The Value Implications of Mao Zedong Thought in China-Africa Diplomatic Practice

Mao Zedong Thought is the crystallization of political wisdom gradually formed through inheriting and developing Marxism-Leninism, integrating China’s national conditions, and basing itself on the practice of the nation’s revolution and construction. Under the influence of the international situation and the needs of national strategic development, the first generation of leaders of the CPC, represented by Mao Zedong, made comprehensive plans and arrangements for China’s foreign strategy in light of domestic and international circumstances, forming Mao Zedong’s diplomatic thought with Chinese characteristics. As an important component of the theoretical system of Mao Zedong Thought, Mao Zedong’s diplomatic thought has guiding significance for the country’s diplomatic practice and has also profoundly influenced China-Africa relations.

毛泽东思想是在继承发展马克思列宁主义，结合中国国情，立足国家革命建设实践而逐步形成的政治智慧结晶。在国际局势的影响与国家战略发展的需求下，以毛泽东为代表的中共第一代领导人根据国内外形势对中国对外战略作出全面规划与布局，形成具有中国特色的毛泽东外交思想。毛泽东外交思想作为毛泽东思想理论体系的重要组成部分，对国家外交实践具有指导意义，也深刻影响中非关系。

I. Mao Zedong Thought and the Development Process of China’s Diplomacy toward Africa

一、毛泽东思想与中国对非外交的发展历程

China-Africa relations are an important part of China’s foreign relations. The complex changes in the international situation and the practical needs of national development often affect the historical trajectory of China-Africa relations. During Mao Zedong’s period, China-Africa relations were, in diplomatic history, a process of developing from nothing. Shared historical experiences and developmental aspirations gave both sides a natural affinity. During this period, China and Africa, spanning vast geographical distances, moved from actively supporting each other’s struggles for national liberation to becoming each other’s “all-weather” friends. China and African countries established a new type of diplomatic relations truly belonging to independent nations, opening a new era in China-Africa relations.

中非关系是中国对外关系的重要组成部分，国际局势的复杂变化与国家发展的现实需求常常影响中非关系的历史走向。毛泽东时期的中非关系从外交史上是一种从无到有的过程，共同的历史遭遇与发展诉求使中非双方存在天然的亲近感。这一时期的中非双方，跨越遥远的地理距离，从对争取民族解放斗争的积极声援到成为彼此“全天候”朋友。中国与非洲国家之间建立了真正属于独立国家的新型外交关系，开辟了中非关系的新纪元。

(1) Exploration and Understanding: Early Chinese Understanding of Africa (Before 1949)

(一)探寻与了解：近代中国对非洲的早期认识(1949年以前)

During the War of Resistance Against Japan [1]1 “Leaning to one side” (一边倒) refers to the foreign policy of the newly founded People’s Republic of China in the early 1950s, aligning with the Soviet-led socialist camp against the US-led capitalist bloc., the main historical task of opposing imperialism and feudalism meant that China had little contact with Africa, and the Chinese people’s perception of Africa mostly remained at the level of a vague geographical concept. It was not until the outbreak of the 1935 war of Ethiopia against Italian aggression that modern Africa began to enter the Chinese people’s field of vision. The call in the August First Declaration [2]2 The “two intermediate zones” (两个中间地带) theory was proposed by Mao Zedong in the 1960s, identifying two intermediate zones between the US and the Soviet Union: one comprising Asia, Africa, and Latin America, and the other including Western Europe, Japan, and Canada. to learn from the spirit of Ethiopia’s armed resistance struggle was also the first time that content concerning Africa appeared in official CPC documents. Under the influence of the Ethiopian incident, the CPC realized for the first time that on a distant continent there existed peoples with similar experiences who were bravely resisting. And in 1938, Mao Zedong published “On Protracted War” [3]3 The “three worlds” (三个世界) theory, articulated by Mao in 1974, divided the world into three groups: the US and the Soviet Union as the First World; Japan, Europe, and Canada as the Second World; and Asia, Africa, and Latin America as the Third World., which was also Mao Zedong’s first discussion of content concerning Africa. However, the understanding of Africa during this period was more influenced by the transmission of information from the Comintern than by China’s independent cognition of Africa. At this time, Africa played more of a case-study role for China and the CPC.

在抗战时期，反帝反封建的主要历史任务需要使得中国对非洲的接触较少，人民对非洲的认知大都停留在模糊的地理概念。直至1935年埃塞俄比亚反对意大利侵略战争爆发，近现代非洲才开始走进中国人民的视野。《八一宣言》中呼吁对埃塞俄比亚武装反抗斗争精神的学习也是中共官方文件中第一次出现有关非洲的内容。在埃塞俄比亚事件的影响下，中国共产党首次认识到在遥远的大陆存在与我们有着类似遭遇并英勇反抗的人民。而在1938年毛泽东发表《论持久战》,也是毛泽东首次论述有关非洲的内容。但这一时期对非洲的认识，更多受共产国际信息传递的影响，而非中国对非洲的自主认知，此时的非洲于中国及中国共产党而言更多起到案例作用。

The CPC’s first conceptual understanding of Africa came in 1946, in the idea of the “intermediate zone” [4]4 “All-weather friends” (全天候朋友) is a term used to describe the historically close and consistent relationship between China and certain African countries, such as Tanzania and Zambia, since the 1960s. first mentioned by Mao Zedong during a meeting with an American journalist. In this conceptual outline, Mao Zedong classified Africa, together with Europe and Asia, as the “intermediate zone” separating the United States and the Soviet Union. The emergence of the “intermediate zone” idea also marked the beginning of China’s and the CPC’s own political understanding and conceptual grasp of Africa.

而中国共产党对非洲第一次有概念上的认知是在1946年毛泽东与美国记者见面时首次提到的“中间地带”思想中。在此思想概述里，毛泽东将非洲与欧洲、亚洲一起划定为隔绝美国与苏联之间的“中间地带”。“中间地带”思想的出现也标志着中国及中国共产党对非洲开始有了自己的政治认识与概念理解。

Although the understanding of Africa during the War of Resistance period was relatively meager, it was like tearing open a gap in the mysterious continent, opening up an understanding and imagination of Africa, and providing a foundation and entry point for future interactions with Africa and the establishment of foreign relations.

虽然抗战时期对非洲的认知相对贫瘠，但如同撕开神秘大陆的缺口，开启对非洲的认识与想象，为未来与非洲的交往以及对外关系的建立提供基础与切入点。

(2) Probing and Contact: Early Contacts between New China and Africa (1949–1954)

(二)试探与接触：新中国与非洲的早期接触(1949—1954年)

The founding of New China in 1949 signified the beginning of a completely new type of foreign relations for an independent nation. To break through the blockade imposed by Western countries, New China constantly sought new paths and new partners suitable for national development. At this time, African countries were striving to overthrow colonial rule and win national independence, which attracted China’s attention. The design of the stamp issued by China in 1952 to commemorate the International Conference for the Defense of Children [5]5 The International Conference for the Defense of Children (1952) was a global meeting in Vienna focused on children’s welfare during the Cold War. included the image of an African child. This was the first time African elements appeared on Chinese stamps, reflecting China’s attention to the African region at that time. However, because the vast majority of African countries were still under the control of Western countries and their suzerain states, adopted the capitalist system, and were closer to and maintained “diplomatic” relations with the Nationalist government, they could not establish normal diplomatic relations with New China. At the same time, China was also affected by factors such as the Korean War, and its national strategic focus was on safeguarding national security and consolidating state power. Therefore, the diplomatic focus was not placed on Africa. During this period, China-Africa relations were mainly based on non-governmental exchanges.

1949年新中国的成立意味着独立国家崭新对外关系的开启，为突破西方国家的封锁，新中国一直在努力探寻适合国家发展的新道路与新伙伴。而此时非洲国家正努力推翻殖民统治，争取民族独立，引起了中国的关注。在1952年中国发行的纪念《国际保卫儿童会议》邮票图案中就包含了非洲儿童的形象，这也是非洲元素第一次出现在中国的邮票上，体现当时中国对非洲地区的关注。但由于此时非洲绝大多数国家仍处于西方国家及宗主国的控制之下，采取资本主义制度，且更亲近国民政府并与之保持“外交”关系，无法与新中国建立正常的外交关系。同时当时中国又受到朝鲜战争等因素的影响，国家战略重点在维护国家安全和巩固国家政权方面，因此外交重心并未放在非洲方面。此时的中非之间主要以民间交往为主。

Although China did not establish formal diplomatic relations with Africa in the early years after the founding of New China, during this period, China and Africa supported each other under the common strategic goal of opposing imperialism and colonialism. Non-governmental exchanges became increasingly frequent, and telegraphic expressions of support gradually increased, which also laid the foundation for China’s subsequent establishment of diplomatic relations with newly independent African countries.

虽然在新中国成立初期我国并未与非洲建立正式外交关系，但在这段时间里，中非双方在反对帝国主义与殖民主义的共同战略目标下相互支持，民间交往不断频繁，电文声援逐渐增多，也为后来中国与新独立的非洲国家建立外交关系奠定基础。

(3) Seeking Common Ground While Reserving Differences: China-Africa Relations in the Context of the Bandung Conference (1955)

(三)求同与存异：万隆会议背景下的中非关系(1955年)

After the outbreak of the Korean War, the United States gradually imposed containment measures on China, implementing economic blockades and military encirclement. At this time, China’s diplomacy fell into a state of isolation, urgently needing opportunities for free interaction with other countries to open up a new diplomatic situation. The Bandung Conference [6]6 The Bandung Conference (1955) was the first Asian-African conference, held in Indonesia, promoting anti-colonial solidarity and the Non-Aligned Movement. held in 1955 provided new opportunities for New China’s foreign exchanges and the development of China-Africa relations.

朝鲜战争爆发后，美国逐渐对中国施加遏制措施，实施经济封锁和军事包围，此时的中国外交陷入孤立局面，迫切需要与其他国家自由交往的机会，从而打开外交新局面。1955年召开的万隆会议为新中国的对外交往和中非关系的发展提供了新机遇。

At the Bandung Conference, New China made its mark in great-power diplomacy. The Chinese diplomatic delegation, led by Zhou Enlai, put forward the concept of “seeking common ground while reserving differences,” which promoted the smooth and effective progress of the conference. As the first international conference of people of color in history, the convening of the Bandung Conference further promoted the national liberation movements of Asian and African countries, enhanced unity and cooperation among Asian and African countries, and marked the emergence of Asian and African countries as a new political force on the historical stage.

万隆会议上新中国在大国外交中崭露头角，以周恩来为首的中国外交代表团提出了“求同存异”的理念，推动会议顺利有效进行。作为历史上第一次有色人种的国际会议，万隆会议的召开进一步推动了亚非国家的民族解放运动，增进亚非国家间的团结合作，标志着亚非国家作为一支崭新的政治力量登上历史舞台。

The Bandung Conference was not only a key point in the development of China-Africa relations but also a breakthrough point for opening up a new situation in China’s diplomacy. New China completely broke through the United States’ strategic diplomatic encirclement and opened the door to interaction with Asian and African countries. After the Bandung Conference, China established diplomatic relations with Egypt, Algeria, Ghana, and several other Asian and African countries, embarking on closer international cooperation. Among them, Egypt, as the first African country to formally establish diplomatic relations with China, also marked the shift of China-Africa relations from non-governmental exchanges to political exchanges, and China-Africa relations entered a new stage of development.

万隆会议不仅是中非关系发展的关键点，更是打开中国外交新局面的突破点，新中国彻底打破了美国在外交上的战略包围，打开了与亚非国家交往的大门。万隆会议后，中国与埃及、阿尔及利亚、加纳等多个亚非国家建立外交关系，展开更为密切的国际合作，其中埃及作为第一个与中国正式建立外交关系的非洲国家，也标志着中非之间从民间交往开始走向政治交往，中非关系开始进入新的发展阶段。

(4) Mutual Assistance and Development: Aid to Africa and the Return to the United Nations (1956–1976)

(四)互助与发展：对非援助与重返联合国(1956—1976年)

After the Bandung Conference, with the development of China’s foreign relations, China’s foreign aid targets expanded from neighboring friendly countries to other developing countries. At this time, as Sino-Soviet relations gradually deteriorated and the US-Soviet struggle for hegemony intensified, the Party Central Committee leaders, mainly Mao Zedong, realized the indispensable role of Asian, African, and Latin American countries as the “intermediate zone.” Therefore, aiding Asian, African, and Latin American countries and promoting their national liberation movements were adopted as important foreign development strategies.

万隆会议后随着中国对外关系的发展，中国的对外援助对象从周边友好国家扩展到其他的发展中国家。此时由于中苏关系逐渐走向恶化，美苏争霸形势加剧，以毛泽东为主的党中央领导人意识到亚非拉国家作为“中间地带”不可忽视的作用。因此将援助亚非拉国家，推动亚非拉国家的民族解放运动作为重要的对外发展战略。

China began providing aid to African countries in 1956. From the 1950s to the 1970s, China’s aid to Africa had reached approximately 7.7 billion yuan. The basic principle of China’s aid to Africa was to follow the principle of equality and mutual benefit, on the premise of non-interference in the internal affairs of African countries and respect for the sovereignty of recipient countries, helping recipient countries achieve political independence and economic development. This mode of aid aligned with the equal and reasonable international order that newly independent African nation-states desired, and was more in line with the interests of recipient countries. Although the country was still in great difficulty at the time, foreign aid effectively expanded new space for the country’s diplomatic development and enhanced the country’s international status and image. Of the 14 African countries that established diplomatic relations with China after the Bandung Conference, the vast majority were China’s aid recipients. China, from a country not favored by the international community to one widely respected, won firm political support from many countries, especially recipient countries, which also made an important contribution to the restoration of New China’s lawful seat in the United Nations. The Charter of the United Nations, promulgated in 1945, had clearly stipulated that China was a founding member of the United Nations and a permanent member of the Security Council. After the founding of New China, Mao Zedong and other first-generation leaders actively strove to restore China’s lawful seat in the United Nations. However, due to obstruction by capitalist countries such as the United States, proposals to restore China’s seat were not passed at the 16th, 20th, and 25th sessions of the UN General Assembly. It was not until the 26th UN General Assembly in 1971 that the proposal to restore all lawful rights of the People’s Republic of China in the United Nations was adopted. At this session, 16 of the 23 co-sponsoring countries supporting China were from Africa, and 26 of the 76 countries that voted in favor were African countries, the vast majority of which were China’s aid recipients. On many international occasions, recipient countries stood firmly with China, jointly confronting international political struggles, and helping to continuously elevate China’s international status.

中国于1956年开始向非洲国家提供援助，从20世纪50年代至70年代，中国对非援助已达人民币77亿元左右。中国对非援助的基本原则是在不干涉非洲国家内政，尊重受援国主权的前提下，遵循平等互利原则，帮助受援国实现政治独立和经济发展。这种援助方式契合非洲新独立民族国家期望的平等、合理的国际秩序，更符合受援国的利益。虽然当时国家仍然十分艰难，但对外援助有效拓展了国家外交发展的新空间，提升了国家的国际地位与国际形象。万隆会议后与中国建交的14个非洲国家里，大都是中国的受援国家。中国从一个不被国际社会看好的国家到受普遍尊重的国家，赢得了许多国家特别是受援国家坚定的政治支持，这也为新中国恢复联合国合法席位作出重要贡献。1945年颁布的《联合国宪章》就曾明确规定，中国是联合国的创始成员国与安理会常任理事国。新中国成立后，毛泽东等第一代国家领导人就积极争取恢复联合国的合法席位。但因美国等资本主义国家阻拦，在第16届、20届、25届等联合国大会上都未能通过恢复中国席位的提案。直至1971年第26届联合国大会上，恢复中华人民共和国在联合国的一切合法权利的提案才被通过。在这次会议中支持中国的23个提案里有16个来自非洲国家，而投赞成票的76个国家中有26个为非洲国家，其中绝大多数为中国的受援国。在许多国际场合，受援国坚定地与我国站在一边，共同面对国际政治斗争，帮助我国国际地位不断提升。

The development and changes in China-Africa relations during the Mao Zedong period were in line with changes in the domestic and international situation and the requirements of national development, satisfying the common interests of both China and Africa. Establishing a symmetrical interdependent relationship on the basis of equality and mutual benefit not only expanded space for New China’s diplomacy but also promoted the independence and development of nation-states in the African region, while also having important practical significance for the development of China-Africa relations in the New Era.

毛泽东时期中非关系的发展变化，是顺应国内外局势变化和国家发展要求，满足中非双方共同利益的。在平等互利的基础上建立对称性的相互依赖关系，不仅为新中国外交拓展了空间，也推动非洲地区民族国家的独立与发展，同时对新时代中非关系的发展具有重要的现实意义。

II. The Theoretical Value of Mao Zedong Thought in China-Africa Diplomatic Practice

二、毛泽东思想在中非外交实践中的理论价值

As a theoretical achievement of adapting Marxism to the Chinese context, Mao Zedong Thought is a theoretical summary and sublimation of the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution, playing an overarching guiding role in China’s revolution, construction, and development. In China-Africa diplomatic practice, Mao Zedong Thought played a guiding role that grasped the essentials, demonstrating its unique ideological and theoretical value in the diplomatic field. Under the guidance of Mao Zedong Thought, the importance of China-Africa relations within China’s overall foreign relations was significantly elevated, laying the foundation for the development of China-Africa relations.

作为马克思主义中国化的理论成果，毛泽东思想是对中国革命具体实践的理论总结与升华，对中国的革命、建设和发展起着总揽全局的指导作用。在中非的外交实践中，毛泽东思想起到了提纲挈领的指导作用，显示出其在外交领域独特的思想理论价值。在毛泽东思想的指导下，中非关系在中国对外关系领域中的重要性显著提升，奠定了中非关系发展的基础。

(I) The Three Major Diplomatic Principles Laid the Foundation for the Development of China-Africa Relations

(一)三大外交方针奠定中非关系发展基础

In the early period after the founding of New China, with the country facing domestic troubles and foreign threats and a hundred things waiting to be done, Mao Zedong formulated the three major diplomatic principles: “starting anew,” “cleaning the house before inviting guests,” and “leaning to one side.” These helped New China completely shake off imperialist control and consolidate national independence and sovereignty. Among them, “starting anew” denied the old diplomatic relations of the Nationalist government period, indicating New China’s diplomatic stance and propositions, laying the foundation for New China to establish foreign relations based on mutual respect, equality, and mutual benefit. “Cleaning the house before inviting guests” helped New China quickly sweep away the residual forces and privileges of imperialism left in the country, consolidating the political power of the Chinese Communist Party and laying the foundation for the establishment of equal diplomatic relations. The “leaning to one side” policy drew China-Soviet relations closer, enabling New China to obtain substantial economic aid from the Soviet Union, helping New China achieve rapid development in its economy, military, and even comprehensive national power, effectively curbing the United States’ comprehensive blockade of China and defusing U.S. political, economic, and military threats.

新中国成立初期，国家内忧外患、百废待兴，毛泽东制定了“另起炉灶”“打扫干净屋子再请客”“一边倒”的三大外交方针，帮助新中国彻底摆脱帝国主义控制，巩固国家独立与主权。其中“另起炉灶”否认国民政府时期旧的外交关系，表明新中国的外交立场与主张，为新中国建立相互尊重、平等互利的对外关系奠定基础；“打扫干净屋子再请客”帮助新中国快速扫清帝国主义遗留国内的残余势力与特权，巩固中国共产党政权，为平等外交关系的建立奠定基础；而“一边倒”政策拉近中苏关系，使新中国获得苏联大量经济援助，帮助新中国经济、军事乃至综合国力实现快速发展，有效遏制美国对中国的全面封锁，化解美国在政治、经济、军事上的威胁。

The three major diplomatic principles, taking the safeguarding of national interests as their starting point and formulated on the basis of a correct understanding of the domestic and international situation, constituted the basic policy framework for New China’s foreign relations in the early period and continue to guide China’s diplomacy to this day. In terms of ideology, the three major diplomatic principles, especially the “leaning to one side” policy, reflected distinct ideological characteristics. At a time when the bipolar structure was initially taking shape, New China’s strength was relatively weak, making it necessary to choose sides. Leaning firmly toward the socialist camp stemmed from the similar ideology and social system between China and the Soviet Union at that time. From a philosophical perspective, the three major diplomatic principles adopted a political philosophy of putting interests first. Marxism once proposed that everything people strive for is closely related to interests. At the national level, a country’s choice of foreign strategy is likewise inseparable from consideration of its fundamental national interests, and handling relations with other countries should also take interests as the starting point.

三大外交方针是以维护国家利益为出发点，在正确认识国内外形势的基础上制定的新中国外交方针和准则，构成新中国成立初期对外交往的基本政策框架，对未来中国外交仍起指导作用。在意识形态方面，三大外交方针特别是其中“一边倒”政策体现鲜明的意识形态特点。在当时两极格局初步形成之际，新中国力量较为薄弱，不得不采取选边站的方式，而坚定倒向社会主义阵营一边源于当时我国与苏联相似的意识形态与社会制度。而上升到哲学角度，三大外交方针采用的是利益至上的政治哲学观。马克思主义曾提出人们奋斗的一切都与利益密切相关。而在国家层面，国家对外战略的选择同样离不开对国家根本利益的考虑，处理与其他国家关系也当以利益为出发点。

Under the overall guidance of the three major diplomatic principles, New China quickly broke out of diplomatic isolation, established diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union and other countries, helped safeguard national security interests, and gained international recognition. Although China and Africa were unable to establish diplomatic relations at that time, the establishment of a stable diplomatic situation also laid the foundation for the future development of China-Africa relations.

在三大外交方针的统筹指导下，新中国快速走出外交封锁，与苏联等国家建立外交关系，帮助维护国家安全利益，获得国际承认。虽然当时中非双方无法建立外交关系，但建立稳定的外交局势也为未来中非关系的发展奠定基础。

(II) The “Intermediate Zone” Thought Elevated the Strategic Importance of Africa

(二)“中间地带”思想提升非洲战略重要性

During the Mao Zedong period, two theoretical formulations concerning the “intermediate zone” were formed: the “one intermediate zone” thought in the 1940s and 1950s, and the “two intermediate zones” thought in the 1960s. In the “one intermediate zone” thought, Mao Zedong placed China together with other Asian, African, and European countries as an “intermediate zone” separating the United States and the Soviet Union. In the “two intermediate zones” thought, due to the requirements of political stance and foreign strategy, Mao Zedong did not include China in the intermediate zone, but instead used this classification method to clarify which countries could be united and won over by China’s diplomacy. The change occurred not only because the changing national strength and international status of various countries required a more precise delineation, but also because, in the international environment of the time, the Soviet Union had transformed from an anti-U.S. imperialist camp into a pole that, like the United States, endangered international peace and stability. The evolution of the theory also marked a change in China’s foreign relations. If the “one intermediate zone” thought was the first time Mao Zedong and other Chinese Communist Party leaders formed an analysis and grasp of the overall international situation from a Chinese perspective, then the “two intermediate zones” thought was a theoretical formulation formed on the basis of the “one intermediate zone” thought after further changes in the international situation and after the Chinese Communist Party leaders gained a deeper understanding and analysis of the countries of the world. The relationship between the two is one of inheritance and development.

毛泽东时期形成过两次有关“中间地带”的思想论断，分别是20世纪40、50年代的“一个中间地带”思想以及20世纪60年代的“两个中间地带”思想。在“一个中间地带”思想中，毛泽东将我国与其他亚非欧国家一起作为隔绝美苏的“中间地带”,而在“两个中间地带”思想中，由于政治立场和对外战略的要求，毛泽东并未将中国归入中间地带，而是以此种分类方式厘清哪些国家为中国外交可以团结与争取的力量。变化的产生不仅因为随着各国国家实力和国际地位变化需要更为明确的划定，还因在当时的国际环境下，苏联由反美帝国主义阵营转变为与美国一样危害国际和平稳定的一极。理论演变进程也标志着中国对外关系的改变。如果说“一个中间地带”思想是毛泽东等中共领导人第一次以中国视角形成对整个国际社会局势的分析与把握，那“两个中间地带”思想就是在国际局势发生进一步变化，中共领导人对世界各国有更深入的了解与分析后，在“一个中间地带”思想的基础上形成的思想论断，两者间是继承与发展的关系。

The formulation of the two “intermediate zone” thoughts fully embodies the Marxist epistemology and view of development. From a philosophical perspective, cognition is based on practice and is a reflective activity aimed at summarizing the essential laws of matter. With continuous interaction with other countries and the emergence of diplomatic practice, the leaders represented by Mao Zedong continuously enriched and deepened their understanding and knowledge of the international structure and various countries, thereby proposing the “intermediate zone” thought that better reflected the world situation at the time. From the perspective of the Marxist view of development, things develop amidst constant change. The differences and changes between the two “intermediate zones” also promoted the development of the country’s worldview.

两次“中间地带”思想的提出充分体现马克思主义认识论与发展观。在哲学观念看来，认识是以实践为基础的，是一种以概括物质本质规律为目的的反映活动。随着与其他国家间的不断交往以及外交实践活动的产生，以毛泽东为代表的领导人不断丰富和深化对国际格局以及各个国家的了解与认识，从而提出更能反映当时世界局势的“中间地带”思想。而从马克思主义发展观的角度来看，事物是在不断变化中发展的，两次“中间地带”之间的区别变化也推动着国家世界观的发展。

Both iterations of the “intermediate zone” thought contained content related to Africa, and Africa, as an important force in the intermediate zone, gradually drew the attention and emphasis of New China. As mentioned above, the “one intermediate zone” thought was the first time the Chinese Communist Party leadership formed a political understanding and conceptual recognition of Africa, while the “two intermediate zones” thought provided a more detailed classification of the forces in the intermediate zone, including Africa, elevating Africa’s status in the country’s foreign strategy, and treating Africa together with Asian and Latin American countries as forces that could be united with and relied upon. Under the severe international situation shaped by the US-Soviet struggle for hegemony, Africa, with the increase in independent nations, continuously enhanced its international voice; it was no longer ignored by China but became an important force that could be politically united with and won over, pushing the entire world toward multipolar and diversified development.

两次“中间地带”思想都存在有关非洲内容，非洲作为重要的中间地带力量逐步引起新中国的关注与重视。上文曾提到“一个中间地带”思想是中共领导人第一次对非洲形成政治理解与概念认知，而“两个中间地带”思想则将包括非洲在内的中间地带力量进行更详细的分类，提升非洲在国家对外战略中的地位，将非洲与亚洲、拉丁美洲国家一起作为可以团结依靠的力量。在因受美苏争霸影响而形成的严峻国际局势下，非洲随着独立国家的增多不断提升国际话语权，于中国而言不再被忽视，而成为政治上可以团结和争取的重要力量，促使整个世界朝着多极、多元化发展。

(3) The Thought on an International Peace United Front Clarifies the Basic Norms of China-Africa Interaction

(三)国际和平统一战线思想明晰中非交往基本准则

The international united front thought proposed by Mao Zedong is an important intellectual product formed by inheriting the basic connotations of the Marxist-Leninist international united front and basing itself on China’s national conditions. According to the strategic needs and international missions of national development in different historical periods—the War of Resistance Against Japan and after the founding of New China—Mao Zedong’s international united front thought is further divided into the International Anti-Fascist United Front and the International Peace United Front. Among these, the International Peace United Front was proposed after the founding of New China, in the face of US diplomatic isolation and economic blockade, as well as the tensions caused by the US-Soviet struggle for hegemony. It was a diplomatic conception put forward to safeguard national security and strive for a relatively stable international environment. The key to this thought lies in the idea that any country willing to contend with hegemonism or war, regardless of differences in national development conditions or opposing social systems, is a force for peace that can be united. It was precisely under the influence of the Peace United Front that China’s foreign work began to emphasize the common need for peaceful development without overemphasizing differences. Among these, the Bandung Conference was an important step in establishing the International Peace United Front. The thought of “seeking common ground while reserving differences” helped the country quickly open up its diplomatic situation and develop foreign relations.

毛泽东提出的国际统一战线思想是在继承马克思列宁主义国际统一战线基本内涵，立足于中国国情而形成的重要思想产物。依据抗日战争与新中国成立后不同历史时期国家发展的战略需求与国际使命，毛泽东的国际统一战线思想又分为国际反法西斯统一战线与国际和平统一战线。其中国际和平统一战线的提出是在新中国成立后，面对美国外交孤立与经济封锁以及美苏争霸导致的紧张局势，为维护国家自身安全，争取较为稳定的国际环境而提出的外交构想。该思想的关键在于无论国家发展情况是否存在差异或社会制度是否对立，只要愿意与霸权主义或战争抗争的国家，都是可以团结的和平力量。正是在和平统一战线的影响下，中国对外工作开始强调和平发展的共同需求而不过分关注差异部分。其中万隆会议就是建立国际和平统一战线的重要一步。“求同存异”的思想帮助国家快速打开外交局面，发展对外关系。

The “seeking common ground while reserving differences” under the influence of the International Peace United Front thought reflects the principle of equivalence in scientific philosophy. The basic content of this principle consists of the “principle of seeking common ground” under the influence of the principle of indifference and the “principle of reserving differences” under the influence of the principle of difference. In Mao Zedong’s united front thought, uniting all forces that promote peace places greater emphasis on the role of the principle of indifference, causing the principle of equivalence to shift toward the principle of indifference in striving for peace. This thought not only reflects Mao Zedong’s philosophical wisdom but is also an inheritance and development of the excellent traditional culture of the Chinese nation. It is a modern national strategic manifestation of “harmony in diversity, beauty in shared coexistence,” and a perfect embodiment of combining philosophical thought with China’s actual conditions.

在国际和平统一战线思想影响下的“求同存异”反映的是科学哲学中的等效原理。构成该原理基本内容的为无差异原理影响下的“求同原则”和差异原理影响下的“存异原则”。毛泽东统一战线思想中团结一切促进和平的力量，就是更为强调无差异原理发挥作用，使等效原理朝向争取和平的无差异原理转换。这一思想不仅反映毛泽东的哲学智慧，更是对中华民族传统优秀文化的继承与发展，是“和而不同，美美与共”的现代化国家战略表现，更是将哲学思想与中国实际相结合的完美体现。

The breakthrough development of China-Africa relations from “people-to-people diplomacy” to “official diplomacy” was precisely influenced by the International Peace United Front. Opposing imperialism and colonialism and striving for independence were common points between China and African countries. Supporting African colonial liberation movements and providing active assistance were in line with the needs of building the International Peace United Front and developing national interests. At the same time, “seeking common ground while reserving differences” and “peaceful coexistence” also became the theoretical guidance and basic norms for China’s interactions with African countries. Mao Zedong Thought holds that only cooperation between countries on an equal basis can achieve mutual benefit. From the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Egypt to the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and other African countries, it was always based on mutual respect for territorial sovereignty and non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, establishing a new type of equal interstate diplomatic relations.

中非关系产生由“民间外交”走向“官方外交”的突破性进展正是受到国际和平统一战线的影响。反对帝国主义、殖民主义、争取独立是我国与非洲国家的共同点，支持非洲殖民解放运动、提供积极的援助是符合建设国际和平统一战线以及国家利益发展需要的。同时，“求同存异”与“和平共处”也成为中国与非洲国家交往的理论指导与基本准则。毛泽东思想认为国家间只有在平等的基础上合作才能实现互利。从中埃建交开始到中国与其他非洲国家外交关系的建立，始终是以互相尊重领土主权、互不干涉国家内政为前提建立的相互平等的新型国家外交关系。

(4) The Theory of the Division of the “Three Worlds” Constructs a New Chapter in China-Africa Interaction

(四)“三个世界”划分理论构筑中非交往新篇章

In the early 1970s, Mao Zedong creatively proposed the theory of the division of the “three worlds.” The proposal of the “three worlds” division theory enriched and further developed the “two intermediate zones” thought, exerting an important influence on China’s diplomatic practice, especially China-Africa diplomatic practice. According to the classification criteria of the “three worlds” theory, the United States and the Soviet Union constituted the First World, developing countries in regions such as Asia, Africa, and Latin America constituted the Third World, and other developed countries outside these two categories constituted the Second World. This method of division also guided China’s strategic choices in handling diplomatic relations with different countries. Regarding the First World countries, the US and the USSR, Mao Zedong clearly put forward the political proposition of opposing hegemonism and imperialism, deeply understanding that only by breaking free from the control of hegemonic powers could international peace, stability, and development be achieved. As for Second World countries, Mao Zedong advocated shifting from diplomatic bias arising from camp confrontation to attempting to establish partnerships. The profound impact of the two major powers, the US and the USSR, on the international situation made the forces relying solely on Third World countries for change and resistance relatively weak. The development needs of Second World countries themselves also led them to consider relations with other countries; therefore, in Mao Zedong Thought, Second World countries could be targets for winning over in the struggle against hegemonism. China, as a Third World country, would firmly stand together with other Third World countries. Through economic and political support for Third World countries, China enhanced its national voice and international influence, enabling Third World countries to form a political force capable of influencing the international landscape, thereby promoting the establishment of an anti-hegemony and anti-imperialist united front.

20世纪70年代初，毛泽东创造性地提出“三个世界”划分理论。“三个世界”划分理论的提出是对两次“中间地带”思想的丰富与再发展，对我国外交实践特别是中非外交实践产生重要影响。根据“三个世界”理论的划分标准，美国和苏联为第一世界，亚非拉等地区的发展中国家为第三世界，而处于两者外的其他发达国家为第二世界。这种划分方式也指导着我国处理与不同国家外交关系上的战略选择。对于第一世界的美苏两国，毛泽东明确提出反对霸权主义和帝国主义的政治主张，深知只有脱离霸权国控制才能实现国际局势的和平稳定与发展。而对第二世界国家，毛泽东则主张从由阵营对立产生的外交偏向转为尝试建立伙伴关系。美苏两个大国对国际局势产生的深远影响，使仅靠第三世界国家进行改变与对抗的力量相对薄弱。第二世界国家自身发展的需求也使他们开始考虑与其他国家的关系，因此在毛泽东思想中第二世界国家可以作为反对霸权主义的争取对象。而中国作为第三世界国家，将坚定地与其他第三世界国家站在一起。通过对第三世界国家在经济政治等方面的支持，提高国家话语权与国际影响力，让第三世界国家形成一股能够影响国际格局的政治力量，进而推动反霸反帝统一战线的建立。

The “three worlds” division theory reflects Mao Zedong’s logical reconstruction of China’s international discourse power, transforming the original division of capitalist and socialist camps based on ideology into a division based on factors such as a country’s influence in the international landscape and national strength. The construction of a discourse system with Chinese characteristics enhanced the country’s influence and also impacted the world situation. At the same time, the “three worlds” division theory is a practical application of the dialectical materialist methodology within Marxist philosophy. On the one hand, the “three worlds” embodies Mao Zedong’s dialectical perspective in understanding things and their contradictions. The basic methodology of Marxism requires correctly understanding the universality and objectivity of contradictions; the principal contradictions in international society and between countries are universal, but contradictions also have their particularities. In interactions between countries, the differences between contradictions should be clarified to determine the direction of development of interstate relations. The strategic thinking and choices regarding Second World countries precisely represent the dialectical selection of forces that can be united after recognizing and analyzing contradictions. On the other hand, it requires viewing contradictions with a one-divides-into-two dialectical approach. Things are not immutable; similarly, friend-enemy relations are not fixed. From the “leaning to one side” [10]10 “Leaning to one side” (一边倒) was a foreign policy strategy adopted by the newly founded People’s Republic of China in the early 1950s, aligning the country with the Soviet-led socialist bloc against the US-led capitalist camp. in the early days of New China to uniting all forces opposing hegemonism in the “three worlds” division theory, this is precisely Mao Zedong Thought’s specific application of dialectical thinking.

“三个世界”划分理论体现毛泽东在逻辑上对中国国际话语权的重建，将原本由意识形态产生的资本主义与社会主义阵营划分转变为以国家在国际格局中具备的影响力、国家实力等因素为划分方式。中国特色的话语体系建构提升了国家影响力，也对世界局势带来影响。同时，“三个世界”划分理论更是对马克思主义哲学当中辩证唯物主义方法论的实践运用。一方面，“三个世界”体现了毛泽东以辩证的眼光来认识事物及其矛盾。马克思主义基本方法论要求正确认识矛盾的普遍性与客观性，国际社会与国家间的主要矛盾是普遍存在的，但矛盾间又各有其特殊性。在国家间交往中应厘清矛盾间的差异，从而确定国家间关系的发展走向。对第二世界国家的战略思维与选择正是在认识与分析矛盾后辩证选择的可团结力量。另一方面，是要以一分为二的思维辩证方式来看待矛盾。事物并非一成不变的，同样敌友关系也非固化存在，从新中国成立初期的“一边倒”到“三个世界”划分理论中团结一切反对霸权主义力量，正是毛泽东思想对辩证思维的具体应用。

The “three worlds” division made China more aware that Africa, as a new political force on the international stage, was an important force that could be relied upon in the struggle against hegemonic powers. It was precisely under the influence of the “three worlds” division theory that China established the political proposition of providing comprehensive assistance to Africa, influencing the development of China’s diplomatic work toward Africa, enhancing the establishment of friendly relations between China and Africa, and pushing China-Africa interaction toward a new chapter.

“三个世界”划分让中国更加意识到非洲作为国际舞台上一股崭新的政治势力，是在与霸权国家进行抗争中可以依靠的重要力量。正是在“三个世界”划分理论的影响下，中国确立了对非进行全面援助的政治主张，影响中国对非外交工作的开展，增进中非间友好关系的建立，推动中非交往走向新篇章。

III. The Contemporary Value of Mao Zedong Thought in China-Africa Diplomatic Practice

三、毛泽东思想在中非外交实践中的时代价值

“Practice is the sole criterion for testing truth.” In China-Africa diplomatic practice, the continuous development of China-Africa relations, thereby enhancing the national strength and international voice of both sides, proves the substantive role of Mao Zedong Thought in addressing and resolving China’s diplomatic difficulties and handling interstate diplomatic relations. It not only impacted the international landscape at the time but also provides reference for China’s current response to the two overall situations. [11]11 “Two overall situations” (两个大局) refers to the domestic overall situation of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the international overall situation of changes unseen in a century.

“实践是检验真理的唯一标准”。在中非外交实践中，中非关系不断发展从而促进双方国家实力与国际话语权的提升，证明毛泽东思想在应对和解决中国外交困境，处理国家间外交关系的实质作用。不仅对当时国际格局产生影响，也为当前中国应对两个大局提供借鉴。

(1) Enhancing International Discourse Power and Achieving Diplomatic Breakthrough

(一)提升国际话语权，实现外交突围

From “leaning to one side” to the “two intermediate zones” and then to the “three worlds,” Mao Zedong dialectically recognized the opportunities, challenges, and strategic needs of China at different stages of development, and reconstructed national discursive power when proposing diplomatic policies. Mao Zedong Thought on diplomacy, as the theoretical guidance for China’s diplomatic practice, possesses distinct Chinese characteristics; it is an important product that integrates traditional Chinese culture with Marxism and is grounded in China’s actual conditions. Taking the safeguarding of national interests as the fundamental starting point, it proposes values and a worldview with Chinese characteristics, views the world through Chinese eyes, builds consensus among nations, and makes Chinese contributions to the resolution of international affairs. While enhancing international discursive power, it also promotes the construction of sound international relations.

从“一边倒”到“两个中间地带”再到“三个世界”,毛泽东辩证认识中国在不同发展时期的机遇挑战与战略需求，在提出外交方针政策时重构国家话语权。毛泽东外交思想作为中国外交实践的理论指导，具有鲜明的中国特色，是将中国传统文化与马克思主义相融合，立足于中国实际的重要产物。以维护国家利益为根本出发点，提出具有中国特色的价值观与世界观，用中国的眼光看待世界，凝聚国家间共识，为国际事务的解决作出中国贡献。在提升国际话语权的同时推动良好国际关系的构建。

At the level of historical development, Mao Zedong Thought on diplomacy provides basic principles and methods for the state in handling foreign relations, helps the state correctly understand and grasp the international situation, and properly manages diplomatic relations with other countries at different stages of development. It safeguards the independence and development of the nation, breaks through imperialist blockades at the diplomatic level, and promotes the implementation of the state’s comprehensive policy of opening up to the outside world and the establishment of friendly relations with other countries.

在历史发展层面，毛泽东外交思想为国家处理对外关系提供基本原则与方法，帮助国家正确认识和把握国际局势，在不同发展时期妥善处理与其他国家的外交关系。维护国家的独立与发展，打破帝国主义对国家外交层面的封锁，推动国家全方位对外开放政策的实施和与其他国家友好关系的建立。

(II) Opening a New Era in China-Africa Relations and Laying the Foundation for China-Africa Exchanges

(二)开创中非关系新纪元，奠定中非交往基础

China-Africa relations have deepened continuously with the adjustment and change of diplomatic policies under the influence of Mao Zedong Thought. They have transformed from mere radio support or one-way economic aid during the struggle for national independence and liberation to mutual support under the oppression of hegemonism and interdependence in promoting national development and enhancing international status. China and Africa have moved from unfamiliarity to familiarity, from non-governmental exchanges in the early days of the founding of New China to the establishment of equal diplomatic relations between modern states, becoming closer amid twists and turns.

中非关系随着毛泽东思想影响下外交政策的调整变化而不断深入。从只有在争取民族独立与解放过程中的电台声援抑或单向的经济援助，而转变为面对霸权主义压迫下的相互支撑以及推动国家发展与国际地位提升的相互依赖。中国与非洲从陌生到熟悉，从新中国成立初期的民间交往到现代国家平等外交关系的建立，在曲折变化中更加紧密。

In the process of China-Africa diplomatic practice, Mao Zedong Thought advocates the concepts of mutual equality, mutual benefit and win-win cooperation, and common development, promotes the construction of a new type of international relations, gives play to the discursive power and important value of the Third World on the international stage, and strengthens the forces for world peace and democracy that oppose hegemonism and imperialism. The independent foreign policy of peace, continuously enriched in this process, not only promoted the development of China-Africa relations but also became an important criterion for China in handling relations with other countries and resolving international conflicts and border disputes. Under the influence of the peaceful foreign policy, the countries of the Third World were closely united, breaking the international pattern monopolized by Western countries. They gradually began to step onto the international political stage, participate in global governance, and voice the concerns of the vast nations and peoples that had suffered exploitation and oppression in the past.

毛泽东思想在中非外交实践进程中倡导相互平等、互利共赢、共同发展的理念，推动构建新型国际关系，发挥第三世界在国际舞台上的话语权与重要价值，壮大反对霸权主义、帝国主义的世界和平民主力量。在这过程中不断丰富的独立自主的和平外交政策不仅推动中非关系的发展，也成为中国处理与其他国家关系，解决国际冲突与边界争端等问题的重要准则。在和平外交政策的影响下，第三世界国家紧密联系在一起，打破被西方国家垄断的国际格局。开始逐渐走向国际政治舞台，参与全球治理，发出代表过去遭受剥削与压迫的广大民族与国家的声音。

(III) From the Three Worlds to the Two Overall Situations: The Sublation of Value in China-Africa Diplomatic Practice in the New Era

(三)从三个世界到两个大局，新时代中非外交实践的价值扬弃

At present, our country faces both the strategic overall situation of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the changes unseen in a century in the world. The interweaving of these two overall situations brings not only development opportunities but also many challenges. The concepts and principles of Mao Zedong Thought at the diplomatic level still have guiding significance for our country in responding to domestic and international risks and challenges, coordinating the two overall situations, and building a new type of international relations.

当前我国面临实现中华民族伟大复兴的战略全局和世界百年未有之大变局。两个大局相互交织不仅带来发展机遇也伴随诸多挑战。毛泽东思想在外交层面的理念与原则对当前我国应对国内外风险挑战，统筹两个大局，构建新型国际关系仍具指导意义。

On the one hand, the “intermediate zone” thought and the “three worlds” theory reflect the importance of rationally judging a country’s role and identity positioning for implementing or adjusting its foreign strategy. Although the division into three worlds is less frequently mentioned today, our country has always positioned itself as a responsible developing country and has always remained closely linked with other developing countries; this is also a manifestation of China’s positioning based on its role as a Third World country. Despite the malicious smears of the so-called “China threat theory,” China has always adhered to the fundamental character of a responsible major country and conducted diplomatic relations in accordance with its positioning as a builder of world peace. On the other hand, Mao Zedong Thought on diplomacy is consistent with the current concept of building a community with a shared future for mankind. The diplomatic policy planning in Mao Zedong Thought aims to achieve peaceful coexistence with other countries on the premise of independence. At a time when the general norm of international interaction was oppression and being oppressed, Mao Zedong Thought formed a new paradigm of interaction between states, which met the diplomatic needs and development interests of the Third World countries at that time. The current community with a shared future for mankind represents both an inheritance and a transcendence of Mao Zedong Thought on diplomacy. It signifies that a continuously developing China dares to assume more international responsibilities and proposes diplomatic concepts with Chinese characteristics from a broader global perspective. Similarly, under the influence of the concept of a community with a shared future for mankind, China-Africa relations have gradually evolved from “all-weather friends” toward building a China-Africa community with a shared future in the New Era. The deepening cooperation and shared development opportunities between China and Africa also provide a model for the times in promoting the construction of a new type of international relations and a just and reasonable international order.

一方面，“中间地带”思想和“三个世界”划分理论体现理性判断国家角色和身份定位对国家实施或调整对外战略的重要性。虽然当前较少再提及三个世界的划分方式，但我国始终把自己定位为负责任的发展中国家，并始终与其他发展中国家紧密联系在一起，这也是中国在基于第三世界国家角色定位基础上的表现。在所谓“中国威胁论”的恶意抹黑下，中国始终坚持一个负责任大国的底色，根据自己作为世界和平建设者的定位开展外交关系。另一方面，毛泽东外交思想与当前构建人类命运共同体的理念一脉相承。毛泽东思想中的外交政策规划，是在独立自主的前提下，实现与其他国家的和平共处。在当时国际社会交往普遍为压迫与被压迫的国家间常态时，毛泽东外交思想形成一种新型的国家间交往范式，符合当时第三世界国家的外交需求与发展利益。而现在的人类命运共同体是对毛泽东外交思想的继承与超越。标志着不断发展着的中国敢于承担更多的国际责任，以更开阔的全球观提出具有中国特色的外交构想。而同样中非关系也在人类命运共同体理念的影响下由“全天候朋友”逐渐走向构建新时代中非命运共同体。中非间不断深化合作，共享发展机遇，也为推动构建新型国际关系和公正合理国际秩序提供时代典范。

IV. Conclusion

四、结语

The complex changes in the international community and the enhancement of national strength lead to adjustments in national strategic development goals, thereby affecting interactions between states and the establishment of partnerships. Whether it is the foundation of foreign strategy guided by national interests in Mao Zedong Thought, the ideal positioning of national development based on the international situation, or the norms of foreign interaction such as independence, self-reliance, and peaceful coexistence, all have important theoretical guidance and practical value for accurately grasping changes in the current international situation, correctly positioning the country diplomatically, and properly handling new types of diplomatic relations. After the founding of New China, the three major diplomatic policies, the “two intermediate zones” thought, the thought on an international united front for peace, and the “three worlds” theory, all proposed in response to changes in the domestic and international situation, had a significant impact on the diplomatic practice of New China with Africa. In turn, the development and changes in China-Africa relations promoted the enrichment and improvement of these diplomatic policies. The historical value, theoretical value, and contemporary value demonstrated by Mao Zedong Thought in China-Africa diplomatic practice not only guide the continuous development of China-Africa relations in practice and theory but also provide pioneering historical experience and a foundation for development for the further advancement of China-Africa relations and the construction of the China-Africa community with a shared future. At the same time, it has practical guiding significance for the proposal and practice of current diplomatic policies and even for the construction of a community with a shared future for mankind.

国际社会的复杂变化与国家实力的提升带来国家战略发展目标的调整，从而影响国家间交往与伙伴关系建立。无论是毛泽东思想中以国家利益为指导的对外战略基础，还是基于国际局势理想把握国家发展定位，抑或是独立自主、和平共处的对外交往准则，都对准确把握当前国际形势变化，找准国家外交定位以及妥善处理新型外交关系具有重要理论指导与实践价值。新中国成立后根据国内外局势变化先后提出的三大外交方针、“两个中间地带”思想、国际和平统一战线思想、“三个世界”划分理论等外交政策都对新中国与非洲的外交实践产生了重大影响，而中非关系的发展变化又推动上述外交政策的丰富与完善。毛泽东思想在中非外交实践中表现出来的历史价值、理论价值与时代价值，不仅指导中非关系在实践与理论上的不断发展，也为当今中非关系进一步发展与中非命运共同体建设提供开创性历史经验与发展基础。同时，在当前外交政策提出与实践方面乃至人类命运共同体建设方面具有现实指导意义。

(Author bios: He Jian, Professor, Doctoral Supervisor, and Postdoctoral Supervisor at the Belt and Road Initiative Research Institute and the Institute of International Studies, Yunnan University; Liu Shuai-jun, Doctoral Candidate at the Institute of International Studies, Yunnan University)

（作者简介：贺鉴，云南大学“一带一路”研究院、国际关系研究院教授，博士生导师，博士后合作导师；刘帅君，云南大学国际关系研究院博士研究生）

Online Editor: Tongxin

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