The Concept of Democracy: Mao Zedong’s Democratic Configuration and Multidimensional Interpretation

People’s democracy is a core concept of Mao Zedong Thought and a historic undertaking to which Mao Zedong devoted his entire life. Ancient China had no tradition of democracy; the concept of democracy that began to emerge in modern China was also an imported product. Mao Zedong’s creative exploration of democracy cleared the historical fog surrounding democracy and enlightened the Chinese people’s understanding of it. This is the secret of the past victories of the CPC in developing people’s democracy and rallying the people’s strength, and it is also the source of the creation of whole-process people’s democracy as a new form of human political civilization in the New Era, highlighting the significant

人民民主是毛泽东思想的核心概念，是毛泽东毕生奋斗不息的历史伟业。中国古代没有民主传统，近代中国开始产生出现的民主概念也是舶来品，毛泽东对民主的创造性探索，廓清了民主的历史迷雾，启发了中国人民对民主的认识。这是过去中国共产党发展民主政治、集聚人民力量取得一切胜利的奥秘，也是新时代创造全过程人民民主人类政治文明新形态，彰显中国民主显著优势的本源。长期以来毛泽东民主思想被广为研究，但从民主概念整体上对毛泽东民主思想的学理化探讨犹未可见，以致毛泽东建构中国自主民主知识体系，奠基中华民族现代文明的伟大功绩被严重遮蔽。本文依据毛泽东思想及生平实践，从“理念”和“定在”两个层面,从民主的概念整体探析毛泽东的民主构境，以期为深入认识毛泽东对建设中华民族现代文明的奠基性贡献提供思想启迪。

I. People’s Democracy: Mao Zedong’s Unremitting Exploration of the Democratic Concept

一、人民民主：毛泽东不懈探索的民主理念

Mao Zedong’s democratic consciousness germinated in his early growth practices and study-life experiences, developed and took shape in the struggle to lead the Communist Party of China and the Chinese people in exploring a path suited to China’s democratic revolution, and was closely linked to traditional Chinese culture, modern Western trends of thought, and Marxism. It was precisely under the integrated influence of China, the West, and Marxism that Mao Zedong realized a Sinicized Marxist re-understanding of democracy, formed the democratic political creation of people’s democracy, constructed an autonomous Chinese knowledge system of democracy, and profoundly influenced the Chinese nation and the Chinese people’s understanding and pursuit of democracy.

毛泽东的民主意识萌发于早期成长实践和学习生活经历，发展形成于领导中国共产党和中国人民在探索适合中国民主革命道路的斗争实践，与中国传统文化、近代西方思潮和马克思主义有着密切联系。正是在中西马的融合影响下，毛泽东实现了对民主的马克思主义中国化再认识，形成了人民民主的民主政治创造，建构了中国自主民主知识体系，深刻影响了中华民族和中国人民对于民主的认识和追求。

(1) The Generation of Mao Zedong’s Concept of Democracy: The Integrated Influence of China, the West, and Marxism

（一）毛泽东的民主概念的生成：中西马的融合影响

First, the influence of traditional Chinese culture and value forms on the construction of Mao Zedong’s concept of democracy. From the age of nine, Mao Zedong studied the *Three Character Classic*, the *Analects*, the *Mencius*, the *Book of Songs*, and others at the Shaoshan Nan’an private school, steeped in Chinese cultural classics from childhood. After transferring to Hunan First Normal School in March 1914, Mao received guidance from masters of Chinese studies such as Yang Changji, becoming thoroughly familiar with Song-Ming Neo-Confucianism and Zhu Xi’s philosophy. During this period, the practical and pragmatic character of Huxiang culture [1]1 Nym Wales (1907–1997) was an American journalist and author who interviewed Mao Zedong and other Chinese Communist leaders in Yan’an in 1937. The National Assembly (国民大会) was a constitutional body proposed by the Kuomintang government, which the CPC sought to reform as part of its united front strategy. also continuously influenced Mao. Works such as Zhu Xi’s *Reflections on Things at Hand* and *Collected Commentaries on the Four Books*, as well as historical and cultural classics like the *Zuo Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals*, the *Records of the Grand Historian*, the *Record of Daily Knowledge*, and the *Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government*, all profoundly influenced Mao. In August 1917, the young Mao Zedong, in his “Letter to Li Jinxi,” discussed “speaking of the great plans for the world and the nation”; he also discussed his understanding of “the world is for all” and “Great Harmony” in his “Annotations on *The Principles of Ethics*.” [2]2 “On Policy” (《论政策》) is a 1940 intra-Party directive by Mao Zedong, outlining the CPC’s united front policies during the War of Resistance Against Japan. As for “the world is for all,” from the perspective of the Chinese nation’s long-standing people-oriented politics and livelihood thought, “the world” means externally “taking the state as the foundation” and internally “taking the heart as heaven,” that is, to embrace the world with breadth and tolerance, “take the people as the foundation,” and realize the political pursuit of “the people are the foundation of the state; when the foundation is secure, the state is at peace.” [3]3 This remark is from Mao’s 1944 speech “Serve the People” (《为人民服务》) or related discussions on democracy under wartime material constraints. Shaped by Chinese culture, Mao integrated personal life with the nation, realizing an understanding of the people-oriented principle in the pursuit of the political ideal of “the world” and “the state.” As Zhou Enlai stated in 1949 in “Learning from Mao Zedong”: “Chairman Mao very much liked reading ancient books from the start; now, when writing articles and giving speeches, he often uses historical experiences and lessons, and uses them most skillfully. Reading ancient books has made his knowledge broader and more profound, and has increased his greatness.” The Chinese nation has a strong concept of family, state, and world, and a tradition of people-oriented governance. Mao Zedong’s study and inheritance of the political wisdom of the people-oriented thought in fine traditional Chinese culture, to a certain extent, inspired his understanding and reflection on democracy.

首先，中华传统文化及价值形态对毛泽东的民主概念建构的影响。毛泽东自9岁起，就在韶山南岸私塾学习《三字经》《论语》《孟子》《诗经》等，自幼饱读中华文化经典。1914年3月转入湖南一师后，毛泽东深得杨昌济等国学大师的指导，熟读宋明理学、朱熹哲学，这一时期经世致用的湖湘文化品格也不断影响毛泽东，如朱熹的《近思录》《四书集注》等书，还有《春秋左传》《史记》《日知录》《资治通鉴》等历史文化经典，都深刻地影响了毛泽东。1917年8月，青年毛泽东在《致黎锦熙信》中谈“言天下国家之大计”；他又在《〈伦理学原理〉批注》中谈对“天下为公”“大同”的认识。所谓“天下为公”,从中华民族源远流长的民本政治和民生思想来看，“天下”意为外在的“以国为本”,也为内在的“以心为天”,即要胸怀天下，包容宽广，“以民为本”,实现“民惟邦本，本固邦宁”的政治追求。在中华文化的塑造下，毛泽东把人生和民族结合起来，在追逐“天下”“国家”的政治理想中实现了对民本的认识。正如1949年周恩来在《学习毛泽东》中谈到的：“毛主席开始很喜欢读古书，现在做文章、讲话常常运用历史经验教训，运用得最熟练。读古书使他的知识更广更博，更增加了他的伟大。”中华民族具有浓厚的家国天下理念和民本传统，毛泽东对中华优秀传统文化中民本思想政治智慧的学习传承，在一定程度上启发着他对民主的认识和思考。

Second, the influence of modern Western trends of thought that arose in China on the construction of Mao Zedong’s concept of democracy. In his youth, Mao Zedong was determined to “transform philosophy, transform ethics,” to change his thinking, and felt that “our countrymen’s accumulated ills are very deep, their ideas too old.” He continuously came into contact with “new learning,” influenced by the moral, ethical, and political thought of the Enlightenment represented by Rousseau and Kant. In 1912, at the Dingwangtai Library in Changsha, Hunan, Mao read works by European Enlightenment thinkers such as Darwin, Montesquieu, and Rousseau, translated by Yan Fu. Around the time of the May Fourth Movement, [4]4 This refers to Mao’s 1959–1960 study sessions on the Soviet textbook *Political Economy*, where he critiqued Soviet economic theory and emphasized workers’ management rights. with the pursuit of collective utilitarian goals such as public good and national prosperity, Mao paid more attention to reading books and periodicals that translated and introduced Western culture, Western bourgeois thought, and various popular Western social and political trends. In a letter to Li Jinxi on June 7, 1920, he said, “My recent coursework consists of only three subjects: English, philosophy, and newspapers. Philosophy starts with the ‘three great modern philosophers’ and gradually progresses to various schools.” Mao’s teacher Yang Changji also introduced Rousseau in his *Lectures on Pedagogy*, and the young Mao Zedong explicitly mentioned Rousseau in “The Great Union of the Popular Masses.” [5]5 “Foreword to ‘The Communist’” (《〈共产党人〉发刊词》) is a 1939 article by Mao Zedong summarizing the CPC’s historical experience and the “three magic weapons” of the revolution: the united front, armed struggle, and Party building. On May 15, 1959, at the Purple Light Pavilion in Zhongnanhai, [6]6 “Unique problems of a large party” (大党独有难题) is a contemporary CPC term referring to challenges faced by a large ruling party, such as bureaucratism and loss of mass connection, later formalized in Xi Jinping’s discourse. while meeting delegations and representatives from sixteen countries and regions in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, he recalled that at that time “I worshipped Washington, Napoleon, Garibaldi, and read their biographies. I believed in Adam Smith’s political economy, Huxley’s theory of evolution, Darwin’s theory of evolution—that whole set of bourgeois philosophy, sociology, and economics.” In 1960, in “U.S. Imperialism Is the Common Enemy of the Chinese and Japanese Peoples,” he explicitly mentioned that when he was in middle school, he “believed in Kant’s philosophy.” These “Western learning” works that Mao read in his early years, and his understanding of modern Western political and social thought, especially Rousseau’s doctrine of the “general will” and Kant’s thought on the “critique of practical reason,” to a certain extent, also influenced his later understanding of democracy.

其次，近代中国兴起的西方思潮对毛泽东的民主概念建构的影响。青年时代的毛泽东决意“改造哲学，改造伦理学”,变换思想，又“觉吾国人积弊甚深，思想太旧”,不断地接触“新学”,受到卢梭和康德等为代表的启蒙运动道德伦理及政治思想的影响。1912年毛泽东在湖南长沙定王台图书馆读到了严复翻译的达尔文、孟德斯鸠、卢梭等欧洲启蒙思想家的著作。五四运动前后，随着对公众之善、国家富强等集体功利目标的追求，毛泽东更加注重阅读译介西方文化、西方资产阶级思想和西方流行的各种社会政治思潮的书刊。1920年6月7日在给黎锦熙信中，他说“我近来功课，英文，哲学，报，只这三科。哲学从‘现代三大哲学家’起，渐次进于各家”。毛泽东的老师杨昌济也曾在《教育学讲义》一书中介绍过卢梭，青年毛泽东在《民众的大联合》中则明确提到了卢梭。1959年5月15日，他在中南海紫光阁会见亚洲、非洲、拉丁美洲十六个国家和地区的代表团和代表回忆道，那时“我崇拜过华盛顿、拿破仑、加里波第，看他们的传记。我相信亚当·斯密的政治经济学，赫胥黎的天演论，达尔文的进化论，就是资产阶级那一套哲学、社会学、经济学”。1960年，他在《美帝国主义是中日两国人民的共同敌人》中明确提到他在中学读书时“信过康德的哲学”。毛泽东早年阅读过的这些“西学”著述，对近代西方政治社会思潮的认识，特别是卢梭的“公共意志”学说、康德的“实践理性批判”思想等，在一定程度上也影响了他后来对民主的认识。

Third, the influence of the Marxist-Leninist view of mass history on the construction of Mao Zedong’s concept of democracy. To find a way out for China, Mao Zedong, “after repeated comparisons and distinctions, resolutely chose Marxism-Leninism.” Mao inherited and developed the Marxist-Leninist thought on worker-peasant soviets, pointing out that “the people, and the people alone, are the motive force in the making of world history.” In the practice of exploring the path of the Chinese revolution, Mao demonstrated a clear historical materialist stance of the people, stating: “What is a true bastion of iron? It is the masses, the millions upon millions of people who genuinely and sincerely support the revolution.” To mobilize hundreds of millions of people to participate in the revolution and form the strongest force uniting the Party and the people, Mao emphasized the necessity of “becoming one with the people.” In June 1943, in the Central Committee of the CPC document “On Methods of Leadership,” Mao pointed out: “In all the practical work of our Party, all correct leadership is necessarily ‘from the masses, to the masses.’” [7]7 “Unite our true friends” is a reference to Mao’s 1926 analysis “Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society” (《中国社会各阶级的分析》), which emphasized identifying allies in the revolution. Mao made the mass line the Party’s fundamental working line, creatively explored and developed democracy, and “creatively solved a series of major issues concerning the united front that united the vast majority of the entire nation in common struggle.” Furthermore, based on the perspective of the relationship between the people and the state, Mao explored the answer to the historical cycle of “the death of the ruler and the end of his government,” [8]8 This quote is from Mao’s 1962 speech at the Enlarged Central Work Conference, emphasizing the Party’s leading role over all sectors of society. further enriching and developing democracy in the practice of advancing the Sinicization of Marxism. In 1945, when answering Huang Yanpei’s question about the “historical cycle” during his visit to Yan’an, Mao said that a new path had been found to break out of this cycle: “This new path is democracy.” [9]9 This metaphor of the people as an “iron wall” appears in Mao’s 1934 speech “Be Concerned with the Well-Being of the Masses, Pay Attention to Methods of Work” (《关心群众生活，注意工作方法》). This is not only Mao’s logical adherence to breaking the historical cycle by basing himself on the Marxist historical materialist view, remaining true to the original aspiration and founding mission, and giving play to the historical subject role of the people, but also his great political creation of realizing people’s democracy in the historical process of continuously advancing the Sinicization of Marxism.

再次，马克思列宁主义群众史观对毛泽东的民主概念建构的影响。为了找到中国的出路，毛泽东“在反复比较和鉴别中，毅然选择了马克思列宁主义”。毛泽东传承发展了马克思列宁主义的工农苏维埃思想，他指出“人民，只有人民，才是创造世界历史的动力。”在探寻中国革命道路实践中，毛泽东展现出了鲜明的历史唯物主义人民立场，他指出：“真正的铜墙铁壁是什么?是群众，是千百万真心实意地拥护革命的群众。”为了调动亿万群众参与革命，形成党和人民联合的最强力量，毛泽东强调必须“和人民打成一片”。1943年6月，毛泽东在起草的中共中央《关于领导方法的若干问题》中指出：“在我党的一切实际工作中，凡属正确的领导，必须是从群众中来，到群众中去。”毛泽东把群众路线作为党的根本工作路线，创造性地探索发展民主，“创造性地解决了团结全民族最大多数人共同奋斗的革命统一战线的一系列重大问题”。毛泽东更是立足人民和国家存在关系视域探索破解“人亡政息”历史周期率的答案，在推进马克思主义中国化实践中进一步丰富和发展民主。1945年，毛泽东在回答黄炎培访问延安时提出的“历史周期率”之问时说，我们已经找到了一条跳出这周期率的新路，“这条新路，就是民主”。这既是毛泽东立足马克思主义唯物史观，不忘初心使命，发挥人民群众历史主体性作用破解历史周期率的逻辑遵循，也是他在不断推进马克思主义中国化历史进程中实现人民民主的伟大政治创造。

(2) The Expression and Presentation of Mao Zedong’s Concept of Democracy: The Idea and Determination of Democracy

（二）毛泽东的民主概念的表达呈现：民主的理念与定在

First, from the overall concept, in terms of value orientation, Mao Zedong’s concept of democracy is clearly presented in its idea as the value pursuit of people’s democracy.

第一，从总体理念来看，在价值指归上，毛泽东的民主概念在理念上鲜明地呈现为人民民主的价值追求。

The prerequisite for developing democracy is to understand and define democracy. On how to define democracy, Mao Zedong pointed out: “Those who demand abstract freedom and abstract democracy regard democracy as an end, rather than acknowledging that democracy is a means. Democracy, at times appearing to be an end, is in fact only a means.” [1]1 Nym Wales (1907–1997) was an American journalist and author who interviewed Mao Zedong and other Chinese Communist leaders in Yan’an in 1937. The National Assembly (国民大会) was a constitutional body proposed by the Kuomintang government, which the CPC sought to reform as part of its united front strategy. Thus, democracy cannot be defined simply and abstractly. Mao Zedong once gave a popular definition of the meaning of democracy. He said: “What exactly is democracy? Democracy, in plain language, means that the common people can rise up to speak, act, and find ways,” [2]2 “On Policy” (《论政策》) is a 1940 intra-Party directive by Mao Zedong, outlining the CPC’s united front policies during the War of Resistance Against Japan. that is, “all classes and all nationalities throughout the country must have the right to personal freedom, the right to participate in politics, and the right to protect property. All the people of the country must have the opportunity to speak, and must all have clothing to wear, food to eat, work to do, books to read; in short, each must get his due.” [3]3 This remark is from Mao’s 1944 speech “Serve the People” (《为人民服务》) or related discussions on democracy under wartime material constraints. Mao Zedong also pointed out: “China’s affairs must certainly be decided by the great majority of the Chinese people.” [4]4 This refers to Mao’s 1959–1960 study sessions on the Soviet textbook *Political Economy*, where he critiqued Soviet economic theory and emphasized workers’ management rights. Mao Zedong’s interpretation of the connotation of democracy implies his concept of democracy, that is, Mao Zedong precisely grasped the core essence of democracy. As he later pointed out: “Our democracy is not bourgeois democracy, but people’s democracy, that is, the people’s democratic dictatorship led by the proletariat and based on the worker-peasant alliance.” [5]5 “Foreword to ‘The Communist’” (《〈共产党人〉发刊词》) is a 1939 article by Mao Zedong summarizing the CPC’s historical experience and the “three magic weapons” of the revolution: the united front, armed struggle, and Party building. Therefore, the democracy Mao Zedong pursued was people’s democracy, that is, the people being the masters of the country.

发展民主的前提是认识和界定民主。如何界定民主，毛泽东指出“要求抽象的自由、抽象的民主的人们认为民主是目的，而不承认民主是手段。民主这个东西，有时看来似乎是目的，实际上，只是一种手段。”可见，不能简单抽象地定义民主。毛泽东曾经通俗地界定了民主的涵义。他说：“到底什么是民主?民主，讲俗话就是老百姓能起来说话，活动想办法”,就是“全国各阶级各民族都要有人身自由的权利，参与政治的权利和保护财产的权利。全国人民都要有说话的机会，都要有衣穿，有饭吃，有事做，有书读，总之是要各得其所。”毛泽东又指出：“中国的事情是一定要由中国的大多数人作主。”毛泽东对民主内涵的阐释，意寓着他的民主理念，即毛泽东精准地把握到了民主的核心要义，正如他后来指出的“我们的民主不是资产阶级的民主，而是人民民主，这就是无产阶级领导的、以工农联盟为基础的人民民主专政。”因此，毛泽东追求的民主，就是人民民主，即人民当家作主。

Second, from the perspective of concrete existence, in real life, Mao Zedong’s concept of democracy is profoundly embodied in the concrete practice of the people being the masters of the country.

第二，从具体存在来看，在现实生活中，毛泽东的民主概念深刻地体现为人民当家作主的具体实践。

People’s democracy is a fundamental adherence to the original meaning of democracy within the horizon of human political civilization, and it is also the concentrated presentation and expression of Mao Zedong’s democratic concept. How people’s democracy concretely exists in practice, and in what sense Mao Zedong realized the people being the masters of the country, are the keys to grasping Mao Zedong’s concept of democracy. Because “people’s democracy” involves two key elements: “people” and “democracy.” “People,” in short, are the masters of the country, and can also generally refer to those advanced classes, strata, and social groups that, through their existence and activities, push history forward. In Chinese, the compound word “democracy” (民主) is composed of two characters: “people” (民) and “master” (主). In different word formations, its meaning is completely different. First, from a modifier-head structure, democracy means “the master of the people” (民之主), that is, “democracy” is another name for the emperor; this is democracy in the traditional sense. Second, from a subject-predicate structure, democracy means “the people are the masters” (民为主) or “the people rule” (民作主), that is, the people being the masters of the country; it is evident that this is democracy in the modern sense. [6]6 “Unique problems of a large party” (大党独有难题) is a contemporary CPC term referring to challenges faced by a large ruling party, such as bureaucratism and loss of mass connection, later formalized in Xi Jinping’s discourse. Clearly, it is the second meaning that is the democracy Mao Zedong sought to realize, namely, people’s democracy. However, in modern times, under the oppression of the “three mountains,” [7]7 “Unite our true friends” is a reference to Mao’s 1926 analysis “Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society” (《中国社会各阶级的分析》), which emphasized identifying allies in the revolution. it was difficult for the people to truly become “masters.” Therefore, to realize people’s democracy and truly let the people be the masters of the country, without stopping at the conceptual level, it is necessary to make unremitting efforts in the democratic living space on which the people depend for their existence, to carry out objective practical activities with democracy as the goal, and to wage the most resolute and thorough democratic revolution. It was precisely in the objective practical activities of leading the Party and the people to establish a new country and create a new society that Mao Zedong concretized people’s democracy into four aspects—democratic rights, democratic methods, democratic systems, and democratic spirit—thereby realizing the unity of the concept of people’s democracy and its determinate existence.

人民民主是对人类政治文明视域中民主本意的根本遵循，这也是毛泽东民主理念的集中呈现和表达。人民民主在实践中如何具体存在，毛泽东在何种意义上实现人民当家作主，这是把握毛泽东的民主概念的关键。因“人民民主”涉及“人民”和“民主”两个关键要素，“人民”简言之就是国家的主人，也可以泛指以其存在和活动推动历史向前发展的那些先进的阶级、阶层和社会集团；在汉语里，复合词“民主”由“民”和“主”两个字组成，在不同的构词法中，其意义完全不同，一是从偏正结构来看，民主意为“民之主”,即“民主”是帝王的别称，这是传统意义上的民主；二是从主谓结构来看，民主意为“民为主”或“民作主”,即人民当家作主，显而易见这才是现代意义上的民主,显然，第二种意义才是毛泽东探寻实现的民主，即人民民主。但近代以来在“三座大山”的压迫下，人民难以实现真正的“做主”。因此，实现人民民主，真正做到让人民当家作主，不留停在观念上，就须在人民赖以存在的民主生活空间不懈努力，以民主为目标开展对象性实践活动，进行最坚决最彻底的民主革命。毛泽东正是在领导党和人民建立一个新国家、创造一个新社会的对象性实践活动中，将人民民主具象化为民主权利、民主方式、民主制度、民主精神等四个方面，实现了人民民主理念与定在的统一。

II. The Mirror of Democracy: Mao Zedong’s Democratic Configuration and Multidimensional Perspective

二、民主的镜像：毛泽东的民主构境与多维透视

The people’s democracy that Mao Zedong devoted himself to exploring and realizing was not an abstract political term, but a modern political practice oriented toward realizing the concrete reality of people’s democracy. From the perspective of the actual practice in which Mao Zedong led the people to be the masters of the country, “democracy must be practiced in all spheres,” [8]8 This quote is from Mao’s 1962 speech at the Enlarged Central Work Conference, emphasizing the Party’s leading role over all sectors of society. implementing democracy in all aspects, including “political, military, economic, cultural, Party affairs, and international relations; democracy is needed in all these,” [9]9 This metaphor of the people as an “iron wall” appears in Mao’s 1934 speech “Be Concerned with the Well-Being of the Masses, Pay Attention to Methods of Work” (《关心群众生活，注意工作方法》). requiring both democracy in concept and concrete democracy in practice. It was precisely in the continuous practice of leading the Communist Party of China to win democratic practices for the people in various fields, aspects, and levels that Mao Zedong endowed democracy with a unique connotation.

毛泽东致力于探索和实现的人民民主并不是一个抽象的政治术语，而是一个向着实现人民民主具体现实的现代政治实践。从毛泽东领导人民当家作主的现实实践来看，“民主必须是各方面的”,从各方面实行民主，包括“政治上的，军事上的，经济上的，文化上的，党务上的以及国际关系上的，一切这些，都需要民主”,既要有观念上的总体民主，也要有实践上的具体民主。毛泽东正是在不断领导中国共产党为人民争得各领域、各方面和各层次的民主实践中，赋予了民主独特的内涵。

(1) As Democratic Rights: Mao Zedong’s Democratic Configuration from the Perspective of the People

（一）作为民主权利：毛泽东在人民视域中的民主构境

Winning democracy for the people and realizing the people’s freedom and liberation was the unremitting pursuit of Mao Zedong in leading the Party and the people in revolution. As for democracy, Lenin pointed out that “democracy is the rule of the people,” and “democracy means, formally, the recognition of the equality of all citizens, the recognition that everyone has the equal right to decide the state system and manage the state.” [10]10 This statement is from Mao’s 1937 essay “On the Protracted War” (《论持久战》) or related writings linking democracy to victory in the War of Resistance. From the original meaning of democracy, democracy fundamentally refers to the rights of the people. In modern times, China was reduced to a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society, and the Chinese people long suffered cruel oppression under the “three mountains.” The era of Mao Zedong’s birth and growth coincided with the decay of feudal rule in old China and the danger of the Chinese nation facing national subjugation and genocide, with loss of sovereignty and the people living in destitution, which inspired Mao Zedong’s struggle to win democracy for the people. Witnessing the bullying by the great powers, the reactionary nature of the warlords, and the darkness of society, Mao Zedong wrote in an article in 1919: “In modern times, the alliance of the powerful, the aristocrats, and the capitalists has reached its extreme; consequently, the state has also reached its extreme of badness, humanity has also reached its extreme of suffering, and society has also reached its extreme of darkness.” [11]11 “Methods of Work of Party Committees” (《党委会的工作方法》) is a 1949 article by Mao Zedong on leadership techniques for Party committees. As in 1927, in his “Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan,” responding to the criticisms of the peasant revolutionary struggle from inside and outside the Party at the time, he described the miserable situation of the working people: the peasants were bound by “four enormous ropes.” [12]12 The Enlarged Central Work Conference (扩大的中央工作会议), also known as the “Seven Thousand Cadres Conference,” was held in January–February 1962 to discuss economic adjustment and democratic centralism after the Great Leap Forward. Therefore, the laboring masses in Chinese society at that time, in order to make a living, frequently erupted in peasant movements resisting oppression and exploitation. At the same time, with the continuous germination of national consciousness and the awakening of revolutionary consciousness, the deep sense of pain over the people’s suffering and the nation’s calamity also continuously drove Mao Zedong’s practical struggle to transform China and the world, overthrow the enslavement of the “three mountains,” break the cage of the old society, liberate the people, and win democratic rights for the people.

为人民争得民主，实现人民的自由解放，是毛泽东领导党和人民革命的不懈追求。所谓民主，列宁指出“民主就是人民的统治”,“民主意味着在形式上承认公民一律平等，承认大家都有决定国家制度和管理国家的平等权利”。从民主的本意看，民主在根本上就是指人民权利。近代中国沦为半殖民地半封建社会，中国人民长期备受“三座大山”的残酷压迫。毛泽东出生成长的时代，正值旧中国封建统治腐朽，中华民族面临亡国灭种危险之际，主权沦丧，民不聊生，激发了毛泽东为人民争得民主的斗争实践。毛泽东目睹列强的欺凌，军阀的反动，社会的黑暗，1919年他在文章中写道：“到了近世，强权者，贵族，资本家的联合到了极点，因之国家也坏到了极点，人类也苦到了极点，会社〈社会〉也黑暗到了极点。”正如1927年，他在《湖南农民运动考察报告》中，答复当时党内外对于农民革命斗争的责难时，对劳动人民悲惨现状的描述：农民深受“四条极大的绳索”束缚。因此，处于当时中国社会的劳苦大众为了生计，反抗压迫剥削的农民运动时有爆发。与此同时，随着民族意识的不断萌发和革命意识的不断觉醒，那种对人民遭遇和国家灾难的深切痛感，也不断驱动着毛泽东改造中国与世界，推翻“三座大山”奴役，打破旧社会牢笼，解放人民并为人民争取民主权利的斗争实践。

First, Mao Zedong explored the struggle for democratic rights from the perspective of the people.

第一，毛泽东在人民视域中探索民主权利的争取。

This was first manifested in the external guarantee of winning democratic rights. In 1937, in “The Tasks of the Chinese Communist Party in the Period of Resistance to Japan,” Mao Zedong specifically discussed the issue of democracy, pointing out: “However, the central and essential task history has assigned to our revolution is the struggle for democracy.” [13]13 “Pay Attention to Economic Work” (《必须注意经济工作》) is a 1933 speech by Mao Zedong on mobilizing the masses for economic construction in the Soviet areas. In 1940, in “On New Democracy,” Mao Zedong summarized that China had two extra things: “one is imperialist oppression, the other is feudal oppression,” and China lacked two things: “one is independence, the other is democracy.” [14]14 “Oppose ‘Left’ Adventurism in the Trade Union Movement” (《反对职工运动中的“左”倾冒险主义》) is a 1948 directive by Mao Zedong criticizing ultra-leftist tendencies in labor policy. In 1944, in his “Talk with the Chinese and Foreign Correspondents’ Group,” Mao Zedong summarized: “The Chinese people very much need democracy… China lacks democracy, as

首先表现在争取民主权利的外在保障上。1937年，毛泽东在《为争取千百万群众进入抗日民族统一战线而斗争》中专门谈及民主问题，指出“然而历史给予我们的革命任务，中心的本质的东西是争取民主。”1940年，在《新民主主义的宪政》中，毛泽东总结道，中国多了两件东西：“一件是帝国主义的压迫，一件是封建主义的压迫”,中国又少了两件东西：“一件是独立，一件是民主。”1944年，毛泽东在《会见中外记者西北参观团的讲话》中总结道：“中国人民非常需要民主……中国缺乏民主，是在座诸位所深知的。”1953年，在部署即将召开的全国人民代表大会的工作会议上，他又说道：“中国人民，从清朝末年起，五六十年来就是争这个民主。”“争民主”“要民主”深刻说明了民主的得之不易，人民民主的取得依赖于革命斗争的外在保障。其次表现为争取民主权利的内在规定上。1936年，他在《中国共产党致中国国民党书》中呼吁，为人民谋利益的民主共和政府必须“是能够给予人民以民主权利的”。这个“必须”反映了民主权利对于民主的内在构成。

Second, Mao Zedong explored the realization of democratic rights from the perspective of concrete content.

第二，毛泽东从具体内容上探索民主权利的实现。

Democracy is not abstract or nihilistic, but concrete and realistic. In 1937, during a conversation with the American progressive journalist Nym Wales, Mao Zedong stated: “In the concrete implementation of the democratic movement, attention should be paid to the election, convocation, and meeting of the National Assembly, and to the struggle for complete freedom of speech, assembly, association, publication, and patriotic national salvation. These are the minimum democratic rights.” [1]1 Nym Wales (1907–1997) was an American journalist and author who interviewed Mao Zedong and other Chinese Communist leaders in Yan’an in 1937. The National Assembly (国民大会) was a constitutional body proposed by the Kuomintang government, which the CPC sought to reform as part of its united front strategy. At the end of 1940, in the intra-Party directive “On Policy” drafted by Mao for the Central Committee of the CPC, he held that for all landlords, capitalists, workers, and peasants who did not oppose the War of Resistance, their rights should be stipulated as follows: “They have equal rights of person, property, election, and freedom of speech, assembly, association, thought, and belief…” [2]2 “On Policy” (《论政策》) is a 1940 intra-Party directive by Mao Zedong, outlining the CPC’s united front policies during the War of Resistance Against Japan. Regarding the degree of further realization of democracy, Mao pointed out in 1944: “As for the various rights of the people, here we can only say that several important parts have been realized… Under the constraints of existing material conditions… China, at present, can generally not yet speak of…” [3]3 This remark is from Mao’s 1944 speech “Serve the People” (《为人民服务》) or related discussions on democracy under wartime material constraints. In December 1959, in “Remarks on Reading the Soviet Textbook ‘Political Economy’,” he also specifically emphasized “the right of working people to manage the state, manage the army, manage various enterprises, and manage cultural education,” and pointed out that “this is the greatest right and the most fundamental right of working people under the socialist system,” holding that without this right, the democratic rights of working people would have no guarantee. [4]4 This refers to Mao’s 1959–1960 study sessions on the Soviet textbook *Political Economy*, where he critiqued Soviet economic theory and emphasized workers’ management rights. Mao’s exploration of the different aspects constituting and realizing democratic rights reflects his profound thinking on democracy from the perspective of the people, pointing the direction for the realization of people’s democracy.

民主不是抽象的、虚无的，而是具体的、现实的。1937年，在和美国进步记者尼姆·韦尔斯的谈话中，毛泽东谈道：“民主运动的具体进行，应注意国民大会的选举、召集与开会，应注意争取言论、集会、结社、出版与爱国救国的完全自由。这是起码的民主权利。”1940年底，在毛泽东为中共中央起草的党内指示《论政策》中，认为对于一切不反对抗日的地主资本家和工人农民的权利，应规定他们：“有同等的人权、财权、选举权和言论、集会、结社、思想、信仰的自由权……”对于进一步实现民主的程度，毛泽东在1944年指出，“人民各项权利，在我们这里，只能说实现了几个重要部分……在现有物质条件限制下……中国目前大体上还谈不到……”1959年12月在《读苏联〈政治经济学教科书〉的谈话》中，他还特别强调了“劳动者管理国家、管理军队、管理各种企业、管理文化教育的权利”,并指出“这是社会主义制度下劳动者最大的权利，最根本的权利”,认为没有这种权利，劳动者的民主权利就没有保证。毛泽东对构成和实现民主权利的不同方面的探索，反映了他从人民视域对民主的深刻思考，为人民民主的实现指明了方向。

(2) As a Means of Realizing Party Leadership: Mao’s Democratic Configuration in the Party’s Perspective

（二）作为实现党的领导的方式：毛泽东在党的视域中的民主构境

Democracy as a means of realizing Party leadership originated from Mao’s profound summary and reflection on the positive and negative experiences and lessons of the history of revolutionary struggle in practice. In 1939, in the “Foreword to ‘The Communist’,” Mao keenly recognized that “the Party organization has stepped out of its narrow circles and become a nationwide large party.” [5]5 “Foreword to ‘The Communist’” (《〈共产党人〉发刊词》) is a 1939 article by Mao Zedong summarizing the CPC’s historical experience and the “three magic weapons” of the revolution: the united front, armed struggle, and Party building. Facing the rapidly growing “large party,” and in order to avoid possible “unique problems of a large party,” Mao attached great importance to the issue of realizing the leadership of the “large party.” [6]6 “Unique problems of a large party” (大党独有难题) is a contemporary CPC term referring to challenges faced by a large ruling party, such as bureaucratism and loss of mass connection, later formalized in Xi Jinping’s discourse. On the other hand, the Kuomintang, “persisting in dictatorial rule,” deprived the people of their democratic rights, suppressed patriotic democratic movements, allowed corruption to spread and bureaucratism to prevail, and committed various anti-people, anti-democratic atrocities, ultimately causing it to lose popular support and suffer successive defeats in the revolutionary struggle. Mao was highly vigilant against the spread of unhealthy tendencies within the Party. He repeatedly warned the entire Party that “the bureaucratic style of leadership is something that no revolutionary work should tolerate.” Opposing bureaucratism and establishing the image of a “large party” thus became an important task for Mao in governing and managing the Party. Therefore, in the complex and brutal revolutionary environment, uniting the masses to build a broad social foundation, establishing the broadest possible revolutionary united front, and defeating ferocious enemies determined that the Party “must pay attention to uniting our true friends” and take the democratic path to realize Party leadership. [7]7 “Unite our true friends” is a reference to Mao’s 1926 analysis “Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society” (《中国社会各阶级的分析》), which emphasized identifying allies in the revolution.

民主作为实现党的领导的方式，源于毛泽东在实践中对于革命斗争历史正反两个方面经验教训的深刻总结和反思。1939年，在《〈共产党人〉发刊词》中毛泽东敏锐地认识到“党的组织已经从狭小的圈子中走了出来，变成了全国性的大党。”面对迅速成长的“大党”,也为了规避可能出现的“大党独有难题”,毛泽东十分重视“大党”领导的实现问题。另一方面，国民党“坚持独裁统治”,剥夺人民的民主权利，镇压爱国民主运动，贪污腐化泛滥，官僚主义盛行，一些反人民、反民主的暴行，致使其最终失去了民心，导致在革命斗争中节节溃败。毛泽东十分警惕不良风气在党内的滋生蔓延，他多次告诫全党“官僚主义的领导方式，是任何革命工作所不应有的”,反对官僚主义，树立“大党”形象，也就成为毛泽东管党治党的重要工作。因此，在复杂残酷的革命环境下，团结人民群众构筑广泛的社会基础，建立起最广泛的革命统一战线，战胜凶残的敌人，决定了党“不可不注意团结我们的真正的朋友”,走民主的道路实现党的领导。

First, in the historical perspective of Mao’s governance and management of the Party, democracy is an important means of realizing Party leadership.

第一，在毛泽东管党治党的历史视域中，民主是实现党的领导的重要方式。

Mao pointed out: “Among the seven sectors—industry, agriculture, commerce, education, the military, government, and the Party—the Party is the leader of everything.” [8]8 This quote is from Mao’s 1962 speech at the Enlarged Central Work Conference, emphasizing the Party’s leading role over all sectors of society. The Communist Party of China is the leading core of revolution and construction, and realizing Party leadership fundamentally relies on the support of the people’s strength. Mao compared the people’s supportive strength to an iron wall, stating that it is “a force that no power can break, absolutely cannot break.” [9]9 This metaphor of the people as an “iron wall” appears in Mao’s 1934 speech “Be Concerned with the Well-Being of the Masses, Pay Attention to Methods of Work” (《关心群众生活，注意工作方法》). That is, in the cause of revolution and construction, democracy is the important means most capable of fully stimulating the people’s strength, ensuring the Party’s advanced nature and scientific nature, and realizing Party leadership. Democracy as a means of realizing Party leadership is embodied in the Party’s work and leadership methods. During the War of Resistance Against Japan, Mao advocated democracy: “There is no doubt that without democracy, the War of Resistance cannot be won; the War of Resistance and democracy are two aspects of the same thing.” [10]10 This statement is from Mao’s 1937 essay “On the Protracted War” (《论持久战》) or related writings linking democracy to victory in the War of Resistance. In revolution, democracy is a leadership method capable of uniting the broad masses of the people and winning over the majority of the revolution. Using democratic methods, that is, a mass-oriented leadership style, is not only “a method that every worker and peasant likes to accept,” but also allows for “maintaining close ties with the masses” and voluntarily accepting the people’s supervision, resisting corruption and preventing degeneration, and resisting the erosion of bureaucratism. This effectively consolidated popular sentiment, public opinion, and popular strength, making it a magic weapon for the Party to lead the people in overcoming the enemy.

毛泽东指出：“工、农、商、学、兵、政、党这七个方面，党是领导一切的。”中国共产党是革命和建设的领导核心，实现党的领导在根本上依靠人民力量的支持。毛泽东把人民群众的拥护力量比作铜墙铁壁，他曾指出这是：“什么力量也打不破的，完全打不破的。”即在革命和建设事业中，民主是最能充分激发人民力量，保证党的先进性、科学性，实现党的领导的重要方式。民主作为实现党的领导的方式，体现在党的工作和领导方法上。在抗日战争时期，毛泽东提倡民主“毫无疑义，抗日而没有民主，是不能胜利的，抗日与民主是一件事的两方面。”在革命中，民主是能够团结广大人民群众、争取革命大多数的领导方法。运用民主的方法，也即群众化的领导方式，不仅是“每一个工人、农民所喜欢接受的方式”,而且也可以同群众“始终保持密切联系”,也可以自觉接受人民的监督，拒腐防变，抵制官僚主义的侵蚀，这就有效地凝聚起了民心、民意和民力，成为党领导人民克敌制胜的法宝。

Second, democracy as a means of realizing Party leadership is embodied in the guarantee of the Party’s line, principles, and policies.

第二，民主作为实现党的领导的方式，体现为对党的路线方针政策的保障。

As the representative of the people’s fundamental interests, all of the Communist Party of China’s theories, lines, principles, policies, and work deployments should fully absorb wisdom from the people in order to fundamentally safeguard the people’s interests. Democracy is an important means for the Party to gather and listen to the people’s opinions. In 1949, in “Methods of Work of Party Committees,” Mao emphasized: “If localities do not submit materials or offer opinions, it will be very difficult for the Central Committee to issue orders correctly.” [11]11 “Methods of Work of Party Committees” (《党委会的工作方法》) is a 1949 article by Mao Zedong on leadership techniques for Party committees. Democracy is an important method for ensuring the scientific nature of the Party’s line, principles, and policies. In 1962, at the Enlarged Central Work Conference, Mao particularly stressed the importance of the people’s opinions: “Without democracy, if opinions do not come from the masses, it is impossible to formulate good lines, principles, policies, and methods.” [12]12 The Enlarged Central Work Conference (扩大的中央工作会议), also known as the “Seven Thousand Cadres Conference,” was held in January–February 1962 to discuss economic adjustment and democratic centralism after the Great Leap Forward. Only by developing multiple forms of democracy, “whether inside or outside the Party, there must be ample democratic life,” and forming broader democratic channels to fully promote democracy, can the collective wisdom of the people be concentrated, and the scientific and democratic level of the Party’s policies be improved. Therefore, Mao emphasized “concentrating from the masses and then persisting among the masses to form correct leadership opinions,” aiming to maximize the concentration of the masses’ opinions and suggestions, both to absorb correct opinions for Party decision-making and to remind Party decision-making to guard against pitfalls, truly giving play to the unique advantages of democracy in realizing Party leadership.

中国共产党作为人民根本利益的代表者，党的一切理论和路线方针政策及工作部署，都应该充分吸收来自人民群众的智慧，才能在根本上保障人民利益。民主是党汇集、听取人民意见的重要方式。1949年毛泽东在《党委会的工作方法》中强调：“如果各地不来材料，不提意见，中央就很难正确地发号施令。”民主是保障党的路线方针政策科学性的重要方法。1962年毛泽东在扩大的中央工作会议上特别强调了人民意见的重要性：“没有民主，意见不是从群众中来，就不可能制定出好的路线、方针、政策和办法。”只有通过发展多种形式的民主，“不论党内党外，都要有充分的民主生活”,形成更加广泛的民主渠道充分发扬民主，才能集中人民群众的集体智慧，提高党的政策的科学化和民主化水平。因此，毛泽东强调“从群众中集中起来又到群众中坚持下去，以形成正确的领导意见”,意在最大程度集中群众意见和建议，既为党的决策吸纳正确意见，又提醒党的决策谨防误区，真正发挥民主在实现党的领导中的独特优势。

Third, democracy as a means of realizing Party leadership is embodied in the anti-bureaucratic practice of adhering to the mass line.

第三，民主作为实现党的领导的方式，体现为坚持群众路线的反官僚主义实践。

With the intense development of the revolutionary war situation, in 1933, in “Pay Attention to Economic Work,” Mao pointed out the urgency of mobilizing the masses and improving the Party’s work methods and styles: “If their leadership methods are wrong, and they cannot adopt various correct and effective work methods, it will immediately affect the effectiveness of the work, causing our various tasks to fail to gain the support of the broad masses.” [13]13 “Pay Attention to Economic Work” (《必须注意经济工作》) is a 1933 speech by Mao Zedong on mobilizing the masses for economic construction in the Soviet areas. In 1948, in “Oppose ‘Left’ Adventurism in the Trade Union Movement,” he criticized the bureaucratic style: “Many local Party leading organs, over a long period, have not even formally discussed or propagated and explained the Central Committee’s line.” [14]14 “Oppose ‘Left’ Adventurism in the Trade Union Movement” (《反对职工运动中的“左”倾冒险主义》) is a 1948 directive by Mao Zedong criticizing ultra-leftist tendencies in labor policy. The magic weapon for the Communist Party of China to maintain close ties with the people is to adhere to the working method of the mass line. When summarizing the experiences and lessons of the Chinese revolution, Mao emphasized the important role of the Party’s mass line. He pointed out that to oppose subjectivism and bureaucratism, “it is necessary to extensively and deeply advocate the Marxist scientific leadership method.” [15]15 This quote is from Mao’s 1942 rectification campaign speech “Oppose Stereotyped Party Writing” (《反对党八股》) or related writings on scientific leadership methods. Therefore, democracy is a means of realizing Party leadership, and it must also be a process of investigation and research that goes deep into the masses and humbly learns from them, and it must also be a democratic process of understanding the masses’ demands and concentrating the masses’ experience, wisdom, and strength.

随着革命战争形势的激烈发展，1933年毛泽东在《必须注意经济工作》中，指出了动员群众、改进党的工作方式和方法的迫切性：“如果他们的领导方式不对，不能采取各种正确的有效的工作方法，那就会立刻影响到工作的成效，使我们各项工作不能得到广大群众的拥护”。1948年，在《反对职工运动中的“左”倾冒险主义》中，他批评了官僚主义的作风：“许多党的地方领导机关在长时期内，甚至没有正式讨论与宣传解释过中央的路线”。中国共产党始终保持与人民群众的密切联系的法宝，就是坚持群众路线的工作方式。毛泽东在总结中国革命经验教训时，就强调了党的群众路线的重要作用，他指出了反对主观主义和官僚主义，“必须广泛地深入地提倡马克思主义的科学的领导方法。”因此，民主是实现党的领导的方式，也必须是深入人民群众，虚心向人民群众学习请教的调研过程，也必须是了解群众诉求，集中人民群众经验、智慧和力量的民主过程。

(3) As a Democratic System: Mao’s Democratic Configuration in the State’s Perspective

（三）作为民主制度：毛泽东在国家视域中的民主构境

Democratization implies the reconstruction of the traditional state, that is, the construction of a modern state system based on popular sovereignty, with the mission of safeguarding people’s freedom and promoting the development of both the individual and society. The urgent need for modern China to move from the traditional system to a modern state was to establish a democratic system at the national level. From the overall perspective of a modern democratic state, Mao Zedong creatively carried out practical explorations of the system for moving toward democracy and establishing a people’s republic. As early as 1920, Mao Zedong pointed out that “the fundamental issue in the construction of Hunan is the Hunan Republic.” [16]16 This refers to Mao’s early advocacy during the movement for provincial self-government in Hunan in 1920, where he proposed establishing a “Hunan Republic” as a step toward national reconstruction. At the end of 1935, under Mao’s impetus, the Central Committee of the CPC declared at the Wayaobu Conference [17]17 The Wayaobu Conference (December 1935) was a key meeting of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee that formulated the strategy of the Anti-Japanese National United Front. the change from the “Soviet Worker-Peasant Republic” to the “Soviet People’s Republic.” Subsequently, in his report “On Tactics against Japanese Imperialism,” Mao further raised the slogan of a “people’s republic.” In 1936, Mao Zedong, in “The Tasks of the Chinese Communist Party in the Period of Resistance to Japan,” put forward the proposition of establishing a “democratic republic.” In May 1939, Mao Zedong, in “The Orientation of the Youth Movement,” pointed out “establishing a system of people’s democracy.” In 1940, Mao Zedong, in “On New Democracy,” proposed that the republic we want to establish is a “democratic republic under the joint dictatorship of all anti-imperialist and anti-feudal people led by the proletariat.” In 1949, Mao Zedong led the Party and the people in founding New China. From the “Hunan Republic” to the “Chinese Soviet Republic,” and then to the People’s Republic of China, Mao Zedong, in his continuous practice of exploring a modern democratic state, creatively realized the construction of democracy.

民主化意味着传统国家的重构，即建设以人民主权为基础，以保障人民自由、促进人与社会发展为使命的现代国家制度。近代中国由传统体制迈向现代国家的迫切需要，就是要在国家层面构筑民主的制度。毛泽东立足现代民主国家的总体视域，创造性地开展了走向民主，建立人民共和国的制度实践探索。早在1920年，毛泽东就指出“湖南建设问题的根本问题——湖南共和国。”1935年底，在毛泽东的推动下，中共中央在瓦窑堡会议上宣告把“苏维埃工农共和国”改为“苏维埃人民共和国”。之后，在《论反对日本帝国主义的策略》的报告中毛泽东进一步提出“人民共和国”的口号。1936年，毛泽东在《中国共产党在抗日时期的任务》中提出了建立“民主共和国”的主张。1939年5月，毛泽东在《青年运动的方向》中指出“建立人民民主主义的制度。”1940年，毛泽东在《新民主主义论》中提出，我们所要建立的共和国是“在无产阶级领导下的一切反帝反封建的人们联合专政的民主共和国”。1949年，毛泽东领导党和人民建立了新中国。从“湖南共和国”到“中华苏维埃共和国”,再到中华人民共和国，毛泽东在持续探索现代民主制国家的实践中，创造性地实现了对民主的建构。

First, in his practice of exploring the establishment of a modern democratic state, Mao Zedong regarded institutional construction as an important component of democratic politics.

第一，毛泽东在探寻建立现代民主国家的实践中，把制度建构作为民主政治的重要内容。

The democratic politics explored under Mao Zedong’s leadership was a practical creation based on the collapse of the traditional imperial system and adapted to the situation of revolution and construction. Old China was deeply oppressed by the “three great mountains” [18]18 “Three great mountains” is a standard Maoist term for imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucratic capitalism, which were said to oppress the Chinese people before 1949.; a semi-colonial and semi-feudal China had to wage the most resolute revolutionary struggle to break free from the chaotic state of warlord separatism and warfare and establish a modern democratic state. In summing up the experiences and lessons of the Party’s early revolutionary struggles, Mao Zedong profoundly recognized that the key to the Chinese revolution lay in mobilizing the masses to strengthen the revolutionary forces. However, uniting and rallying the masses to form the strongest revolutionary force required an institutional mechanism adapted to the revolutionary struggle, namely, the democratic system. Under Mao Zedong’s leadership, the Chinese Communist Party continuously explored the institutional mechanisms of democratic revolution. Especially during the War of Resistance against Japan, Mao Zedong pointed out: “The democratic reform of the political system and the people’s freedoms and rights are an important part of the program of the Anti-Japanese National United Front, and are also necessary conditions for establishing a truly solid Anti-Japanese National United Front.” He not only placed great emphasis on the democratic revolutionary movement but also vigorously promoted the construction of the “Three-Thirds System” [19]19 The “Three-Thirds System” was a policy for anti-Japanese base areas during the War of Resistance (1937-1945), where in the composition of democratic governments, Communists, non-Party leftists, and centrists each occupied roughly one-third of the positions. anti-Japanese democratic political power, widely implemented democratic elections, and built a democratic political system. Therefore, in Mao Zedong’s democratic practice, transforming old China, deeply influenced by feudal autocracy, into a modern democratic state, adapting it to and forming a modern state political system, the exploration and formation of a democratic system should be an important aspect.

毛泽东领导探索的民主政治，是建立在传统帝制瓦解基础之上且适应革命和建设形势的实践创造。旧中国深受“三座大山”压迫，半殖民地半封建社会的中国，要摆脱军阀割据混战的纷争状态，建立现代民主制国家，必须进行最坚决的革命斗争。毛泽东在总结党的早期革命斗争经验教训中，深刻认识到了中国革命的关键在于发动民众壮大革命力量。但团结凝聚人民群众形成最强革命力量，就需要适应革命斗争的制度机制，即民主制。在毛泽东的领导下，中国共产党不断探索民主革命的制度机制。特别是在抗日战争时期，毛泽东指出：“政治制度的民主改革和人民的自由权利，是抗日民族统一战线纲领上的重要部分，同时也是建立真正的坚实的抗日民族统一战线的必要条件。”他不仅极其重视民主革命运动，还着力推动“三三制”抗日民主政权建设，广泛推行民主选举，构建民主政治制度。因而，在毛泽东的民主实践中，将深受封建专制影响的旧中国改造为现代民主制国家，使之适应并形成现代国家政治体系，民主制度的探索和形成应是一个重要方面。

Second, Mao Zedong’s exploration of democracy from the national perspective aimed to fundamentally guarantee the people’s democratic rights through institutional design.

第二，毛泽东基于国家视域的民主探索，意在通过制度设计在根本上保障人民的民主权利。

Democracy means scientifically handling the “relationship between the people and the state,” especially guaranteeing the people’s democratic rights from the level of state institutional design. In 1945, in his political report “On Coalition Government,” Mao Zedong pointed out: “The organs of state power of the new democracy should adopt democratic centralism, with people’s congresses at various levels deciding on major policies and electing governments.” He creatively put forward the concept of “people’s congresses” and profoundly expounded the political proposition that the people are the masters of the state and that all power of the state belongs to the people. According to Mao’s institutional vision, realizing people’s democracy meant letting the people be the masters of their own affairs. In the political life of the state and the people, the people have the power to supervise the government, while the state must create conditions and pathways for realizing people’s democracy. In 1945, Mao Zedong’s scientific answer to the question of escaping the historical cycle of “the rise and fall of a state” [20]20 This refers to the historical cycle of dynastic rise and fall in Chinese history, a concept Mao discussed with Huang Yanpei in 1945, where Mao argued that people’s supervision of the government was the way to break this cycle. profoundly indicated that only by granting the people the democratic right to supervise the government would the government dare not slacken, the state could fundamentally hold the people in awe, and the people’s democratic right to be masters of their own affairs could be truly guaranteed. Thus, the people are the subjects of power, and letting the people supervise the government is precisely the profound implication of Mao Zedong, from the perspective of the relationship between the people and the state, concretizing democracy into the state’s democratic political system.

民主就是要科学处理“人民和国家的关系”,特别是从国家制度设计层面来保障人民的民主权利。1945年，毛泽东在《论联合政府》的政治报告中，指出：“新民主主义的政权组织，应该采取民主集中制，由各级人民代表大会决定大政方针，选举政府。”他创造性地提出了“人民代表大会”的概念，并深刻阐述了人民是国家的主人，国家的一切权力属于人民的政治主张。按照毛泽东的制度设想，实现人民民主就是让人民当家作主。在国家和人民政治生活中，人民有监督政府的权力，同时国家要为实现人民民主创造条件和途径。1945年，毛泽东对跳出“人亡政息”历史周期率的科学回答,深刻表明只有赋予人民监督政府的民主权利，政府才不敢松懈，国家才能在根本上敬畏人民，人民当家作主的民主权利才能真正得到保障。可见，人民是权力的主体，让人民监督政府，正是毛泽东立足人民与国家关系视域，把民主具体化为国家民主政治制度的深刻蕴含。

To consolidate the democratic system in which the people are the masters of their own affairs, around the founding of New China, Mao Zedong creatively carried out a series of institutional practices to realize and guarantee democracy. In June 1949, on the eve of the founding of New China, Mao Zedong published “On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship.” On the basis of summing up the historical experience of the Chinese revolution, he scientifically clarified that the “only path” of people’s democracy “is through a people’s republic led by the working class,” pointing out the path and direction for realizing the people’s democratic dictatorship. After the founding of New China, Mao Zedong led the establishment of the system of people’s congresses, making it the organizational form of our state’s people’s democratic dictatorship and the fundamental political system of our country. After the establishment of the system of the National People’s Congress in 1954, Mao Zedong insisted on retaining the People’s Political Consultative Conference to develop consultative democracy as an important supplement to the democratic political system of the “people’s congresses,” making it an important form and institutional design for realizing people’s democracy. Through creative design and practice of the democratic political system, Mao Zedong continuously enriched the connotation of people’s democracy. He not only transformed abstract democracy into concrete democracy and ideal democracy into real democracy but also truly made the state’s political system the fundamental guarantee for realizing people’s democracy, truly consolidating the institutional foundation for the people being the masters of their own affairs.

为了巩固人民当家作主的民主制度，新中国成立前后毛泽东创造性地开展了一系列实现和保障民主的制度实践。1949年6月，在新中国即将成立之际，毛泽东发表《论人民民主专政》,在总结中国革命历史经验的基础上，科学阐明人民民主主义“唯一的路是经过工人阶级领导的人民共和国”,指明了人民民主专政实现路径和方向。新中国成立后，毛泽东领导建立了人民代表大会制度，并把其作为我国人民民主专政国家政权的组织形式，成为我国的根本政治制度。1954年在全国人民代表大会制度建立后，毛泽东坚持把人民政协保留下来发展协商民主，作为对“人民代表大会”民主政治制度的重要补充，成为实现人民民主的重要形式和制度设计。毛泽东通过创造性的民主政治制度设计和实践，不断丰富了人民民主的内涵，不仅化抽象民主为具体民主，化理想民主为现实民主，而且真正让国家政治制度成为实现人民民主的根本保障，真正筑牢了人民当家作主的制度根基。

(4) As the Spirit of Democracy: Mao Zedong’s Democratic Configuration in the Cultural Perspective

（四）作为民主精神：毛泽东在文化视域中的民主构境

From his youth, Mao Zedong detested the social and cultural atmosphere of feudal autocracy; the oppression of the feudal autocratic environment stimulated his spirit of struggle. In his youth, Mao Zedong’s thinking began to undergo great changes, and he grew into a staunch Marxist, more profoundly recognizing the importance of a democratic environment. In 1962, in his “Speech at an Enlarged Working Conference of the Central Committee,” he pointed out: “Without the democracy of the proletariat, there can be no concentration of the proletariat,” and therefore “socialism cannot be built.” In the long practice of revolution and construction, Mao Zedong profoundly discovered that the achievement of democracy requires not only space and venues but also a democratic cultural atmosphere. Therefore, to awaken the people’s conscious awareness of the democratic revolution, he regarded cultivating and shaping the spirit and culture of democracy as an important part of realizing democracy. In September 1949, in his “Directive on Convening Conferences of Representatives from All Walks of Life in Various Places,” he particularly emphasized the principle and goal of democratic activities: “The general principle is to ensure both that the meetings are led by our Party and that a democratic spirit is cultivated.” After the founding of New China, Mao Zedong particularly emphasized the consultative democratic spirit and cultural tradition of “discussion.” In 1954, in “On the Nature and Tasks of the People’s Political Consultative Conference,” Mao Zedong pointed out: “All aspects of state relations must be discussed.” In 1956, in his “Talk with Representatives of the Industrial and Commercial Circles,” he pointed out: “You are all familiar with the character of our government; it handles affairs by consulting with the people” and “it can be called a consultative government.” Mao Zedong tirelessly struggled to inherit the excellent Chinese political culture of consultation, cultivate and foster the spirit of democracy, as a concrete practice of democracy.

毛泽东自少年起就厌恶封建专制的社会文化氛围，封建专制环境的压抑激发了他的斗争精神。青年时代的毛泽东，思想开始发生巨大变化，成长为一位坚定的马克思主义者，更加深刻地认识到民主环境的重要性。1962年，他在《在扩大的中央工作会议上的讲话》中指出，“没有无产阶级的民主，就不会有无产阶级的集中”,因而“就不会建成社会主义”。在长期的革命和建设实践中，毛泽东深刻地发现民主的达成不仅需要空间和场所，更需要民主的文化氛围。因此，为了唤起民众民主革命的自觉意识，他把培育塑造民主精神及文化作为实现民主的重要内容。1949年9月，他在《关于各地召开各界代表会议的指示》中就特别强调了民主活动的目标原则：“总以既能保证会议由我党领导，又能养成民主精神为原则。”新中国成立后，毛泽东特别强调了“商量”的协商民主精神和文化传统。1954年，毛泽东在《关于政协的性质和任务》中指出：“国家各方面的关系都要协商。”1956年，他在《同工商界人士的谈话》中指出：“我们政府的性格，你们也都摸熟了，是跟人民商量办事的”,“可以叫它是个商量政府”。毛泽东把传承中华优秀协商政治文化，培养造就民主精神，作为民主的具体实践不懈奋斗。

First, it manifests as the moral spirit of mutual respect and equal treatment in democratic political activities.

第一，表现为民主政治活动中相互尊重、平等相待的道德精神。

In 1929, at the Ninth Party Congress of the Fourth Red Army, Mao Zedong mentioned the problem of representatives at the meeting not actively speaking, and analyzed that the reason for the participants’ lack of interest lay in: “a feudal-style meeting order, rigid and lifeless, attending the meeting is like sitting in prison.” Mao Zedong deeply understood the importance of a democratic environment and cultural atmosphere for achieving and realizing democracy, so he demanded that when holding meetings, efforts should be made to give those attending equal opportunities to speak, creating a democratic atmosphere and environment. In 1949, in his “Methods of Work of Party Committees,” he stated, “The Party secretary must be good at being a ‘squad leader’,” which meant creating a democratic atmosphere of consultation. At the same time, regarding the unhealthy tendency within the Party where some criticism “turned into personal attacks,” Mao Zedong believed this could easily lead to contradictions and conflicts, and might even evolve into retaliation or organizational suppression and persecution. He attached great importance to and corrected these tendencies that deviated from the spirit of democracy. In 1962, at the Enlarged Central Work Conference, Mao Zedong pointed out: “We advocate not grabbing pigtails, not putting on hats, and not wielding sticks, the purpose being to make people unafraid in their hearts and dare to express opinions,” thereby building a sound democratic political ecosystem. [21]21 “Not grabbing pigtails, not putting on hats, and not wielding sticks” (不抓辫子、不戴帽子、不打棍子) is a Chinese political idiom meaning not to seize upon someone’s past mistakes (grabbing pigtails), not to label them politically (putting on hats), and not to subject them to criticism or punishment (wielding sticks). It was a principle Mao Zedong advocated to encourage free expression and reduce fear in political discussions. Particularly regarding multi-party cooperation and political consultation with non-Party figures, Mao Zedong emphasized the need for mutual respect and equal treatment, creating a democratic environment of “sincere and frank consultation,” and truly giving play to the positive role of democracy.

1929年，在红四军第九次代表会议上，毛泽东就提及与会代表不积极发言的问题，分析与会者缺少兴趣的原因在于：“封建式的会场秩序，死板无活气，到会如坐狱。”毛泽东深刻意识到了民主环境和文化氛围对于达成及实现民主的重要性，因此他要求开会时尽量要使列会的人有平等发言机会，营造民主的氛围和环境。1949年他在《党委会的工作方法》中谈到，“党委书记要善于当‘班长’”,就是要营造协商的民主氛围。同时，针对党内有些批评“变成了攻击个人”的不良风气，毛泽东认为这不仅容易引发矛盾和冲突，甚至可能演变为打击报复，或者组织上的压制迫害，他高度重视并纠正了这些背离民主精神的不良倾向。1962年在扩大的中央工作会议上，毛泽东指出：“我们提倡不抓辫子、不戴帽子、不打棍子，目的就是要使人心里不怕，敢于讲意见。”构建良好的民主政治生态。特别是与党外人士的多党合作和政治协商，毛泽东强调必须相互尊重、平等相待，营造“诚恳地坦白地商量”的民主环境，真正发挥民主的正向作用。

Second, it is manifested as the value pursuit of seeking truth and solving problems in democratic political activities.

第二，表现为民主政治活动中探寻真理、解决问题的价值追求。

Democracy is the process by which the people exercise their democratic rights to realize their will and propositions. Everyone independently expresses their views, reaches consensus, and “submits to the truth,” which is also a democratic process of seeking truth and correcting errors. After the First National People’s Congress was convened in 1954, Mao Zedong insisted on retaining the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference precisely because it could “accommodate many people to discuss matters” and serve as a channel for people from all parties and all walks of life to participate in and deliberate on state affairs. In the process of promoting the spirit of democracy, representatives each discuss issues, present facts, and reason things out, comparing the perspectives, breadth, and depth of their reasoning, which often leads to the formation of relatively comprehensive, systematic, and scientific plans, while discarding one-sided, backward, and erroneous propositions. In 1955, at the National Conference of the Party, Mao Zedong pointed out: “A fence needs three stakes, a capable man needs three helpers. Working alone is not good; one always needs help.” The topics of democratic activities require mutual inspiration and continuous innovation, pooling everyone’s collective discussion, so that together we can skillfully and steadily solve difficult problems, rather than the liberal thinking of “letting things drift if they don’t concern one personally,” which avoids harm and follows the crowd. This spirit of democracy can both gather and strengthen revolutionary forces for defeating the enemy, and gather and strengthen the power of truth for overcoming difficulties. It is a higher level and requirement of democracy.

民主是人民行使民主权利实现意志及主张的过程。大家独立发表见解、达成共识并“服从真理”,也是一个探寻真理、修正错误的民主过程。1954年第一届全国人民代表大会召开之后，毛泽东坚持保留人民政协，也是因它能“容纳许多人来商量事情”,并作为各党各界人士参政议政渠道。在发扬民主精神过程中，代表各自谈问题、摆事实、讲道理，相互比照理由的视角、宽度、高度，往往就能形成比较全面、系统、科学的方案，并摒弃片面、落后、错误的主张。1955年在党的全国代表会议上，毛泽东指出：“一个篱笆要打三个桩，一个好汉要有三个帮。单干是不好的，总是要有人帮。”民主活动议题需要相互启发而又不断创新，汇聚大家共同讨论，才能合力巧妙稳妥破解难题，而非那种“事不关己高高挂起”的趋利避害、随波逐流的思想自由主义。这种民主的精神，既能为克敌制胜汇聚和增强革命力量，又能为攻坚克难汇聚和创新真理力量，是民主的更高层次和要求。

Third, it is embodied in a democratic culture and spiritual realm oriented toward ideals and unity of purpose.

第三，体现为面向理想、同心同德的民主文化及精神境界。

The Communist Party of China is a community that believes in the lofty ideal of communism and strives for the realization of the communist ideal of freedom and liberation. In 1944, in his article “Serve the People,” Mao Zedong pointed out: “We hail from all corners of the country and have joined together for a common revolutionary goal.” This common “revolutionary goal” is the communist ideal, which reflects Mao Zedong’s thinking on democracy in the context of the collective mode of human existence. Mao Zedong hoped that representatives participating in political activities must exercise political scrutiny and, in democratic activities, should have political consciousness, putting forward “constructive opinions” rather than “destructive opinions,” contributing wisdom and strength to the solution of problems. On the basis of a common ideal, they should work together to solve common problems, reaching the democratic realm that Zhou Enlai once strongly advocated: “Under the major premise, many specific issues should strive for mutual accommodation.” He hoped that the Communist Party would not forget its original aspiration of “implementing democratic cooperation with non-Party figures” to run state affairs well. In 1941, in his speech at the Assembly of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region, he said that we Communists must “overcome our sectarianism and cliquism,” must attach importance to democratic methods, “must learn to open the door wide and implement the method of democratic cooperation with non-Party figures,” “must learn to be good at consulting with others on problems,” rather than using the Party’s democratic political activities for interest division and power struggles, “completely departing from all principles of the Communist Party,” and betraying the political stance and spiritual character of Communists.

中国共产党是信仰共产主义远大理想，并为实现自由解放的共产主义理想而奋斗的共同体。1944年毛泽东在《为人民服务》一文中指出：“我们都是来自五湖四海，为了一个共同的革命目标，走到一起来了。”这个共同的“革命目标”即共产主义理想，它体现了毛泽东在人的集体存在方式上对民主的思考。毛泽东希望参与政治活动的代表必须从政治上把关，在民主活动中更应该具有政治自觉，提出“建设性的意见”而非“破坏性的意见”,为问题的解决贡献智慧和力量。在共同理想基础上，同舟共济解决共同面临的问题，达到如周恩来曾力倡的“大前提下，许多具体问题应该力求互让”的民主境界。他希望共产党要不忘“同党外人士实行民主合作”办好国事的初心。1941年，他在《在陕甘宁边区参议会的演说》中说道，我们共产党要“克服自己的关门主义和宗派主义”,必须重视民主的方法，“一定要学会打开大门和党外人士实行民主合作的方法”,“一定要学会善于同别人商量问题”,而非借党的民主政治活动进行利益分割、权力争斗，“完全离开了共产党的一切原则”,背弃共产党人的政治立场和精神品格。

III. The Foundational Contribution of Mao Zedong’s Exploration of Democracy to the Modern Civilization of the Chinese Nation

三、毛泽东的民主探索对中华民族现代文明的奠基性贡献

The modern civilization of the Chinese nation is an organic unity of material civilization, cultural-ethical progress, social civilization, and ecological civilization, including political civilization. People’s democracy is a great creation in building the modern political civilization of the Chinese nation. Mao Zedong’s exploration of democracy realized the exchange and interaction between the ancient Chinese civilization and modern human civilization. He creatively combined Chinese culture with Marxism, absorbed the beneficial elements of Western political philosophy, unified the inner essence of democracy with its forms of realization, laid the foundation for the democratic ideal, path, system, and form of Chinese-path modernization, and made a foundational contribution to building the modern civilization of the Chinese nation in the exploration of democratic political civilization.

中华民族现代文明是包含政治文明在内的物质文明、精神文明、社会文明和生态文明的有机统一，人民民主是建设中华民族现代政治文明的伟大创造。毛泽东对民主的探索，实现了古老中华文明与人类现代文明的交流互动，他创造性地将中华文化与马克思主义相结合，汲取西方政治哲学的有益成分，将民主的内在本质同民主的实现形式相统一，奠定了中国式现代化的民主理想、道路、制度和形态基础，在探索民主政治文明中为建设中华民族现代文明作出了奠基性贡献。

First, it awakened the democratic ideal of the modern civilization of the Chinese nation and enlightened the understanding of the modern political civilization of the Chinese nation.

第一，开觉中华民族现代文明的民主理想，启蒙了中华民族现代政治文明的认识。

Feudal autocratic China was extremely lacking in democracy, but in the history of human civilization, the Chinese nation is a great nation rich in people-oriented thinking, people-oriented wisdom, and people-oriented traditions, which first practiced people-oriented principles and led human civilization. In fact, the Chinese nation does not lack “democratic thinking and democratic wisdom.” Feudal autocratic China suppressed the people’s democratic ideals, shackled the people’s understanding of democracy, and greatly hindered China’s modernization. In modern times, a large number of people with lofty ideals, represented by Sun Yat-sen, struggled continuously to realize the political ideal of a democratic republic, but all ended in failure. Mao Zedong led the Party and the people in unremittingly pursuing the revolutionary ideal of people’s democracy, throwing off the oppression of the “three big mountains,” [22]22 “Three big mountains” (三座大山) is a standard Chinese revolutionary term referring to imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucratic capitalism, which Mao Zedong identified as the three oppressive forces that the Chinese people had to overthrow. and realizing the people’s freedom and liberation. Mao Zedong was the pioneer of China’s democratic politics. He combined the standpoints, viewpoints, and methods of Marxism with the “harmony” culture of Chinese civilization, stepped out of the misunderstanding of Western liberal democracy, realized the great creation of people’s democracy, got rid of the drawbacks and defects of Western democracy, endowed democracy with a unique Chinese connotation, creatively constructed an independent Chinese knowledge system of democracy, and avoided the danger of copying Western capitalist democracy under the monopoly of Western democratic discourse since modern times. The people’s democracy formed through Mao Zedong’s exploration turned the democratic ideal that the Chinese people had been painstakingly seeking since modern times into reality. It both preserved and inherited the genes of Chinese civilization and enriched the democratic thinking of the Chinese nation, enlightening the scientific understanding of the Chinese nation and the Chinese people regarding modern democratic civilization.

封建专制的中国极端缺乏民主，但在人类文明的历史上，中华民族是一个富有民本思维、民本智慧、民本传统，最早开展民本实践，引领人类文明的伟大民族，事实上中华民族并不缺乏“民主思维和民主智慧”。封建专制的中国压抑了人民的民主理想，束缚了人民对民主的认识，极大地阻碍了中国现代化。到了近代，以孙中山为代表的一大批仁人志士，为实现民主共和的政治理想不断斗争，但均以失败告终。毛泽东领导党和人民不懈追求人民民主的革命理想，摆脱了“三座大山”的压迫，实现了人民的自由解放。毛泽东是中国民主政治的开拓者，他把马克思主义的立场观点方法与中华文明“和合”文化结合起来，走出了西方自由主义民主的误区，实现了人民民主的伟大创造，摆脱了西方民主的弊端和缺陷，赋予了民主独特的中国内涵，创造性地构筑了中国自主民主知识体系，避免了近代以来在西方民主话语垄断下照抄照搬西方资本主义民主的危险。毛泽东探索形成的人民民主，让近代以来中国人民苦苦探寻的民主理想变为现实，既保留和传承中华文明的基因，又丰富了中华民族的民主思维，启蒙了中华民族和中国人民对现代民主文明的科学认识。

Second, it opened up the democratic path of the modern civilization of the Chinese nation and guided the direction of the modern political civilization of the Chinese nation.

第二，开辟中华民族现代文明的民主道路，引领了中华民族现代政治文明的方向。

After 1840, China’s door was forced open, and countless people with lofty ideals made unremitting efforts to explore a path to save the nation and its people. Reformism, liberalism, social Darwinism, anarchism, pragmatism, populism, syndicalism, and other Western currents of thought arrived one after another, “each taking the stage in turn,” but because they mechanically copied Western democratic political models, they failed to find a correct path suited to the realities of the Chinese revolution, and all ended in defeat. Under the enlightenment of the Xinhai Revolution [23]23 The Xinhai Revolution (1911-1912) overthrew the Qing dynasty and ended over two thousand years of imperial rule in China, establishing the Republic of China., as democratic republicanism became a historical trend, transforming Chinese politics and opening a new path for democracy became a historical necessity of the Chinese revolution. Direction determines the path, and the path determines destiny; “it is no easy task to find a correct path.” The shift of the Chinese revolution from old-democratic to new-democratic revolution was an inevitable outcome of the development of Chinese society and history. As Mao Zedong pointed out: “Practice democracy and you will win; do not practice democracy and you will lose.” In the revolutionary practice of leading the Party and the people, Mao Zedong creatively opened a path for the new-democratic revolution, found the correct path and direction for renovating Chinese politics and developing democratic politics, explored and formed a path of people’s democracy suited to China’s actual conditions, and broke the presupposition of the “uniqueness” of the Western democratic political path. It is precisely by advancing courageously along the democratic political path and direction explored by Mao Zedong that the political civilization of socialism with Chinese characteristics has achieved a new leap from “people’s democracy” to “whole-process people’s democracy.”

1840年后中国国门洞开，无数仁人志士为探索救国救民的道路不懈努力，改良主义、自由主义、社会达尔文主义、无政府主义、实用主义、民粹主义、工团主义等各种西方思潮接踵而至，“你方唱罢我登场”,但由于照抄照搬西方民主政治模式，并没有找到适合中国革命现实的正确道路，都以失败告终。在辛亥革命的启蒙下，随着民主共和成为历史潮流，变革中国政治、开辟民主新路已是中国革命的历史必然。方向决定道路，道路决定命运，“找到一条正确的道路多么不容易”。中国革命由旧民主主义转向新民主主义，是中国社会历史发展的必然结果。正如毛泽东指出的：“实行民主则胜，不实行民主则败。”毛泽东在领导党和人民的革命实践中，创造性地开辟了一条新民主主义革命道路，找到了革新中国政治、发展民主政治的正确道路和方向，探索形成了符合中国实际的人民民主道路，打破了西方民主政治道路的“唯一性”预设。正是沿着毛泽东探索的民主政治道路和方向奋勇前进，中国特色社会主义民主政治文明实现了从“人民民主”到“全过程人民民主”的新飞跃。

Third, the democratic system that inaugurated the modern civilization of the Chinese nation has consolidated the foundation of the modern political civilization of the Chinese nation.

第三，开创中华民族现代文明的民主制度，筑牢了中华民族现代政治文明的根基。

Since modern times, countless people with lofty ideals in China have made arduous explorations to achieve the modern democratic transformation of traditional Chinese society. The Reform Movement of 1898 [24]24 The Reform Movement of 1898 (also known as the Hundred Days’ Reform) was a failed 103-day period of top-down modernization and institutional reform led by Emperor Guangxu and reformist scholars, crushed by conservative forces., from the perspective of “function,” attempted to copy the Western democratic republican system to realize the modern transformation of old China’s feudalism, but ultimately failed due to its historical limitations. Sun Yat-sen, the forerunner of the Chinese revolution, led the Xinhai Revolution to overthrow feudal autocracy, attempting to build a modern democratic China from the level of “substance,” but this too ended in failure. In 1949, after enduring countless hardships, Mao Zedong “led the people in establishing a new China where the people are the masters of the country,” “realizing a great leap of China toward a system of people’s democracy,” and laid a solid institutional foundation for “building a brand-new, strong, and truly people’s republic.” As the September 22, 1949 editorial of the *People’s Daily* pointed out: “With this state system, we can safeguard the great achievements of the Chinese people’s democratic revolution,” and we “have the strength to smash at any time the plots of imperialism, feudalism, bureaucratic capitalism, and all reactionary forces to stage a comeback in China.” After the founding of New China, Mao Zedong led the exploration of the system of people’s congresses, the system of multiparty cooperation and political consultation, the system of regional ethnic autonomy, and others, which creatively developed the Marxist theory of the state and the theory of political parties. These not only laid the “four beams and eight pillars” [25]25 “Four beams and eight pillars” is a Chinese architectural metaphor for the basic framework or main supporting structures of a system. of China’s socialist democratic politics but also consolidated the institutional foundation for building the modern political civilization of the Chinese nation.

近代以来，中国无数仁人志士为探索实现中国传统社会的现代化民主转型，进行了艰难探索。维新变法从“用”的视角，试图照搬西方民主共和政体，实现旧中国封建主义的现代转型，最终以其历史局限性而惨败；中国革命先行者孙中山领导辛亥革命推翻封建专制，试图从“体”的层面建设现代民主化的中国，最终也以失败告终。1949年，毛泽东历经千辛万苦“带领人民建立了人民当家作主的新中国”“实现了中国向人民民主制度的伟大跨越”,为“建设起一个崭新的强盛的名副其实的人民共和国”奠定了坚实制度基础。正如1949年9月22日《人民日报》社论所指出的：“有了这个国家制度，我们就能够保障中国人民民主革命胜利的伟大成果”,我们“就有力量随时击碎帝国主义、封建主义、官僚资本主义及一切反动势力在中国企图复辟的阴谋”。新中国成立后毛泽东领导探索的人民代表大会制度、多党合作和政治协商制度、民族区域自治制度等，又创造性地发展了马克思主义国家学说和政党学说，不仅奠定了中国社会主义民主政治的“四梁八柱”,而且筑牢了建设中华民族现代政治文明的制度根基。

Fourth, the democratic form that inaugurated the modern civilization of the Chinese nation has established a model of modern political civilization for the Chinese nation.

第四，开建中华民族现代文明的民主形态，树立了中华民族现代政治文明的典范。

Lenin pointed out: “Democracy is a form of the state, a form of the state system.” It can be said that “democracy is the essential attribute of all state systems.” Today, among the more than 200 countries and regions in the world, almost all claim to be democratic states, and Lenin’s scientific judgment has been confirmed by practice. Democracy is not abstract but concrete and real. Although there are many ways to realize democracy, there is no fixed form or standard that is “universally applicable.” In the concrete forms of realizing democracy, “each nation has its own characteristics,” and the form of democracy can only be determined according to its own national conditions. History and practice have repeatedly proven that a country, in designing, developing, and perfecting its own form of democratic politics, must adhere to proceeding from its own national conditions and reality and follow its own path. The people’s democracy pioneered by Mao Zedong combined socialist consultative democracy with electoral democracy, achieving a transcendence of Western ballot-box democracy. In the history of the development of human political civilization, it created a brand-new form of democracy different from Western capitalist democracy, and in the history of scientific socialism, it established a model of democratic politics for socialist states. In world history, it has a profound impact on enriching the forms of human political civilization. In the New Era, while firmly upholding the confidence in people’s democracy established by Mao Zedong, the great political creation of whole-process people’s democracy has been formed, inaugurating a new form of human political civilization and making new contributions full of Chinese wisdom to promoting the progressive development of human political civilization.

列宁指出：“民主是国家形式，是国家形态的一种。”可以说，“民主制是一切国家制度的本质属性”。今天全世界200多个国家和地区，几乎都宣称自己为民主国家，列宁的科学论断已被实践所证实。民主不是抽象的，而是具体的现实的，虽然民主的实现有多种方式，但没有“放之四海而皆准”的固定形式和标准。在实现民主的具体形式上，“每个民族都有自己的特点”,民主形态只能依据自身的国情来确定。历史和实践反复证明：一个国家设计、发展和完善本国的民主政治形式，必须坚持从本国国情和实际出发，走自己的道路。毛泽东领导开创的人民民主，把社会主义协商民主和选举民主等相结合，实现了对西方票决民主的超越，在人类政治文明发展史上创造了一种不同于西方资本主义民主的崭新民主形态，在科学社会主义历史上树立了社会主义国家民主政治的文明典范，在世界历史上对丰富人类政治文明形态具有深远的影响。新时代在坚定毛泽东树立的人民民主自信的同时，形成了全过程人民民主伟大政治创造，开创了人类政治文明新形态，为推动人类政治文明进步发展作出了充满中国智慧的新贡献。

(Author’s bio: Li Panqiang, Lecturer at the School of Marxism, Central South University, and Researcher at the Central South University Base of the Hunan Provincial Research Center for Contemporary Chinese Marxism)

（作者简介：李盼强，中南大学马克思主义学院讲师，湖南省当代中国马克思主义研究中心中南大学基地研究员）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心