentric-circle structure emphasizes national security, then contemporary China’s global view and international view reflect a broader scope of international interaction, and whether in the periphery or the world, the principles of international relations that China upholds are the same.

第二，正确认识中国国际关系和外交实践的圈层结构。前面所述中国古代从边疆（陆地边疆和海洋边疆）到周边再到世界的次序结构，在当代获得了创造性转型。如果圈层结构强调的是国家安全，那么当代中国的全球观和国际观反映的则是更大范围的国际交往，并且无论在周边还是国际，中国坚持的国际关系原则都是一样的。

Third, non-interventionism. Whether in ancient times or since modern times, China has never actively intervened in the affairs of other countries. The result of individual Western countries interfering in the affairs of other countries is that the intervened countries cannot form an autonomous order, and when the international balance of power changes, these countries may fall into anarchy. Interventionism is a direct reflection of Western monistic values. China practices genuine multilateralism, seeks to interact with all countries, but never actively intervenes in local orders. China has interacted with Southeast Asian countries for thousands of years without ever turning any of them into its colony. The history of China’s aggression by imperialist powers since modern times has not only continued but also strengthened China’s non-interventionism.

第三，不干预主义。无论是古代还是近代以来，中国从不主动干预其他国家事务。个别西方国家干涉他国事务的结果是，被干预国家无法形成自主的秩序，而当国际力量对比出现变化时，这些国家就可能出现无政府状态。干预主义，是西方一元主义价值观的直接反映。中国践行的是真正的多边主义，寻求和各国打交道，但从来不会主动干预当地秩序。中国和东南亚国家相处数千年，从来没有把哪个国家变成自己的殖民地。近代以来中国受帝国主义侵略的历史，使中国的不干预主义不仅延续，并得以强化。

Fourth, engagement and autonomy. China has never been the kind of isolated and closed country that the West describes. On the contrary, China is deeply interested in exploring the world; otherwise, there would have been no historical Silk Road, nor today’s Belt and Road Initiative. China advocates that when one is prosperous, one should help the world, and its traditional theme of engagement with the world is “harmony brings wealth,” while the contemporary theme is common development. China emphasizes its own autonomy and self-governance, and also respects the autonomy and self-governance of other countries. Although the concept of sovereignty originated in the modern West, in essence, many of China’s traditional practices in foreign relations have already embodied the connotations and requirements of sovereignty. Chinese-path modernization is a modernization that follows the path of peaceful development, achieving development while maintaining independence – this is commendable. This is China’s pursuit, and also the principle China upholds toward other countries.

第四，接触与自治。中国从来不是西方所说的那种孤立封闭的国家。相反，中国对探索世界深感兴趣，否则就不会有历史上的丝绸之路，也不会有今天的共建“一带一路”倡议。中国倡导达则兼济天下，和世界接触，传统的主题是“和气生财”，当代的主题是共同发展。中国强调自己的自主和自治性，也尊重他国的自主和自治性。尽管主权这一概念产生于近代西方，但就其本质而言，中国对外交往的诸多传统实践已经体现了主权的内涵和要求。中国式现代化是走和平发展道路的现代化，既获得发展，也保持独立，这是难能可贵的。这是中国的追求，也是中国对其他国家奉行的原则。

Fifth, opening up and continuous vitality. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “China’s opening up is not a one-man show, but an invitation to all parties to participate; it is not about seeking a sphere of influence, but about supporting the common development of all countries; it is not about building one’s own back garden, but about creating a garden shared by all countries.” [8]8 Xi Jinping, speech at the opening ceremony of the Boao Forum for Asia Annual Conference 2013, April 7, 2013. Among all the major civilizations that have existed and still exist, Chinese civilization demonstrates a distinct openness. Openness is manifested not only at the material level but also at the spiritual level. The Chinese people deeply understand that only in an open state can they achieve sustainable development; and only in an open state can China help the world and develop together with other countries. When one is well, others are well; when others are well, one can be even better. This is the style displayed by contemporary China’s international relations and diplomatic practice, and it is also the inheritance and promotion of the excellent traditional Chinese culture.

第五，对外开放与生生不息。习近平总书记指出：“中国对外开放，不是要一家唱独角戏，而是要欢迎各方共同参与；不是要谋求势力范围，而是要支持各国共同发展；不是要营造自己的后花园，而是要建设各国共享的百花园。”在所有存在过和现存的几大文明中，中华文明彰显着鲜明的开放性。开放不仅表现在物质层面，也表现在精神层面。中国人深知，只有在开放的状态下，自己才能实现可持续发展；也只有在开放状态下，中国才可以兼济天下，和其他国家共同发展。自己好了，其他人也好；其他人好了，自己可以更好。这是当代中国国际关系和外交实践展现出来的风貌，也是对中华优秀传统文化的传承和弘扬。

Web editor: Huihui

网络编辑：慧慧