Deng Xiaoping and Chinese-Path Modernization

Chinese-path modernization is a great creation achieved by our Party uniting and leading the people of all ethnic groups across the country through arduous exploration and practice over a long period. If Mao Zedong was the great founder of the thought on Chinese-path modernization, then Deng Xiaoping was the great pioneer of the path of Chinese-path modernization. This article focuses on discussing the thought and theory of Chinese-path modernization proposed by Deng Xiaoping and the great process of the path of Chinese-path modernization he pioneered.

中国式现代化是我们党团结带领全国各族人民在长期探索实践中历经千辛万苦的一项伟大创造。如果说毛泽东是中国式现代化思想的伟大奠基者，那么邓小平就是中国式现代化道路的伟大开拓者。本文着重论述邓小平提出的中国式现代化思想理论以及他开拓的中国式现代化道路的伟大进程。

I. Deng Xiaoping Was the First to Propose the Concept of “Chinese-style Modernization”

一、邓小平是提出“中国式的现代化”理念第一人

Deng Xiaoping was long a core member of the Party’s first generation of collective leadership. When Mao Zedong stood on the correct side of history, he cultivated Deng Xiaoping as his successor. Deng Xiaoping’s special experience during

邓小平长期是我们党第一代领导集体的核心成员。毛泽东站在历史正确一边时，是将邓小平作为接班人培养的。邓小平在“文化大革命”中的特殊经历和长期以来形成的崇高威望，特别是在全面整顿期间表现出来的卓越才干，连周恩来在做最后的手术时都说：“你这一年干得很好，比我强得多！”邓小平这样出众的能耐，在当时健在的老一辈革命家中十分罕见。邓小平1977年重新复出后，由他任党和国家最高领导人已成众望所归。但无论大家怎么强烈呼吁，他都一次又一次婉拒了。他说：“我们发现靠我们这老一代解决不了长治久安的问题，于是我们推荐别的人，真正要找第三代。”仅此，就足见邓小平的伟大！

(I) Deng Xiaoping Was a Core Member of the First Generation of the Central Leadership in Exploring Socialist Modernization

（一）邓小平是第一代中央领导集体探索社会主义现代化建设的核心成员

Deng Xiaoping once said with deep emotion: "I am a son of the Chinese people, and I deeply love my motherland and my people." He devoted his entire life to the motherland and people he loved boundlessly, striving unremittingly for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. During the Agrarian Revolutionary War, he led the Baise Uprising and the Longzhou Uprising, and the left-right river red areas he established were among the larger revolutionary base areas nationwide. During the National War of Resistance Against Japan, he served as Political Commissar of the 129th Division of the Eighth Route Army and Acting Secretary of the Northern Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, presided over the work of the Eighth Route Army headquarters, and became one of the highest leaders of the Party, government, and military in the enemy's rear in North China in the later period of the National War of Resistance. During the War of Liberation, he served as Secretary of the General Front Committee for the two major strategic decisive battles of the Huaihai Campaign and the Yangtze River Crossing Campaign, making outstanding military contributions to destroying the reactionary rule of the Kuomintang.

邓小平曾十分动情地说过：“我是中国人民的儿子，我深情地爱着我的祖国和人民。”他将自己的一生献给了他无限热爱的祖国和人民，为实现中华民族的伟大复兴而不懈奋斗。在土地革命时期，他领导百色起义和龙州起义，创建的左右江红色区域是全国较大的革命根据地之一。在全民族抗战时期，他任八路军129师政委、代理中共中央北方局书记，主持八路军总部工作，成为全国抗战后期华北敌后党政军最高领导人之一。解放战争中，他任淮海战役和渡江战役两大战略决战的总前委书记，为摧毁国民党反动统治立下赫赫战功。

In the early period after the founding of New China, Deng Xiaoping took charge of the Southwest region, demonstrating outstanding talents in both military and civil affairs. Mao Zedong praised him: "Whether in politics or military affairs, in civil or martial matters, Deng Xiaoping is a capable hand." In 1952, Deng Xiaoping was transferred to the central government to hold important posts such as Vice Premier; in 1955, he was elected as an additional member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee; in 1956, he was responsible for preparing the Eighth National Congress of the CPC, and at the First Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee, he was elected as a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau and General Secretary of the Central Committee, becoming an important member of the central leadership collective with Comrade Mao Zedong at its core.

新中国成立初期，邓小平主政大西南，显示出能武能文的卓越才干。毛泽东加以夸奖：“无论政治还是军事，论文论武，邓小平都是一把好手。”1952年，邓小平调至中央任政府副总理等要职；1955年被增选为中央政治局委员；1956年负责筹备党的八大，并在八届一中全会上当选为中央政治局常委、中央委员会总书记，成为以毛泽东同志为核心的党中央领导集体重要成员。

The difficulty of carrying out socialist modernization on the basis of the old China, which was impoverished, weak, and utterly destitute

在旧中国积贫积弱、一穷二白基础上进行社会主义现代化建设，艰难程度可想而知。毛泽东的伟大就在于，在迅速医治战争创伤、恢复国民经济的基础上，创造性地推进由新民主主义向社会主义转变，使中国这个占世界四分之一人口的东方大国成功实现中华民族有史以来最为广泛而深刻的社会变革。他亲自起草宪法，确定我国的国体、政体、国家结构形式，构筑新中国国家政权组织体系，确立起适合我国具体国情的社会主义经济政治制度，为后来中国一切发展进步奠定了根本政治前提和制度基础。

At the same time, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Mao Zedong at its core also carried out original explorations into how to develop social productive forces, transform a backward agricultural country into an advanced industrial country, and blaze a path of socialist modernization construction suited to China’s specific national conditions. In 1953, the implementation of the “First Five-Year Plan” began, taking the first steps toward industrialization and modernization long awaited by the Chinese people. In September 1954, Zhou Enlai delivered the government work report at the First Session of the First National People’s Congress, for the first time putting forward the Party’s initial formulation of the “Four Modernizations” [1]1 The “Four Modernizations” (四个现代化) were a set of national goals first articulated by Zhou Enlai in 1964, targeting modernization of agriculture, industry, national defense, and science and technology. as reviewed and approved by Mao Zedong, namely, “to build a powerful modernized industry, modernized agriculture, modernized transportation and communications, and modernized national defense.” In his writings of 1956 and 1957, such as “On the Ten Major Relationships” and “On the Correct Handling of Contradictions among the People,” Mao Zedong explicitly set forth the idea of a Chinese path to industrialization, requiring the correct handling of the relationships between heavy industry and light industry and agriculture, between coastal industry and inland industry, between economic construction and national defense construction, as well as the correct handling of the relationships between the state, production units, and individual producers, and between the central authorities and local authorities. By the end of 1957, all targets of the “First Five-Year Plan” had been substantially overfulfilled; the achievements in industrial production far surpassed those of the entire century of old China, and the growth rate ranked among the highest in the world compared with other countries in the same period. By the end of the “Cultural Revolution,” [2]2 The “Cultural Revolution” (文化大革命) was a sociopolitical movement launched by Mao Zedong from 1966 to 1976, aimed at purifying the Party and society but resulting in widespread chaos and economic disruption. China had established an independent and relatively complete industrial system and national economic system, developed high-precision products such as the “two bombs and one satellite,” [3]3 “Two bombs and one satellite” (两弹一星) refers to China’s development of atomic and hydrogen bombs and artificial satellites, achieved in the 1960s and 1970s as symbols of technological and military advancement. and become a major socialist country with significant influence in the world. Deng Xiaoping participated in these arduous and tortuous explorations.

同时，以毛泽东同志为核心的党中央又对如何发展社会生产力，变落后农业国为先进工业国，走出适合中国具体国情的社会主义现代化建设道路进行了独创性探索。1953年始实行“一五计划”，迈开了中国人民期盼已久的工业化、现代化步伐。1954年9月，周恩来在一届人大一次会议上作政府工作报告，首次提出经过毛泽东审定的我们党对“四个现代化”的初始表述，即“建设起强大的现代化的工业、现代化的农业、现代化的交通运输业和现代化的国防”。在1956年和1957年的《论十大关系》和《关于正确处理人民内部矛盾的问题》等著述中，毛泽东明确提出中国工业化道路思想，要求正确处理重工业和轻工业、农业的关系，沿海工业和内地工业的关系，经济建设和国防建设的关系；以及正确处理国家、生产单位和生产者个人的关系，中央和地方的关系等。到1957年底，“一五”计划各项指标大幅度超额完成，工业生产取得的成就远远超过旧中国的100年，增长速度同世界其他国家同期相比名列前茅。到“文化大革命”结束，我国建立起了独立的比较完整的工业体系和国民经济体系，研制出“两弹一星”等高精尖产品，成为在世界上有重要影响的社会主义大国。邓小平参与了这些艰难曲折的探索。

Mao Zedong was the first person to map out the blueprint of the “Four Modernizations.” At the end of 1964, the government work report delivered by Zhou Enlai at the First Session of the Third National People’s Congress, as reviewed and approved by Mao, for the first time announced the grand blueprint of the “Four Modernizations” to achieve modernization of industry, agriculture, science and technology, and national defense. At the First Session of the Fourth National People’s Congress in 1975, Zhou Enlai’s government work report, as reviewed and approved by Mao, reaffirmed this blueprint. On Mao’s instructions, Deng Xiaoping presided over the drafting of Zhou Enlai’s government work report. Considering Zhou Enlai’s health condition, Deng Xiaoping proposed and, with Mao’s approval, determined that the report should be three to five thousand characters. After repeated discussions, it was finally decided to focus on the strategic steps for “Four Modernizations” construction written in the outline of the “report” drafted by Zhou Enlai himself in August 1971. Deng Xiaoping personally wrote several passages, one of which was over a thousand characters, reiterating the “two-step vision” for achieving the Four Modernizations proposed in 1964, namely: “First step, to build an independent and relatively complete industrial system and national economic system within fifteen years, that is, by 1980; second step, to comprehensively realize the modernization of agriculture, industry, national defense, and science and technology within this century, so that China’s national economy will be at the forefront of the world.” The grand blueprint of the “Four Modernizations” became the strongest voice inspiring the people during the difficult years of that special era.

毛泽东是擘画“四个现代化”蓝图第一人。1964年底，经过他审定的周恩来在三届人大一次会议所作的政府工作报告，首次公布了要实现工业现代化、农业现代化、科学技术现代化和国防现代化的“四个现代化”宏伟蓝图。在1975年四届人大一次会议上，经毛泽东审定的周恩来政府工作报告重申了这个蓝图。根据毛泽东的指示，邓小平主持起草周恩来的政府工作报告。考虑到周恩来的身体状况，邓小平提出并报毛泽东同意，确定报告为三五千字。经过反复讨论，最后确定把1971年8月周恩来本人主持起草的“报告”提纲写的关于“四个现代化”建设的战略步骤作为重点。邓小平亲自拟写了几段话，其中一段有一千多字，重申1964年提出的关于实现四个现代化的“两步设想”，即“第一步，用十五年时间，即在一九八〇年以前，建成一个独立的比较完整的工业体系和国民经济体系；第二步，在在本世纪内，全面实现农业、工业、国防和科学技术的现代化，使我国国民经济走在世界的前列”。“四个现代化”宏伟蓝图，成为在特殊年代艰难岁月鼓舞人民的最强音。

(II) The Historical Background and Initial Connotations of Deng Xiaoping’s Concept of “Chinese-Style Modernization”

（二）邓小平提出“中国式的现代化”理念的历史背景和初始内涵

After the smashing of the “Gang of Four,” [4]4 The “Gang of Four” (四人帮) was a radical political faction led by Jiang China faced the choice of where to go and what path to take. In October 1978, Deng Xiaoping pointed out: “Due to the interference of Lin Biao and the ‘Gang of Four,’ our country’s development was delayed by ten years. In the early 1960s, the gap between us and the international level of science and technology was not very large, but over the past ten-plus years, the world has advanced by leaps and bounds, and the gap has widened greatly. Compared with developed countries, the economic gap is not just ten years, but perhaps twenty or thirty years, and in some aspects even fifty years.” Later, he also pointed out: “The experience of the twenty years from 1958 to 1978 tells us: poverty is not socialism; socialism must eliminate poverty. Without developing the productive forces and improving the people’s living standards, it cannot be said to meet the requirements of socialism.” “The ten-year Cultural Revolution caused us great suffering and tremendous disaster. Now we must set our minds to it; unless a large-scale war breaks out, we must unswervingly and consistently focus on this matter, with everything revolving around it, and not be disturbed by anything. Even if a large-scale war breaks out, after the fighting we must continue, or start anew. Our entire Party and people must firmly establish this lofty ambition, hold on to it without letting go, be ‘stubborn,’ and never waver.”

粉碎“四人帮”后，中国面临向何处去和走什么样道路的选择。1978年10月，邓小平指出：“由于受林彪、‘四人帮’的干扰，我们国家的发展耽误了十年。六十年代前期我们同国际上科学技术水平有差距，但不很大，而这十几年来，世界有了突飞猛进的发展，差距就拉得很大了。同发达国家相比较，经济上的差距不止是十年了，可能是二十年、三十年，有的方面甚至可能是五十年。”后来，他还指出：“从一九五八年到一九七八年这二十年的经验告诉我们：贫穷不是社会主义，社会主义要消灭贫穷。不发展生产力，不提高人民的生活水平，不能说是符合社会主义要求的。”“十年的文化大革命，更使我们吃了很大的苦头，造成很大的灾难。现在要横下心来，除了爆发大规模战争外，就要始终如一地、贯彻始终地搞这件事，一切围绕这件事，不受任何干扰。就是爆发大规模战争，打仗以后也要继续干，或者重新干。我们全党全民要把这个雄心壮志牢固地树立起来，扭着不放，‘顽固’一点，毫不动摇。”

It was precisely on the basis of such backward conditions in economic development, scientific and technological level, and the people’s livelihood that the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the CPC made historic decisions bearing on the future and destiny of the Party and the state: it resolutely criticized the erroneous “two whatevers” policy [5]5 “Two whatevers” (两个凡是): a policy advocated by Hua Guofeng and others after Mao’s death in 1976, meaning “firmly uphold whatever policy decisions Chairman Mao made, and unswervingly follow whatever instructions Chairman Mao gave.” It was criticized by Deng Xiaoping and, re-established the Marxist ideological line of emancipating the mind and seeking truth from facts; it explicitly ceased using the erroneous formulation “taking class struggle as the key link” and decided to shift the focus of the Party’s work to socialist modernization, implementing the major policy of reform and opening up. At the same time, it co-opted new members into the central leadership bodies, and a number of veteran comrades were restored to leading posts in the central authorities, thereby forming the core position of Deng Xiaoping’s second-generation central collective leadership. This session achieved another far-reaching great turning point in the Party’s history, and the country’s development entered a new period of reform and opening up.

正是基于这样的经济发展、科技水平和人民生活等方面落后状况，党的十一届三中全会作出了关系党和国家前途命运的历史性决策，坚决批判“两个凡是”错误方针，重新确立解放思想、实事求是的马克思主义思想路线；明确停止使用“以阶级斗争为纲”错误提法，确定把全党工作的重点转移到社会主义现代化建设上来，实行改革开放大政策。同时，增选中央领导机构成员，一批老同志重新恢复了在中央的领导职务，由此形成了邓小平第二代中央领导集体核心地位。这次会议实现了党的历史上又一次具有深远意义的伟大转折，国家发展进入改革开放新时期。

Although Deng Xiaoping was not the top leader of the Party and the state, this did not prevent him, as the core of the second-generation collective leadership, from devising strategies, pooling wisdom, and making the final decisions on all important matters of the Party and the state. In the new period of reform, opening up, and socialist modernization, the main task facing the Party was “to continue exploring the correct path for building socialism in China, to liberate and develop the productive forces, to lift the people out of poverty and make them prosperous as quickly as possible, and to provide the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation with a dynamic institutional guarantee and rapid material conditions.” The second-generation collective leadership, with Comrade Deng Xiaoping at its core, united and led the entire Party and the people of all ethnic groups in the process of blazing the path of building socialism with Chinese characteristics, and put forward the concept of “Chinese-style modernization.”

邓小平虽然不是党和国家第一把手，但这不妨碍他作为第二代领导集体的核心运筹帷幄、集思广益，拍板决定党和国家的一切要务。在改革开放和社会主义现代化建设新时期，党面临的主要任务，就是“继续探索中国建设社会主义的正确道路，解放和发展社会生产力，使人民摆脱贫困、尽快富裕起来，为实现中华民族伟大复兴提供充满新的活力的体制保证和快速发展的物质条件。”以邓小平同志为核心的第二代领导集体团结带领全党和全国各族人民在开辟建设有中国特色的社会主义道路的过程中，提出了“中国式的现代化”理念。

It must be pointed out here that the proposal of the concept of “Chinese-style modernization” was also closely related to the great improvement in bilateral relations after the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Japan at that time. In late October 1978, Deng Xiaoping visited Japan at the invitation of the Japanese side. Speaking of his experience riding the Shinkansen bullet train to Kyoto, he said: It feels fast, as if urging people to run. We saw the great achievements of the Japanese people in economic construction and science and technology, and also personally felt the profound friendship of the broad masses of Japanese citizens toward the Chinese people. After returning to China, Deng Xiaoping kept thinking about how China could realize the “four modernizations.” In late March 1979, he first said to a visiting British delegation: “The goal we set is to realize the four modernizations by the end of this century. Our concept is different from that of the West. For the time being, I will use this new expression, called Chinese-style four modernizations. Our current technological level is still at your level of the 1950s. If by the end of this century we can reach your level of the 1970s, that would be quite remarkable.” Two days later, he said in a speech to the Political Bureau of the Central Committee: “In my conversation with foreigners, I used a new term: Chinese-style modernization. By the end of this century, we can probably only reach the level of the developed countries in the 1970s, and per capita income cannot be very high.” At the end of that month, at the theoretical work conference, when expounding on the Four Cardinal Principles, Deng Xiaoping explicitly stated for the first time: “Now, in undertaking construction, we must also suit the Chinese situation and blaze a Chinese-style path of modernization.” In early October of the same year, he said at a forum of first secretaries of provincial, municipal, and autonomous regional Party committees: “We made a big promise: to realize the four modernizations by the end of this century. Later we made a concession, calling it Chinese-style modernization, which means lowering the target a bit. Especially in terms of gross national product, the per capita figure will not be very high.” In early December of the same year, he met with Japanese Prime Minister Masayoshi Ohira and said: “The four modernizations we want to realize are Chinese-style four modernizations. Our concept of the four modernizations is not like your concept of modernization, but rather a ‘moderately prosperous society.’ By the end of this century, even if China’s four modernizations reach a certain goal, our per capita gross national product level will still be very low. To reach the level of a relatively well-off country in the Third World, for example, a per capita GNP of one thousand US dollars, will still require great effort. Even if we reach that level, compared with the West, we will still be backward. So, I can only say that China will still be in a state of moderate prosperity by then.”

这里不能不指出的是，“中国式的现代化”理念的提出，也与那时中日建交后两国关系得到很大改善有密切关系。1978年10月下旬，邓小平应邀访问日本，谈到乘新干线高铁到达京都的感受说：就感觉快，有催人跑的意思。我们看到了日本人民在经济建设和科学技术方面取得的巨大成就，也亲身感受到广大日本国民对中国人民的深厚情谊。回国后，邓小平一直思考中国如何实现“四个现代化”的问题。1979年3月下旬，他先是对来访的英国人说：“我们定的目标是在本世纪末实现四个现代化。我们的概念与西方不同，我姑且用这个新说法，叫做中国式的四个现代化。现在我们的技术水平还是你们五十年代的水平。如果本世纪末能达到你们七十年代的水平，那就很了不起。”两天后，他在中央政治局讲话说：“我同外国人谈话，用了一个新名词：中国式的现代化。到本世纪末，我们大概只能达到发达国家七十年代的水平，人均收入不可能很高。”在本月底理论务虚会上，邓小平在讲述坚持四项基本原则时，第一次明确提出：“现在搞建设，也要适合中国情况，走出一条中国式的现代化道路。”同年10月上旬，他在省市自治区第一书记座谈会上讲道：“我们开了大口，本世纪末实现四个现代化。后来开了个口，叫中国式的现代化，就是把目标放低一点。特别是国民生产总值，按人口平均来说不会很高。”同年12月上旬，他会见日本首相大平正芳说：“我们要实现的四个现代化，是中国式的四个现代化。我们的四个现代化的概念，不是像你们那样的现代化的概念，而是‘小康之家’。到本世纪末，中国的四个现代化即使达到了某种目标，我们的国民生产总值人均水平也还是很低的。要达到第三世界中比较富裕一点的水平，比如，国民生产总值人均一千美元，也还得付出很大的努力。就算达到那样的水平，同西方来比，也还是落后的。所以，我只能说，中国到那时也还是一个小康的状态。”

This is the background to Deng Xiaoping’s proposal of “Chinese-style modernization.” Because he had participated in the arduous exploration of the path of China’s modernization construction by the central collective leadership with Comrade Mao Zedong at its core, and had long considered the severe impact of the “Cultural Revolution” on China’s economic and social development, he put forward the concise concept of “Chinese-style modernization” just three months after the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee and endowed it with its initial connotation. We cannot but admire Deng Xiaoping’s foresight and strategic vision.

这是邓小平提出“中国式的现代化”的背景情况。由于他参与了以毛泽东同志为核心的中央领导集体对中国现代化建设道路的艰辛探索，并对“文化大革命”给中国经济社会发展的严重影响有长期考量，他在党的十一届三中全会后三个月即提出“中国式的现代化”这个简明理念，并赋予其初始内涵。我们不能不敬佩邓小平的远见卓识和战略眼光。

II. Deng Xiaoping Initiated the Great Process of the Chinese-Path Modernization Road

二、邓小平开启了中国式现代化道路伟大进程

Deng Xiaoping, as the core of our Party’s second-generation central collective leadership, was not only the first person to put forward the concept of “Chinese-style modernization,” but also united and led the Party and the people to blaze a new path of building socialism with Chinese characteristics. He was the great pioneer of Chinese-path modernization.

邓小平作为我们党的第二代中央领导核心，不仅是提出“中国式的现代化”理念第一人，而且团结带领党和人民开辟出建设有中国特色的社会主义新道路，是中国式现代化的伟大开拓者。

At the 12th National Congress of the CPC, Deng Xiaoping explicitly stated for the first time: “Integrate the universal truth of Marxism with the concrete reality of our country, take our own path, and build socialism with Chinese characteristics.” [6]6 The Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the CPC, held in December 1978, was a pivotal meeting that initiated China’s reform and opening-up policy and shifted the Party’s focus to economic modernization. Thereafter, he repeatedly stressed that the Marxism we must uphold “must be Marxism integrated with China’s reality”; the “socialism we must uphold must be a socialism with Chinese characteristics that suits China’s reality”; “this path is called the path of building socialism with Chinese characteristics. We believe this path is feasible and that we have taken the right path.” Starting from the 12th National Congress of the CPC, “the path of building socialism with Chinese characteristics” became a standard formulation for a considerable period of time.

邓小平在党的十二大上首次明确提出：“把马克思主义的普遍真理同我国的具体实际结合起来，走自己的路，建设有中国特色的社会主义。”此后，他一再强调，我们要坚持的马克思主义，“必须是同中国实际相结合的马克思主义”；坚持的“社会主义必须是切合中国实际的有中国特色的社会主义”“这条道路叫做建设有中国特色的社会主义道路。我们相信，这条道路是可行的，是走对了”。自党的十二大始，“建设有中国特色的社会主义道路”在比较长时间成为规范性表述。

Why did Deng Xiaoping not continue to elaborate on the concepts of “Chinese-path modernization” and “the Chinese path to modernization,” instead using more frequently “building a path of socialism with Chinese characteristics”? The author believes: First, “Chinese-path modernization” was a popular and vivid formulation, while “building socialism with Chinese characteristics” was a positioning-oriented, standard language. Second, “Chinese-path modernization” referred to the second strategic step of realizing the “four modernizations” by the end of the 20th century, which Deng Xiaoping summarized as a “moderately prosperous society,” with per capita GNP reaching US$1,000. The timeframe for achieving this goal, counting from the end of 1979, was at most 20 years. What would be the goal after entering the 21st century? This initial connotation did not address it, but as a chief architect and strategist, he could not fail to consider it. Third, Deng Xiaoping had already begun to germinate a forward-looking vision for the 21st century. Ten days before the opening of the 12th National Congress of the CPC, he said during a meeting with the UN Secretary-General: “Our preliminary goal of achieving modernization by the end of this century is to reach a moderately prosperous level, and then the country’s situation will be relatively good. ‘More importantly, we will have gained a new starting point, and then we will take another thirty to fifty years to approach the level of developed countries.’” This consideration of Deng Xiaoping’s was also not unrelated to the strategic vision Mao Zedong articulated in January 1962, which Deng knew: “China has a large population, a weak foundation, and

邓小平为什么不继续阐发“中国式的现代化”和“中国式的现代化道路”理念，而更多使用“建设有中国特色的社会主义道路”呢？笔者认为，第一，“中国式的现代化”是通俗的形象说法，“建设有中国特色的社会主义”是定位性的规范语言。第二，“中国式的现代化”即指在20世纪末实现“四个现代化”的第二个战略步骤，邓小平将其概括为“小康之家”，国民生产总值达到人均1000美元。这个目标的实现期限从1979年底算起，充其量只有20年。这以后进入21世纪目标是怎样的呢？这个初始内涵没有涉及，但作为总设计师的战略家不能不思考。第三，邓小平已开始萌发21世纪的前瞻构想。他在党的十二大开幕前10天会见联合国秘书长时说：我们在本世纪末实现现代化的一个初步目标，是达到小康水平，国家情况就比较好了。“更重要的是我们取得了一个新起点，再花三十年到五十年时间，接近发达国家的水平。”邓小平的这个考量也与他知悉的毛泽东在1962年1月讲的战略构想不无关系：“中国的人口多、底子薄，经济落后，要使生产力很大地发展起来，要赶上和超过世界上最先进的资本主义国家，没有一百多年的时间，我看是不行的。”显然，1979年提出的“中国式的现代化那个内涵已容纳不下。第四，对“中国式的现代化”和“中国式的现代化道路”两个概念应作一定区别。它们同根生，但不完全是一回事。前者主要指上述到20世纪末的目标内涵，后者则是指我们坚持的“社会主义必须是切合中国实际的有中国特色的社会主义”，它的战略目标更长远、宏伟。这两个概念，邓小平后来都没有常用，但并没有放弃。没常用的考量不完全一样。前者与其初始内涵有关，后者则可视为“儿时的小名”，“建设有中国特色的社会主义道路”则是正规学名。这也可看作简称和繁称之别。两者无疑可通用。本文论述这个问题时尊重历史习惯。那时，人们既然比较习惯用繁称，他本人讲得多的是“建设有中国特色的社会主义道路”。这里就用此概念来表述。

(I) Important Political and Theoretical Preparations for Opening Up the Path of Building Socialism with Chinese Characteristics

（一）开辟建设有中国特色的社会主义道路的重要政治理论准备

Opening up a path requires theoretical groundwork, clearing obstacles and breaking down barriers, and planning the overall structure. Deng Xiaoping’s pioneering efforts began first and foremost with ideological and theoretical rectification, setting things right and tracing them back to their origins. At that time, there were five main “sharp instruments” that played an important guiding role in opening up the path of building socialism with Chinese characteristics:

开辟道路、理论先行，清障破篱、规划格局。邓小平披荆斩棘，首先是思想理论上拨乱反正、正本清源。当年，对于开辟建设有中国特色的社会主义道路起了重要指导作用的，主要有五大“利器”：

First, delivering the important speech titled “Emancipate the Mind, Seek Truth from Facts, and Unite as One in Looking to the Future.” In December 1978, Deng Xiaoping delivered this speech at the Central Work Conference, pointing out very sharply: “The current debate on whether practice is the sole criterion for testing truth is in fact also a debate on whether to emancipate the mind.” “If a party, a country, or a nation starts everything from dogma, its thinking becomes ossified, and superstition prevails, then it cannot move forward; its vitality will cease, and it will perish as a party and a nation.” “If we do not implement reform now, our modernization cause and our socialist cause will be buried.” This important speech is known as the keynote report for the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the CPC.[6]6 The Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the CPC, held in December 1978, was a pivotal meeting that initiated China’s reform and opening-up policy and shifted the Party’s focus to economic modernization. It not only played a decisive role in advancing the debate on the criterion of truth and negating the “Two Whatevers,”[7]7 The “Two Whatevers” was a political slogan from 1977 that advocated “whatever Mao Zedong decided, we firmly support; whatever Mao Zedong instructed, we steadfastly follow,” which Deng Xiaoping opposed as dogmatic. but also made important ideological preparations and political mobilization for opening up the path of building socialism with Chinese characteristics.

一是发表题为《解放思想，实事求是，团结一致向前看》重要讲话。1978年12月，邓小平在中央工作会议上发表的这个讲话十分尖锐地指出：“目前进行的关于实践是检验真理的唯一标准问题的讨论，实际上也是要不要解放思想的争论。”“一个党，一个国家，一个民族，如果一切从本本出发，思想僵化，迷信盛行，那它就不能前进，它的生机就停止了，就要亡党亡国。”“如果现在再不实行改革，我们的现代化事业和社会主义事业就会被葬送。”这个重要讲话，被称为党的十一届三中全会的主题报告。它不仅对真理标准问题讨论的展开，否定“两个凡是”起了决定性作用，也为开辟建设有中国特色的社会主义道路做了重要的思想准备和政治动员。

Second, delivering the important speech titled “Uphold the Four Cardinal Principles.” In the spring of 1979, a very small number of people stirred up a trend of thought that denied the leadership of the Party, the socialist system, and slandered Mao Zedong Thought. Deng Xiaoping pointed out: To realize the “Four Modernizations”[8]8 The Four Modernizations were a set of goals announced by Zhou Enlai in 1964 and revived by Deng Xiaoping, aiming to modernize agriculture, industry, national defense, and science and technology. in China, it is necessary to uphold the Four Cardinal Principles in the ideological and political spheres. That is: “First, we must keep to the socialist road; second, we must uphold the dictatorship of the proletariat; third, we must uphold the leadership of the Communist Party; fourth, we must uphold Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought.” “These are the fundamental prerequisites for realizing the Four Modernizations.” The following year, he also pointed out: Regarding these Four Cardinal Principles, “no one is allowed to shake them in the slightest, and they must be confirmed in an appropriate legal form.” The Four Cardinal Principles were the Party’s consistent stance, but as an integrated concept, they were first proposed by Deng Xiaoping, thus acquiring new political and theoretical significance.

二是发表《坚持四项基本原则》重要讲话。1979年春，极少数人掀起一股否定党的领导、社会主义制度和诋毁毛泽东思想的思潮。邓小平指出：要在中国实现“四个现代化”，必须在思想政治上坚持四项基本原则。即“第一，必须坚持社会主义道路；第二，必须坚持无产阶级专政；第三，必须坚持共产党的领导；第四，必须坚持马列主义、毛泽东思想。”“这是实现四个现代化的根本前提。”次年，他还指出：对于这四项基本原则，“绝不允许任何人加以动摇，并且要用适当的法律形式加以确定”。四项基本原则是党的一贯立场，但作为一个整体性概念，是邓小平首次提出，因而具有新的政治意义和理论意义。

Third, delivering the important speech titled “On the Reform of the System of Party and State Leadership.” In August 1980, Deng Xiaoping delivered this important speech, pointing out: The socialist system we have established is a good system and must be upheld. However, there are still many shortcomings in some of the current specific systems, including the organizational system and the cadre system, which hinder or even seriously hinder the full display of the superiority of socialism. To reform the various systems of the Party and the state, the most important thing is to reform the system of Party and state leadership; this is the key to eliminating all kinds of shortcomings. The various mistakes we have made in the past were certainly related to the thinking and work style of some leaders, but the problems in the organizational system and the work system are more important. “Problems in the leadership system and organizational system are more fundamental, overall, stable, and long-term. This problem of the system concerns whether the Party and the state will change color, and it must be given high priority by the entire Party.” We must “absorb the progressive elements we can absorb from all countries in the world,” reform the system of Party and state leadership, and perfect the socialist system, so that it “becomes the best system in the world.” “In carrying out socialist modernization, we aim to catch up with the developed capitalist countries economically, and politically, to create a democracy that is higher and more substantial than the democracy of capitalist countries.” This speech has the significance of top-level design for what kind of socialist political system with Chinese characteristics to build, and it is also a programmatic document guiding the opening up of the path of building socialism with Chinese characteristics.

三是发表题为《党和国家领导制度的改革》的重要讲话。1980年8月邓小平发表题为《党和国家领导制度的改革》的重要讲话，指出：我们建立的社会主义制度是个好制度，必须坚持。但是，现行的一些具体制度包括组织制度、干部制度，还存在不少弊端，妨碍甚至严重妨碍社会主义优越性的发挥。要改革党和国家各方面的制度，最重要的改革党和国家领导制度，这是革除各种弊端的关键。我们过去发生的各种错误，固然与某些领导人的思想、作风有关，但是组织制度、工作制度方面的问题更重要。“领导制度、组织制度问题更带有根本性、全局性、稳定性和长期性。这种制度问题，关系到党和国家是否改变颜色，必须引起全党的高度重视。”要“吸收我们可以从世界各国吸收的进步因素”，改革党和国家领导制度，完善社会主义制度，使之“成为世界上最好的制度”“我们进行社会主义现代化建设，是要在经济上赶上发达的资本主义国家，在政治上，创造比资本主义国家的民主更高更切实的民主”。这篇讲话，对于建设什么样的中国特色社会主义政治制度具有顶层设计意义，也是指导开辟建设有中国特色的社会主义道路的纲领性文献。

Fourth, presiding over the formulation of the “Resolution on Certain Historical Issues of the Party Since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China.” The “Resolution on Certain Historical Issues of the Party Since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China,” adopted at the Sixth Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the CPC in 1981, was drafted under the constant guidance of Deng Xiaoping. The “Resolution on Certain Historical Issues of the Party Since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China” scientifically summarized the Party’s history, especially the history after the founding of New China, evaluated certain major historical events and historical figures in a practical and realistic manner, and clearly stated that the tremendous achievements made by the Party leading the people of all ethnic groups in the country in socialist revolution and construction were the main aspect; it fundamentally negated the erroneous theories and practices of the “Cultural Revolution”[9]9 The Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) was a mass political movement launched by Mao Zedong to purge capitalist and traditional elements from Chinese society, which resulted in widespread social upheaval and persecution. and “continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat”; it highly evaluated Mao Zedong’s historical status, emphasizing that he was a great Marxist, a great proletarian revolutionary, strategist, and theorist, and that his contributions to the Chinese revolution far outweighed his errors; it distinguished Mao Zedong Thought from Mao Zedong’s mistakes in his later years, fully affirming the great significance of Mao Zedong Thought as the guiding ideology of the Party. And for the first time, it made a multi-faceted summary of the basic points of the path of socialist modernization suitable for China’s specific national conditions, which had been gradually established by the Party after the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee, planning the overall framework for the path of building socialism with Chinese characteristics. The formulation of the “Resolution on Certain Historical Issues of the Party Since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China” marked the completion of the Party’s historical task of bringing order out of chaos in guiding ideology, and also provided a basic guideline for exploring the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

四是主持制定《关于建国以来党的若干历史问题的决议》。1981年党的十一届六中全会通过的《关于建国以来党的若干历史问题的决议》，自始至终由邓小平主持起草。《关于建国以来党的若干历史问题的决议》对党的历史特别是新中国成立后的历史加以科学总结，实事求是地评价了若干重大历史事件和历史人物，明确党领导全国各族人民进行社会主义革命和建设取得巨大成就是主要的；从根本上否定了“文化大革命”和“无产阶级专政下继续革命”的错误理论和实践；对毛泽东的历史地位作了高度评价，强调他是伟大的马克思主义者，是伟大的无产阶级革命家、战略家和理论家，对中国革命的功绩远远大于他的过失；将毛泽东思想与毛泽东的晚年错误区别开来，充分肯定毛泽东思想作为党的指导思想的伟大意义。并且第一次对党在十一届三中全会后逐步确立的适合我国具体国情的社会主义现代化建设道路的基本点做了多方面概括，为建设有中国特色的社会主义道路规划了总体框架。《关于建国以来党的若干历史问题的决议》的制定，标志着党在指导思想上完成拨乱反正的历史任务，也使探索有中国特色的社会主义道路有了基本遵循。

Fifth, he guided the formulation of the *Decision on the Reform of the Economic System*. This *Decision on the Reform of the Economic System*, adopted at the Third Plenary Session of the 12th Central Committee of the CPC in October 1984, summed up the experience of economic system reform since the founding of New China, especially since the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee, and initially put forward and elucidated a series of major theoretical and practical issues in economic system reform. For the first time, it proposed that China’s socialist economy is a “planned commodity economy on the basis of public ownership.” It broke through the traditional concept that equated ownership by the whole people with direct operation by state institutions, proposing that “ownership and the right to operate can be appropriately separated.” In evaluating the *Decision on the Reform of the Economic System*, Deng Xiaoping pointed out: it “is a political economy that combines the basic principles of Marxism with the practice of Chinese socialism,” and “it explains what socialism is, and contains some new statements that our forebears never made.” In the past, we could not have written such a document; “even if we had written it, it would have been very difficult to pass, and would have been regarded as ‘heresy.’ We have used our own practice to answer some new questions arising under new circumstances. Isn’t it said that we must uphold the Four Cardinal Principles?[10]10 The Four Cardinal Principles (四项基本原则) were articulated by Deng Xiaoping in 1979: keeping to the socialist path, upholding the people’s democratic dictatorship, upholding the leadership of the Communist Party of China, and upholding Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. This is truly upholding socialism.”

五是指导制定《关于经济体制改革的决定》。1984年10月党的十二届三中全会通过的这个《关于经济体制改革的决定》，总结新中国成立以来特别是党的十一届三中全会以来经济体制改革的经验，初步提出和阐明了经济体制改革的一系列重大理论和实践问题；首次提出我国社会主义经济是“在公有制基础上的有计划的商品经济”；突破把全民所有同国家机构直接经营混为一谈的传统观念，提出“所有权同经营权是可以适当分开的”。邓小平在评价《关于经济体制改革的决定》时指出：它“是马克思主义基本原理和中国社会主义实践相结合的政治经济学”，“解释了什么是社会主义，有些是我们老祖宗没有说过的话，有些新话”。过去我们不可能写出这样的文件，“写出来，也很不容易通过，会被看作‘异端’。我们用自己的实践回答了新情况下出现的一些新问题。不是说四个坚持吗？这是真正坚持社会主义”。

The above five major “sharp instruments” played a role as a stabilizing anchor in guiding the opening up of the path of building socialism with Chinese characteristics.

上述五大“利器”，对于开拓建设有中国特色的社会主义道路，具有定海神针的指导作用。

(2) Implementing a Series of “Major Policies” to Open Up the Path of Building Socialism with Chinese Characteristics

（二）为开辟建设有中国特色的社会主义道路实施一系列“大政策”

Opening up the path of building socialism with Chinese characteristics unfolded on both the theoretical and practical levels. While clarifying political-ideological and macro-theoretical issues, it was necessary to strive to find breakthroughs at the practical level. The many “major policies” proposed by Deng Xiaoping at the start of reform and opening up can be regarded as breakthroughs in opening up the path of building socialism with Chinese characteristics. Among them, three “major policies” were most significant in cutting a path through the brambles for opening up the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

开辟建设有中国特色的社会主义道路，是从理论和实践层面双向展开的。在明确政治思想和宏观理论层面问题的同时，就要在实践层面努力寻找突破口。邓小平在改革开放起步时提出的许多“大政策”，可视为开辟建设有中国特色的社会主义道路的突破口。其中三个“大政策”，对于开辟有中国特色的社会主义道路最具披荆斩棘意义。

First, allowing some people and some regions to get rich first, with the rich helping the poor, moving toward common prosperity. Deng Xiaoping said: “Allowing some regions, some enterprises, and some workers and peasants, because of their hard work and great achievements, to have more income and a better life first” “will inevitably produce a tremendous demonstration effect,” “and will cause the entire national economy to develop forward in a wave-like manner, enabling the people of all ethnic groups across the country to become prosperous relatively quickly.” Later, he continued to point out: “We adhere to the socialist path, and the fundamental goal is to achieve common prosperity. However, equal development is impossible. In the past, we practiced egalitarianism and ate from the ‘big pot,’[11]11 “Eating from the big pot” (吃大锅饭) is a Chinese idiom referring to the egalitarian distribution system under the people’s communes, where everyone received roughly equal rewards regardless of individual contribution. which actually meant common backwardness and common poverty. We suffered from this mistake. Reform must first break egalitarianism and break the ‘big pot.’ Now it seems this path is correct.” Regarding the problem of widening wealth disparity, he clearly stated: the regions that get rich first should make greater contributions to support the development of poor areas. “It can be envisioned that when we reach the level of moderate prosperity by the end of this century, we should prominently raise and solve this problem. At that time, developed regions should continue to develop and vigorously support underdeveloped regions through methods such as paying more taxes and transferring technology. Underdeveloped regions mostly have rich resources and great development potential. In short, for the whole country, ‘we will certainly be able to gradually and smoothly solve the problem of the wealth gap between the coastal areas and the interior.’”

一是允许一部分人、一部分地区先富起来，先富帮后富，走向共同富裕。邓小平说：“允许一部分地区、一部分企业、一部分工人农民，由于辛勤努力成绩大而收入先多一些，生活先好起来”，这“就必然产生极大的示范力量”，“就会使整个国民经济不断地波浪式地向前发展，使全国各族人民都能较快地富裕起来”。后来，他继续指出：“我们坚持走社会主义道路，根本目标是实现共同富裕，然而平均发展是不可能的。过去搞平均主义，吃‘大锅饭’，实际上是共同落后，共同贫穷，我们就是吃了这个亏。改革首先要打破平均主义，打破‘大锅饭’，现在看来这个路子是对的。”对于贫富差别扩大问题，他明确指出：就是先富起来的地区多作贡献，支持贫困地区的发展。“可以设想，在本世纪末达到小康水平的时候，就要突出地提出和解决这个问题。到那个时候，发达地区要继续发展，并通过多交利税和技术转让等方式大力支持不发达地区。不发达地区又大都是拥有丰富资源的地区，发展潜力是很大的。总之，就全国范围来说，“我们一定能够逐步顺利解决沿海同内地贫富差距的问题”。

Second, implementing the household contract responsibility system and supporting the development of township enterprises. Before the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee, peasants in provinces such as Anhui and Sichuan spontaneously implemented policies like contracting output to individual households, which were regarded as “heresy.” Deng Xiaoping supported these “heresies.” After the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee, the central authorities affirmed the household contract responsibility system, including contracting output to individual households. Deng Xiaoping pointed out: “The first leap in the reform and development of China’s socialist agriculture was the abolition of the people’s communes and the implementation of the responsibility system based on household contracts. This was a great advance and must be adhered to for a long time.” The 800 million peasants gained autonomy in land management, and together with other policy adjustments, agricultural production broke free from long-term stagnation, and the rural economy developed toward specialization, commercialization, and socialization. In describing this process, Deng Xiaoping noted: “In rural reform, the biggest gain we never anticipated was the rise of township enterprises,” which mainly engaged in “industry, including other sectors, solving the employment problem for 50 percent of the surplus rural labor force. Peasants did not flock to the cities but built a large number of small new towns.” He also said: “The success of rural reform increased our confidence. We applied the experience of rural reform to the cities, carrying out comprehensive economic system reform with the cities as the focus.” Driven by economic system reform, reforms in science and technology, education, culture, and even the political system were launched one after another. “Reform has promoted the development of productive forces, causing profound changes in economic life, social life, work methods, and the state of mind.” “Reform is China’s second revolution,” and “persisting in reform and opening up is a move that determines the fate of China.”

二是实行家庭联产承包责任制，支持发展乡镇企业。党的十一届三中全会前，安徽、四川等省农民自发实行包产到户等政策，被视为“异端”。邓小平支持了这些“异端”。党的十一届三中全会后，中央肯定包产到户等家庭联产承包责任制。邓小平指出：中国社会主义农业的改革和发展的“第一个飞跃，是废除人民公社，实行家庭联产承包为主的责任制。这是一个很大的前进，要长期坚持不变”。八亿农民获得对土地的经营自主权，加上其他政策调整，农业生产摆脱了长期停滞的困境，农村经济向着专业化、商品化、社会化方向发展。邓小平在讲述这个进程时指出：“农村改革中，我们完全没有预料到的最大的收获，就是乡镇企业发展起来了”，主要搞“工业，还包括其他行业，解决了占农村剩余劳动力百分之五十的人的出路问题。农民不往城里跑，而是建设大批小型新型乡镇。”他还说：农村改革的成功增加了我们的信心，我们把农村改革的经验运用到城市，进行以城市为重点的全面经济体制改革。在经济体制改革的带动下，科技、教育、文化等体制，及至政治体制的改革陆续展开。“改革促进了生产力的发展，引起了经济生活、社会生活、工作方式和精神状态的深刻变化。”“改革是中国的第二次革命”，“坚持改革开放是决定中国命运的一招”。

Third, advocating the establishment of special economic zones and promoting the formation of a national pattern of opening up to the outside world. Deng Xiaoping said: “China’s policy of opening up to the outside world was proposed by me.” In April 1979, after leaders of the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee proposed setting up export processing zones in Shenzhen, Zhuhai, and Shantou, Deng Xiaoping pointed out: “It’s better to call them special zones. The Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region was originally called a special zone![12]12 The Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region was a Communist-controlled base area during the Chinese Civil War and the War of Resistance against Japan, often referred to as a “special zone” for its experimental policies. The central authorities have no money, but we can give you some policies. You go ahead and do it yourselves, and cut a bloody path.”[13]13 “Cut a bloody path” (杀出一条血路来) is a Chinese expression meaning to break through difficulties by bold and risky action, often used to describe the pioneering spirit of the early special economic zones. The Party Central Committee decided to set up special economic zones on a trial basis in Shenzhen, Zhuhai, Shantou, and Xiamen. Deng Xiaoping personally went to the special zones twice for investigation and research, pointing out: “The Shenzhen Special Zone is an experiment. All methods conducive to developing social productive forces can be adopted.” “Now I can say with confidence that our decision to establish special economic zones is not only correct but also successful.” “We are setting up an even larger special zone, which is the Hainan Island Special Economic Zone.” “If Hainan Island develops well, it will be remarkable.” In 1985, after deciding to open 14 coastal cities, the Party Central Committee also approved the designation of the Yangtze River Delta, the Pearl River Delta, and the Southern Fujian Triangle region (Xiamen, Zhangzhou, Quanzhou) as coastal economic open zones. Thus, China’s opening up formed a new multi-level, focused pattern, with a coastal front line including 2 municipalities directly under the central government, 25 provincial-level cities, 67 counties, and a population of about 150 million. In 1988, Hainan was established as a province, and the entire province became a special economic zone, further expanding the pattern of opening up.

三是倡导兴办经济特区，推动形成全国对外开放大格局。邓小平说：“中国的经济开放政策，这是我提出来的。”1979年4月，广东省委领导提出在深圳、珠海、汕头开办出口加工区建议后，邓小平指出：“还是叫特区比较好，陕甘宁开始就叫特区嘛！中央没有钱，可以给些政策，你们自己去搞，杀出一条血路来。”党中央决定在深圳、珠海、汕头、厦门试办经济特区。邓小平两次亲自到特区作调查研究，指出：深圳特区是个试验，一切有利于发展社会生产力的方法都可采用。“现在我可以放胆地说，我们建立经济特区的决定不仅是正确的，而且是成功的。”“我们正在搞一个更大的特区，这就是海南岛经济特区”，“海南岛好好发展起来，是很了不起的”。1985年，党中央在确定开放沿海14个城市后，又批准将长江三角洲、珠江三角洲和闽南厦漳泉三角地区划为沿海经济开发区。从而，我国对外开放形成了多层次、有重点的新格局，在沿海拥有包括2个直辖市、25个省辖市、67个县、约1.5亿人口的对外开放前沿地带。1988年海南建省，全省成为经济特区，进一步扩大了对外开放格局。

The above three “major policies” were both the earliest proposed by Deng Xiaoping and the most influential. It was precisely with these “major policies” as representatives, along with a series of new correct policies formulated by the Party in various reforms, that at the 1985 National Conference of the CPC, Deng Xiaoping said with full confidence: The revolutionary changes brought about by reform “show that we have begun to find a path for building socialism with Chinese characteristics.”

上述三个“大政策”，既是邓小平最早提出的，又是影响最大的。正是有了以上述“大政策”为代表的党在各方面改革中制定的一系列新的正确政策，在1985年党的全国代表会议上，邓小平信心满满地说：改革发生的革命性变革，“表明我们已经开始找到了一条建设有中国特色的社会主义的路子”。

(3) The 13th National Congress of the CPC and the Initial Completion of the Great Project of the Path of Building Socialism with Chinese Characteristics

（三）党的十三大与建设有中国特色的社会主义道路伟大工程的初步造就

The path of building socialism with Chinese characteristics is a great project explored and opened up by the Party leading the people. The Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee, as the historical starting point of the new period of reform and opening up and socialist modernization, had already begun the exploration of this great project. After cutting through brambles, the path became increasingly standardized and formed. In 1984, Deng Xiaoping called this path under exploration “the path of building socialism with Chinese characteristics.” In 1987, the 13th National Congress of the CPC pointed out: After the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee, the Chinese Communists, on the basis of summing up historical experience and studying international experience, “began to find a path for building socialism with Chinese characteristics,” realizing the “second leap” in the integration of Marxism with China’s practice, and “opening a new stage in socialist construction.” Based on this, it can be fully said that after nearly 10 years of pioneering since the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee, the great project of the path of building socialism with Chinese characteristics was basically laid out.

建设有中国特色的社会主义道路，是党领导人民探索和开拓的伟大工程。党的十一届三中全会作为改革开放和社会主义现代化建设新时期的历史起点，已开启这个伟大工程的探索。经过披荆斩棘，道路愈益规范成型。1984年，邓小平将正在探索的这条道路叫做“建设有中国特色的社会主义道路”。1987年党的十三大指出：十一届三中全会后，中国共产党人在总结历史经验和研究国际经验的基础上，“开始找到一条建设有中国特色的社会主义道路”，实现了马克思主义与我国实践相结合的“第二次飞跃”，“开辟了社会主义建设的新阶段”。据此，完全可以说，经过党的十一届三中全会以来近10年开拓，建设有中国特色的社会主义道路的伟大工程基本铺就。

Deng Xiaoping had a far-sighted vision for the 13th National Congress of the CPC. He stated: The 13th National Congress of the CPC should expound on what stage China’s socialism is in, namely the “primary stage of socialism.” “All plans must be formulated from this reality, based on this reality,” and it must “theoretically explain the importance and necessity of reform and opening up. This is the theme of the 13th National Congress.” [14]14 A line from Mao Zedong's 1949 poem "Reply to Mr. Liu Yazi," celebrating the founding of the People's Republic of China. In accordance with this design requirement, the 13th National Congress of the CPC, through a summary of the historical achievements and experiences since the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the CPC, formulated policies for accelerating and deepening reform, planned macro-strategic objectives, and propelled the Party’s history into a new stage of development. The pioneering contributions of the 13th National Congress of the CPC in paving the great project of building the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics are mainly the following three points:

邓小平对党的十三大有一个高瞻远瞩的设想。他说：党的十三大要阐述中国社会主义是处在一个什么阶段，就是“社会主义的初级阶段”。“一切都要从这个实际出发，根据这个实际来制定规划”，要“从理论上阐述改革和开放的重要性、必要性。这是十三大的主题”。根据这个设计要求，党的十三大通过对党的十一届三中全会以来历史成就和经验的总结，制定了今后加快和深化改革的方针政策，规划了宏观战略目标，推进党的历史进入新的发展阶段。党的十三大对铺就建设有中国特色的社会主义道路伟大工程的开拓性贡献，主要有以下三条：

First, it put forward the theory of the primary stage of socialism, clarifying the historical orientation of the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics and China’s fundamental national conditions. The “Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China,” formulated under Deng Xiaoping’s leadership, first put forward the scientific thesis that “our socialist system is still in the primary stage.” [15]15 The 17th National Congress of the CPC was held in 2007. The “Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee” refers to the landmark December 1978 meeting that launched reform and opening up. The report of the 12th National Congress of the CPC and the resolution of the Sixth Plenary Session of the 12th Central Committee of the CPC provided some elaboration on the issue of the primary stage of socialism. In February 1987, Deng Xiaoping instructed the drafting group for the report of the 13th National Congress of the CPC: to theoretically explain what socialism is and whether our reform is socialist. The outline of the report of the 13th National Congress of the CPC envisioned using the primary stage of socialism as the basis for the entire report’s argumentation, and Deng Xiaoping praised “this design is good.” Accordingly, the 13th National Congress of the CPC systematically expounded the theory of the primary stage of socialism, pointing out: The socialism established in China is currently in its primary stage. Its basic characteristics and main tasks are “a stage of gradually shaking off poverty and backwardness; a stage of gradually transforming from an agricultural country, where the majority of the population is engaged in manual labor, into a modern industrial country, where the non-agricultural population constitutes the majority; a stage of transforming from a natural and semi-natural economy accounting for a large proportion into a highly developed commodity economy; a stage of establishing and developing a vibrant socialist economic, political, and cultural system through reform and exploration; a stage where the entire people rise up, work hard and pioneeringly, and achieve the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.” This basic situation “determines that we must go through a very long primary stage to achieve the industrialization and the commodification, marketization, and modernization of production that many other countries have achieved under capitalist conditions.” China’s primary stage of socialism, from the basic completion of the socialist transformation in the 1950s “to the basic realization of socialist modernization, will take at least one hundred years.” This is both the macroscopic historical orientation of the socialism we are building and the greatest national condition for our Party to open up the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Thus, it has also become the fundamental starting point for our Party to formulate its political line, policies, and strategic tasks for economic and social development at the current stage.

一是提出社会主义初级阶段理论，明确了建设有中国特色的社会主义道路的历史方位和我国根本国情。邓小平主持制定的《关于建国以来党的若干历史问题的决议》，第一次提出“我们的社会主义制度还是处在初级阶段”的科学论断。党的十二大报告和十二届六中全会决议，对社会主义初级阶段问题作过一定阐述。1987年2月，邓小平指示党的十三大报告起草小组：要在理论上阐述什么是社会主义，我们的改革是不是社会主义的。党的十三大报告大纲设想拟以社会主义初级阶段作为报告全篇立论的根据，邓小平赞扬“这个设计好”。据此，党的十三大系统论述了社会主义初级阶段理论，指出：我国建立的社会主义，目前处于它的初级阶段。它的基本特征和主要任务，“是逐步摆脱贫穷、摆脱落后的阶段；是由农业人口占多数的手工劳动为基础的农业国，逐步变为非农业人口占多数的现代化的工业国的阶段；是由自然经济半自然经济占很大比重，变为商品经济高度发达的阶段；是通过改革和探索，建立和发展充满活力的社会主义经济、政治、文化体制的阶段；是全民奋起，艰苦创业，实现中华民族伟大复兴的阶段”。这个基本状况“就决定了我们必须经历一个很长的初级阶段，去实现实现别的许多国家在资本主义条件下实现的工业化和生产的商品化、市场化、现代化”。我国社会主义初级阶段，从20世纪50年代社会主义改造基本完成，“到社会主义现代化的基本实现，至少需要上百年时间”。这既是我国正在建设的社会主义所处的宏观历史方位，也是我们党开辟建设有中国特色的社会主义道路的最大国情。从而，它也成为我们党现阶段制定政治路线和方针政策、提出经济社会发展战略任务的根本出发点。

Second, it put forward the basic line of “one central task, two basic points,” which became the lifeline for opening up the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics. If Deng Xiaoping’s clear ideological line of emancipating the mind and seeking truth from facts is the magic weapon ensuring our Party’s enduring vigor, then the basic line thought of “one central task, two basic points” is the magic weapon ensuring the vitality and infinite life of our country’s socialist system. Deng Xiaoping’s basic line thought of “one central task, two basic points” had already germinated at the beginning of the new period of reform, opening up, and socialist modernization. In August 1985, he clearly pointed out: “Our effort to bring order out of chaos is to develop the productive forces on the basis of upholding the Four Cardinal Principles. [16] To develop the productive forces, we must reform our economic system and implement the policy of opening up to the outside world.” In June and July 1987, he further pointed out: “Carrying out socialist modernization is the basic line. To achieve modernization and make China prosperous and strong, first, we must implement the policies of reform and opening up; second, we must uphold the Four Cardinal Principles. These two basic points are interdependent.” Based on the above thoughts, the 13th National Congress of the CPC scientifically summarized the Party’s basic line for the primary stage of socialism, pointing out: This is “to lead and unite the people of all ethnic groups in China, taking economic construction as the central task, upholding the Four Cardinal Principles, persisting in reform and opening up, being self-reliant, working hard and pioneeringly, and striving to build China into a prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, and modern socialist country.” The central leaders at the time clearly stated: The person who spoke about these two basic points earliest, most frequently, and most profoundly was Comrade Deng Xiaoping; these two basic points under the one central task are “the true essence of socialism with Chinese characteristics.”

二是提出“一个中心、两个基本点”的基本路线，成为开拓建设有中国特色的社会主义道路的生命线。如果说邓小平明确的解放思想、实事求是思想路线是保证我们党永葆蓬勃生机的法宝，那么关于“一个中心、两个基本点”的基本路线思想则是保证我们国家的社会主义制度充满活力和无限生命力的法宝。邓小平关于“一个中心、两个基本点”的基本路线思想在开启改革开放和社会主义现代化建设新时期之际已萌生。1985年8月，他明确指出：“我们拨乱反正，就是要在坚持四项基本原则的基础上发展生产力。为了发展生产力，必须对我国的经济体制进行改革，实行对外开放的政策。”1987年六七月间，他进一步指出：“搞社会主义现代化建设是基本路线。要搞现代化建设使中国兴旺发达起来，第一，必须实行改革、开放政策；第二，必须坚持四项基本原则”“这两个基本点是相互依存的。”依据上述思想，党的十三大对党在社会主义初级阶段的基本路线作了科学概括，指出：这就是“领导和团结全国各族人民，以经济建设为中心，坚持四项基本原则，坚持改革开放，自力更生、艰苦创业，为把我国建设成为富强、民主、文明的社会主义现代化国家而奋斗”。当时的中央领导人明确说：对这两个基本点讲得最早、最多、最深刻的，是邓小平同志；在一个中心之下的这两个基本点是“中国特色的社会主义的真谛”。

Third, it put forward the “three-step” development strategy to build a prosperous, strong, democratic, and culturally advanced modern socialist country, further clarifying the goal of opening up the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics. While contemplating the fundamental tasks of socialism and considering the basic line of “one central task, two basic points,” Deng Xiaoping was also planning the Party’s strategic development goals. The Party’s strategic development goals underwent a dual process of change. First, a change in time, extending from the strategic plan proposed in the government work report of the Fourth National People’s Congress in 1975, drafted under his guidance for Zhou Enlai, which aimed for the end of the 20th century, to the centenary of the founding of New China in the mid-21st century. Second, a change in goals, upgrading from the originally envisioned “two-step” development strategy to a “three-step” development strategy. After the report of the 13th National Congress of the CPC was to be based on the primary stage of socialism, Deng Xiaoping, by rethinking the national conditions, began adjusting China’s development goals for the 21st century from March 1987, finalizing a relatively stable “three-step” development strategy. This is: The first step, from 1981 to 1990, to double the gross national product and solve the problem of food and clothing for the people. The second step, from 1991 to the end of the 20th century, to double the gross national product again and bring the people’s living standards to a moderately prosperous level. The third step, by the mid-21st century, to reach the per capita gross national product level of moderately developed countries, achieve relatively affluent living standards for the people, and basically realize modernization. “This is our strategic goal, this is our lofty ambition.” “If it takes one hundred years from the founding of the nation to build China into a moderately developed country, that would be remarkable!” Deng Xiaoping’s “three-step” development strategy provided a clear timetable for the development and progress of contemporary China. Although there were later refinements and minor adjustments, it essentially became the roadmap for achieving the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. This was also the goal of the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics he pioneered up to the mid-21st century.

三是提出“三步走”发展战略，建设富强、民主、文明的社会主义现代化国家，进一步明确了开拓有中国特色的社会主义道路的奋斗目标。邓小平在酝酿社会主义的根本任务，思考“一个中心、两个基本点”的基本路线同时，也在谋划党的发展战略目标。党的发展战略目标，有一个双重变化过程。首先是时间变化，由1975年他主持起草周恩来在四届人大的政府工作报告中提出的到20世纪末的战略规划延伸至21世纪中叶的新中国成立百周年之际。其次是目标变化，由原来设想的“两步走”发展战略提升为“三步走”发展战略。在党的十三大报告拟以社会主义初级阶段来立论后，邓小平通过重新思考国情问题，从1987年3月始，对我国21世纪的发展目标进行调整，明确了比较定型的“三步走”发展战略。这就是：第一步从1981年到1990年，实现国民生产总值翻一番，解决人民温饱问题。第二步从1991年到20世纪末，实现国民生产总值再翻一番，人民生活达到小康水平。第三步到21世纪中叶，人均国民生产总值达到中等发达国家水平，人民生活比较富裕，基本实现现代化。“这就是我们的战略目标，这就是我们的雄心壮志。”“如果从建国起，用一百年时间把我国建设成中等水平的发达国家，那就很了不起！”邓小平的这个“三步走”发展战略，为当代中国的发展进步明确了大致的时间表，尽管后来有某些细化和微调，但基本上成为实现中华民族伟大复兴的路线图。这也是他开拓的建设有中国特色的社会主义道路到21世纪中叶的奋斗目标。

III. The Southern Talks Elevated the Ideological Theory of the Chinese-Path Modernization Path to a New Height

三、南方谈话将中国式现代化道路思想理论发展到新高度

In the late 1980s, both domestically and internationally, complex and severe situations unprecedented since reform and opening up emerged. After the 13th National Congress of the CPC, many problems and difficulties accumulated over the years during the accelerated economic development gradually became prominent. Inflation intensified, economic order became disordered, and the chaos and corruption generated by the “dual-track” price system caused widespread dissatisfaction among the masses. [17] In the autumn of 1988, the central authorities issued a policy of rectification, deepening reform, and made a series of decisions on cleaning up and rectifying various companies, which alleviated some social contradictions, but the deep-seated problems were not resolved. At the same time, political turmoil intensified in the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries, anti-China, anti-communist, and anti-socialist forces increased their infiltration

20世纪80年代末，国内国际都出现了改革开放以来从未有过的复杂严峻形势。党的十三大后，在经济加速发展过程中多年积累的许多问题和困难逐渐凸显。通货膨胀加剧，经济秩序失调，“双轨制”价格产生的混乱和腐败现象引发广大群众不满。1988年秋，中央发布治理整顿、深化改革的方针，并作出关于清理整顿各类公司等一系列决定，缓解了一些社会矛盾，但那些深层次问题没有解决。同时，苏联、东欧国家政局动荡加剧，反华反共反社会主义势力加大了对我国的深透和颠覆力度，资产阶级自由化思想迅速泛滥。这样的国际大气候和国内小气候，导致发生1989年严重政治风波。党和政府依靠人民，旗帜鲜明地反对动乱，捍卫了社会主义国家政权，维护了人民根本利益。

At the critical juncture concerning the life and death of the Party and the state, and whether the socialist system and the cause of reform and opening up could be upheld, Deng Xiaoping first supported the Party Central Committee’s decision to quell the counter-revolutionary riot in the Beijing area, met with cadres at and above the army level of the martial law troops, and delivered an important speech; more than two years later, he delivered the Southern Tour Talks, which likewise unequivocally answered major questions concerning the future and destiny of the Party and the state, becoming another manifesto for emancipating the mind, accelerating reform, and expanding opening up. At first glance, these appear to be two completely different major historical events, and Deng Xiaoping’s two speeches seem

在关系党和国家生死存亡、社会主义制度和改革开放事业能否坚持的关键时刻，邓小平先是支持党中央平息北京地区反革命暴乱的决策，接见戒严部队军以上干部，发表重要讲话；两年多后又发表南方谈话，同样旗帜鲜明地回答了关系党和国家前途命运的重大问题，成为解放思想、加快改革、扩大开放的又一宣言书。乍看起来，这是两个截然不同的重大历史事件，邓小平两个讲话似乎截然相反。其实不然，这两个讲话是矛盾两端的对立统一，贯穿的是同一主题：坚持社会主义不能动摇，坚持改革开放不能动摇，坚持党的基本路线不能动摇。那种将这两个重大事件视为不可调和的观点，显然是没有把握历史的本质，没有弄通唯物辩证法。毛泽东早在1945年2月就赞扬邓小平“照辩证法办事”。邓小平这两个重要讲话充分表明，他不愧是改革开放和社会主义现代化建设的总设计师，也是炉火纯青地运用马克思主义辩证法的顶级大师！

Here, let us examine how Deng Xiaoping’s Southern Talks pushed the ideological theory of the Chinese-path modernization road to a new height.

这里，我们看看邓小平的南方谈话怎样将中国式现代化道路的思想理论推进到新高度。

First, at a critical juncture when the historical development of the Party and the state was again at a crossroads of where to go, the Southern Talks, just as during the serious political disturbance of 1989,[14]14 A line from Mao Zedong's 1949 poem "Reply to Mr. Liu Yazi," celebrating the founding of the People's Republic of China. played the role of a compass correcting the course; in particular, they emphasized that the basic line of “one central task, two basic points”[15]15 The 17th National Congress of the CPC was held in 2007. The “Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee” refers to the landmark December 1978 meeting that launched reform and opening up. must be upheld for a hundred years without wavering, thereby defending the road of building socialism with Chinese characteristics, that is, the Chinese-path modernization road.

第一，南方谈话在党和国家历史发展再次处于向何处去的紧要关头，同在1989年严重政治风波时一样，起到拨正航向的指针作用；特别是强调坚持“一个中心、两个基本点”的基本路线一百年不能变，捍卫了建设有中国特色的社会主义道路，即中国式的现代化道路。

In his speech to leading cadres of the martial law troops in 1989, Deng Xiaoping pointed

邓小平在1989年接见戒严部队军以上干部的讲话中指出：党的十一届三中全会以来制定的方针政策和发展战略都是对的。不能因为这次事件的发生，就说我们的战略目标错了。党的十三大概括的“一个中心、两个基本点”的基本路线没有错。四项基本原则本身没有错，改革开放这个基本点也没有错。我们制定的基本路线方针政策，照样干下去，坚定不移地干下去。在南方谈话中，邓小平他进一步指出：坚持党的十一届三中全会以来的路线方针政策，关键是坚持“一个中心、两个基本点”。“不坚持社会主义，不改革开放，不发展经济，不改善人民生活，只能是死路一条。基本路线要管一百年，动摇不得。只有坚持这条基本路线，人民都会相信你，拥护你。谁要改变三中全会以来的路线、方针、政策，老百姓不答应，谁就会被打倒”。邓小平以这样斩钉截铁的话语来表明捍卫建设有中国特色的社会主义道路的坚定态度是不多见的。仅此态度，就说明这两大历史事件思想相通，他的两个讲话一脉相承。因此，那种将两大事件对立起来的认知，完全是只看其表，不明其里！

Second, many important theoretical viewpoints put forward and emphasized in the Southern Talks not only broadened the vision of the great project of building a path of socialism with Chinese characteristics, but also creatively enriched and developed Marxist theory, and developed the theory of "Chinese-path modernization." Here we focus on four major theories:

第二，南方谈话提出和强调的许多重要理论观点，既开拓了建设有中国特色的社会主义道路伟大工程的视野，也创造性丰富和发展了马克思主义理论，发展了“中国式的现代化”理论。这里着重讲四大理论：

First, the theory of the essence of socialism. Deng Xiaoping pointed out: "The essence of socialism is to liberate and develop the productive forces, eliminate exploitation and polarization, and ultimately achieve common prosperity." This is a new theoretical generalization. First, it highlights his emphasis that in discussing socialism, the development and liberation of productive forces must be placed in the primary position. Second, it distinguishes essence from characteristics, highlighting the fundamental purpose of pursuing and building socialism. Third, it generalizes from two aspects—productive forces and social relations centered on relations of production—highlighting a comprehensive understanding of the essence of socialism and the processual nature of realizing this essence.

一是社会主义本质论。邓小平指出：“社会主义的本质，是解放生产力，发展生产力，消灭剥削，消除两极分化，最终达到共同富裕。”这是个新的理论概括，首先突出了他强调的讲社会主义要把发展和解放生产力放在首位的思想。其次，将本质与特征区别开来，突出了追求和建设社会主义的根本目的性。再次，从生产力和以生产关系为核心的社会关系两方面作概括，突出了对社会主义本质的全面认识和实现这个本质的过程性。

Second, the theory that development is the hard truth. This theory is very plain, but Deng Xiaoping's generalization turned it into gold, having an enlightening effect, so much so that even the broad masses of the people recite that this theory is good. In grasping this theory, Deng Xiaoping particularly emphasized two points: economic development should strive to reach a new level every few years, seize opportunities, and develop in a coordinated manner; "science must be promoted, and only by relying on science can there be hope." "In engaging in science and technology, the higher and newer the better." When development takes off, "the people are happy, and the country is happy."

二是发展才是硬道理论。这个理论很朴实，但邓小平概括出来就点石成金，起了醍醐灌顶作用，连广大老百姓都念叨这个理论好。把握这个理论，邓小平特别强调两点：经济发展要力争隔几年上一个台阶，把握时机，协调发展；“要提倡科学，靠科学才有希望。”“搞科技，越高越好，越新越好.”发展起来了，“人民高兴，国家高兴”。

Third, the theory that "corruption must be opposed throughout the entire process of reform and opening up." Every thing has a dual effect. The problem of corruption has been a prominent negative effect since reform and opening up. Deng Xiaoping had always emphasized opposing corruption since the beginning of reform and opening up. When establishing the third-generation central leadership collective with Comrade Jiang Zemin at its core, he pointed out: We must oppose corruption and build clean governance, and "corruption must be opposed throughout the entire process of reform and opening up." The Southern Talks further emphasized that "after opening up, some decadent things have also come in, and ugly phenomena have appeared in some places in China." They must be "resolutely banned and cracked down upon, and must never be allowed to develop." "The Communist Party can eliminate ugly things, and corruption must be opposed throughout the entire process of reform and opening up." This is Deng Xiaoping's clear strategic thinking on governing the Party and the country, and it is also an important theoretical basis for the vigorous anti-corruption struggle that followed.

三是“整个改革开放过程都要反对腐败”论。任何事物都有两面效应。腐败问题是改革开放以来一个突出的负面效应。邓小平自改革开放以来就始终强调反对腐败。在确立以江泽民同志为核心的第三代中央领导集体时，他就指出：我们要反对腐败，搞廉洁政治，“整个改革开放过程中都要反对腐败”。南方谈话进一步强调，“开放以后，一些腐朽的东西也跟着进来了，中国的一些地方也出现了丑恶的现象”。要“坚决取缔和打击，绝不能任其发展”“共产党能够消灭丑恶的东西，在整个改革开放过程中都要反对腐败”。这是邓小平治党治国的鲜明战略思想，也是后来雷厉风行开展反腐败斗争的重要理论依据。

Fourth, the theory that "socialism can practice a market economy." At the very beginning of reform and opening up, Deng Xiaoping was exploring whether socialism could practice a market economy. Over more than a decade, he spoke about it more than ten times. Initially, the tune was too high for the few, and there were few responses. As history rolled forward, his personal understanding deepened, becoming increasingly mature and firm; people's understanding continuously improved, gradually agreeing. In the Southern Talks, he emphasized: "A little more planning or a little more market is not the essential difference between socialism and capitalism. A planned economy is not equivalent to socialism, capitalism also has planning; a market economy is not equivalent to capitalism, socialism also has markets. Planning and market are both economic means." Moreover, he also pointed out: "For socialism to win advantages compared to capitalism, it must boldly absorb and draw upon all the achievements of civilization created by human society, and absorb and draw upon advanced modes of operation and management methods that reflect the laws of modern socialized production from all countries in the world today, including the developed capitalist countries." Thus, based on Deng Xiaoping's many talks on the relationship between socialism and the market economy, Jiang Zemin, in preparing the report for the 14th National Congress of the CPC, advocated using the formulation "socialist market economy." Deng Xiaoping agreed, saying: In fact, we are doing this; Shenzhen is a socialist market economy. If you put it that way, "the 14th National Congress will also have its theme." The report of the 14th National Congress of the CPC formally proposed the theory of the socialist market economy, nationwide reform and opening up and socialist modernization entered a brand-new situation, and the face of the Party and the state underwent changes that attracted worldwide attention. In a sense, without Deng Xiaoping's more than ten talks on socialism being able to practice a market economy, especially the clear attitude of the Southern Talks, our country could not have undergone the astonishing changes of "the earth shaking and the heavens turning over with a mighty spirit" [14]14 A line from Mao Zedong's 1949 poem "Reply to Mr. Liu Yazi," celebrating the founding of the People's Republic of China. and become the world's second-largest economy.

四是“社会主义可以搞市场经济”论。改革开放伊始，邓小平就在探讨社会主义能否搞市场经济问题。10多年间，他先后讲了十多次。最初，曲高和寡，响应者寥寥。历史发展滚滚向前，他个人的认识在不断深化、愈益成熟坚定；人们的认识在不断提高，逐渐赞同。在南方谈话中，他强调：“计划多一点还是市场多一点，不是社会主义与资本主义的本质区别。计划经济不等于社会主义，资本主义也有计划；市场经济不等于资本主义，社会主义也有市场。计划和市场都是经济手段。”并且，还指出：“社会主义要赢得与资本主义相比较的优势，就必须大胆吸收和借鉴人类社会创造的一切文明成果，吸收和借鉴当今世界各国包括资本主义发达国家的一切反映现代社会化生产规律的先进经营方式和管理方法。”这样，根据邓小平对社会主义和市场经济关系的多次谈话，江泽民在准备党的十四大报告过程中，主张使用“社会主义市场经济”提法。邓小平赞成说：实际上我们是在这样做，深圳就是社会主义市场经济。你这样讲，“十四大也就有了主题了”。党的十四大报告正式提出社会主义市场经济理论，全国的改革开放和社会主义现代化建设出现崭新局面，党和国家的面貌发生了举世瞩目的变化。从某种意义上可以说，没有邓小平对社会主义可以搞市场经济的10多次谈话，特别是南方谈话的鲜明态度，我们国家不可能有现在的“天翻地覆慨而慷”的惊人变化，成为世界第二大经济体。

Third, the Southern Talks made important political instructions on how the Party and the state should persist in building socialism with Chinese characteristics in the future, that is, the Chinese-path modernization road.

第三，南方谈话对党和国家今后怎样坚持建设有中国特色的社会主义，即中国式的现代化道路作了重要政治交代。

After compiling Volume 3 of *Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping*, Deng Xiaoping said with satisfaction of the Southern Talks as the final piece: "In fact, this is a political instruction." The above ideological theories are undoubtedly important content of the political instructions. In addition, there are also such important political instructions:

《邓小平文选》第3卷编好后，邓小平对南方谈话作终卷篇满意地说：“实际上，这是个政治交代的东西。”上述思想理论，无疑是政治交代的重要内容。此外，还有这样一些重要政治交代：

First, the issue of the gap between rich and poor must be prominently raised and addressed. As mentioned earlier, Deng Xiaoping’s new summary of the essence of socialism emphasized that taking the socialist road means gradually achieving common prosperity. He proposed that when the goal of a moderately prosperous society is reached by the end of the 20th century, this issue—the gap between the rich coastal areas and the interior—must be prominently raised and addressed. During this period, he also pointed out: “If a small number of people acquire so much wealth while the majority have none, problems will inevitably arise one day if this continues.” “We must use various means, various methods, and various plans to solve these problems.”

一是要突出地提出和解决贫富差距问题。有如前述，邓小平对社会主义本质的新概括，强调走社会主义道路是要逐步实现共同富裕。他提出在20世纪末达到小康水平的时候，要突出地提出和解决这个问题，解决沿海同内地贫富差距的问题。这期间，他还指出；“少部分人获得那么多财富，大多数人没有，这样发展下去总有一天会出问题。”“要利用各种手段、各种方法、各种方案来解决这些问题。”

Second, we must persist in grasping both links, and grasp both links firmly. That is, on the one hand, grasp reform and opening up, and on the other hand, grasp the crackdown on various economic crimes. Deng Xiaoping demanded that both links be grasped firmly, and that there be no laxity. By persisting in grasping both links, socialist cultural-ethical progress can be advanced. To catch up with the “Four Little Dragons” of Asia, [15]15 The 17th National Congress of the CPC was held in 2007. The “Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee” refers to the landmark December 1978 meeting that launched reform and opening up. it is necessary not only for the economy to improve but also for social order and social atmosphere to be improved. “We must surpass them in both material and cultural-ethical progress; only then will this be socialism with Chinese characteristics.”

二是要坚持两手抓，两手都要硬。即一手抓改革开放，一手抓打击各种经济犯罪活动。邓小平要求这两只手都要硬，手软不得。坚持两手抓，社会主义精神文明建设就可以搞上去。要赶上亚洲“四小龙”，不仅经济要上去，社会秩序、社会风气也要搞好，“两个文明建设都要超过他们，这才是有中国特色的社会主义”。

Third, we must work hard in a down-to-earth manner to build our institutions well and develop our country well. Deng Xiaoping in fact put forward the goal of the “Two Centenary Goals.” [16] He said: As long as we dare to forge ahead and dare to experiment, “it will probably take another thirty years before we form a more mature and more定型 [17] set of institutions in all respects. Under this system, the guidelines and policies will also become more定型.” This was in fact the goal of the first centenary (the centenary of the founding of the Communist Party of China). The concluding remarks of the “Southern Talks” [18] state: “If, starting from the founding of the People’s Republic, it takes one hundred years to build China into a moderately developed country, that would be quite remarkable! From now until the middle of the next century will be a very critical period. We must work hard in a down-to-earth manner. The burden on our shoulders is heavy, and our responsibility is great!” This is the goal of the second centenary. Although the expression “Two Centenary Goals” was summarized later, the content of these goals was put forward in the Southern Talks.

三是要为把我们的制度建设好、国家发展好而埋头苦干。邓小平实际上提出了“两个一百年”的奋斗目标。他说：只要敢闯、敢试，“恐怕再有三十年的时间，我们才会在各方面形成一整套更加成熟、更加定型的制度。在这个制度下的方针、政策，也更加定型化”。这实际上是第一个百年（中国共产党成立一百周年）的奋斗目标。“南方谈话”结束语说：“如果从建国起，用一百年时间把我国建设成中等水平的发达国家，那就很了不起！从现在起到下世纪中叶，将是很要紧的时期，我们要埋头苦干。我们肩膀上的担子重，责任大啊！”这就是第二个百年的奋斗目标。尽管“两个一百年”的表述是后来概括的，但其奋斗目标的内容则是南方谈话提出的。

Fourth, only by building the Communist Party well can the country enjoy long-term stability and security. Deng Xiaoping clearly pointed out: Whether China’s affairs can be handled well and whether the country can enjoy long-term stability and security depends, in a certain sense, on people. “If problems arise in China, they will still arise from within the

四是要把共产党建设好，国家才能长治久安。邓小平明确指出：中国的事情能不能办好，国家能不能长治久安，从一定意义上说，关键在人。“中国要出问题，还是出在共产党内部。”对这个问题要清醒，要注意培养人，选拔德才兼备的人进班子。“我们说党的基本路线要管一百年，要长治久安，就要靠这一条。”此前，他还强调：“中国问题的关键在于共产党要有一个好的政治局，特别是好的政治局常委会。只要这个环节不发生问题，中国就稳如泰山。”“最关紧要的是有一个团结的领导核心。这样保持五十年，六十年，社会主义中国将是不可战胜的。”这些讲话如洪钟巨响，声犹在耳，需要我们永远牢记！

Fourth, the Southern Talks were the direct catalyst for Deng Xiaoping’s explicit formulation of the theory of building socialism with Chinese characteristics.

第四，南方谈话是明确提出邓小平建设有中国特色的社会主义理论的直接导因。

Since the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the CPC, Deng Xiaoping had put forward a series of important and creative theoretical viewpoints, yet he himself had not made an overall theoretical summary of the viewpoints he had proposed. The 13th National Congress of the CPC, drawing primarily on Deng Xiaoping’s theoretical viewpoints, for the first time put forward the “theory of building socialism with Chinese characteristics,” stating: Since the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee, in the process of re-understanding socialism, our Party has developed and advanced a series of scientific theoretical viewpoints in philosophy, political economy, and scientific socialism (including 12 theoretical viewpoints such as: emancipating the mind and seeking truth from facts, taking practice as the sole criterion for testing truth; building socialism must proceed from national conditions and follow one’s own path; under conditions of economic and cultural backwardness, building socialism must pass through a very long primary stage; the socialist economy is a planned commodity economy, etc.). “These viewpoints constitute the outline of the theory of building socialism with Chinese characteristics, and have preliminarily answered the basic questions concerning the stage, tasks, driving forces, conditions, overall layout, and international environment of China’s socialist construction, charting the scientific course for our advance.” This can be regarded as the initial summary of the “theory of building socialism with Chinese characteristics” since the pioneering of the path of building socialism with Chinese characteristics.

党的十一届三中全会以来，邓小平提出了一系列具有创造性重要理论观点，但他本人却未对所提的理论观点做总体性的理论概括。党的十三大主要根据邓小平的思想理论观点，首次提出“建设有中国特色的社会主义的理论”，指出：十一届三中全会以来，我们党对社会主义再认识的过程中，在哲学、政治经济学和科学社会主义等方面，发挥和发展了一系列科学理论观点（包括关于解放思想，实事求是，以实践作为检验真理的唯一标准；建设社会主义必须根据本国国情，走自己的路；在经济文化落后的条件下，建设社会主义必须有一个很长的初级阶段；社会主义经济是有计划的商品经济等12个理论观点）。“这些观点构成了建设有中国特色的社会主义理论的轮廓，初步回答了我国社会主义建设的阶段、任务、动力、条件、布局和国际环境等基本问题，规划了我们前进的科学轨道”，可视为开拓建设有中国特色的社会主义道路以来对“建设有中国特色的社会主义的理论”的初始概括。

The Southern Talks are the most comprehensive, theoretical, strategic, incisive, and systematic major work among Deng Xiaoping’s writings, integrating political, economic, cultural, international and many other issues into one. They touch upon such matters as the ideological line, the path of development, the stage of development, the fundamental task, strategic steps, the speed of development, the characteristics of development, the driving forces of development, external conditions, the world pattern, political guarantees, clean governance, the leading core, the forces to rely on, and the main tendencies, and their scope is unprecedented. They are a great hallmark of the creative development of Marxist theory, and also brought the whole Party’s understanding of the theory of building socialism with Chinese characteristics to a new level. The 14th National Congress of the CPC, building on the Southern Talks and the various summaries made since the 13th National Congress, adopted a broader perspective and, from the standpoint of integrating theory and practice, named the new system of the theory of building socialism with Chinese characteristics “Comrade Deng Xiaoping’s theory of building socialism with Chinese characteristics,” emphasizing that it is “the product of the integration of the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism with the realities of contemporary China and the features of the times.”

南方谈话是邓小平论著中将政治、经济、文化、国际等诸多问题集于一体最具综合性、理论性、战略性、鲜明性、体系性的大著。诸如思想路线、发展道路、发展阶段、根本任务、战略步骤、发展速度、发展特点、发展动力、外部条件、世界格局、政治保证、廉政建设、领导核心、依靠力量、主要倾向等都有所涉及，其容量之大是空前的。它是创造性地发展马克思主义理论的伟大标识，也使全党对建设有中国特色的社会主义理论的认识上了一个新台阶。党的十四大以对南方谈话和党的十三大以来的多种概括为基础，用更宽广的视野，从理论和实践相结合的视域，将建设有中国特色的社会主义理论新体系，冠名为“邓小平同志建设有中国特色社会主义的理论”，强调它是“马克思列宁主义基本原理与当代中国实际和时代特征相结合的产物”。

After Deng Xiaoping’s death in 1997, Jiang Zemin, on behalf of the CPC Central Committee,

1997年邓小平逝世，江泽民代表中共中央高度评价邓小平的伟大功勋，指出：邓小平领导党和人民开辟了建设有中国特色的社会主义的新道路，是建设有中国特色社会主义理论的创立者。党的十五大进一步指出：我们党将马克思列宁主义同中国实际相结合实现了“两次历史性飞跃，产生了两大理论成果。第一次飞跃的理论成果是被实践证明了的关于中国革命和建设的正确的理论原则和经验总结，它的主要创立者是毛泽东，我们把它称为毛泽东思想。第二次飞跃的理论成果是建设有中国特色社会主义理论，它的主要创立者是邓小平，我们把它称为邓小平理论”“它第一次比较系统地初步回答了中国社会主义的发展道路、发展阶段、根本任务、发展动力、外部条件、政治保证、战略步骤、党的领导和依靠力量以及祖国统一等一系列基本问题，指导我们党制定了在社会主义初级阶段的基本路线。它是贯通哲学、政治经济学、科学社会主义等领域，涵盖经济、政治、科技、教育、文化、民族、军事、外交、统一战线、党的建设等方面比较完备的科学体系，又是需要从各方面进一步丰富发展的科学体系”“在当代中国，只有把马克思主义同当代中国实践和时代特征结合起来的邓小平理论，而没有别的理论能够解决社会主义的前途和命运问题。邓小平理论是当代中国的马克思主义，是马克思主义在中国发展的新阶段”。在党的文献中，对邓小平理论作这样高的评价是从未有过的。

Since the 21st century, the Party Central Committee has successively put forward the important thought of the “Three Represents” and the Scientific Outlook on Development, enriching and developing Deng Xiaoping Theory under new historical conditions. The 17th National Congress of the CPC integrated the Party’s innovative theories since the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee and proposed the new concept of the “theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics.” [15]15 The 17th National Congress of the CPC was held in 2007. The “Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee” refers to the landmark December 1978 meeting that launched reform and opening up. “The theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics is a scientific theoretical system that includes Deng Xiaoping Theory, the important thought of the ‘Three Represents,’ the Scientific Outlook on Development, and other major strategic thoughts. This theoretical system upholds and develops Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, embodies the wisdom and effort of several generations of Chinese Communists leading the people in unremitting exploration and practice, is the latest achievement in adapting Marxism to the Chinese context, is the Party’s most valuable political and spiritual asset, and is the common ideological foundation for the united struggle of the people of all ethnic groups across the country.” This is a profound summary of contemporary Chinese Marxist innovative theory and a high-level generalization of the theoretical achievements of the second historical leap in adapting Marxism to the Chinese context realized since reform and opening up. Deng Xiaoping Theory has become the foundational theory of the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

21世纪以来，党中央陆续提出“三个代表”重要思想和科学发展观，在新的历史条件下丰富和发展了邓小平理论。党的十七大对党的十一届三中全会以来党的创新理论加以整合，提出“中国特色社会主义理论体系”新理念。“中国特色社会主义理论体系，就是包括邓小平理论、“三个代表”重要思想以及科学发展观等重大战略思想在内的科学理论体系。这个理论体系，坚持和发展了马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想，凝结了几代中国共产党人带领人民不懈探索实践的智慧和心血，是马克思主义中国化最新成果，是党最可宝贵的政治和精神财富，是全国各族人民团结奋斗的共同思想基础。”这是对当代中国马克思主义创新理论的深刻总结，也是对改革开放以来实现的马克思主义中国化第二次历史性飞跃理论成果的高度概括。邓小平理论成了中国特色社会主义理论体系的本源理论。

As the wheel of history rolls ever forward, Deng Xiaoping created many “firsts” for the historical development of contemporary China. As the first proponent of the concept of “Chinese-path modernization” and the great pioneer of the path of Chinese-path modernization, he will shine together with the Chinese-path modernization that realizes the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation!

历史的年轮不断向前推进，邓小平对当代中国的历史发展创造了多个第一。他作为“中国式的现代化”理念第一人和中国式现代化道路的伟大开拓者，将与实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国式现代化同辉！

(Author’s bio: Shi Zhongquan, former Deputy Director of the Party History Research Center of the CPC Central Committee)

（作者简介：石仲泉，原中央党史研究室副主任）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心