On Mao Zedong and the Historical Consciousness of the Chinese Communist Party

An important theoretical hallmark of the Chinese Communist Party’s maturation (namely, the first leap in adapting Marxism to the Chinese context) is its departure from various “seemingly profound” idealist conceptions of history that are divorced from China’s actual conditions and the themes of the era, and its formation of Mao Zedong Thought dedicated to solving China’s problems of “revolution and development.” “Historical consciousness” is an extremely important angle for interpreting Mao Zedong Thought, and it is also the most direct, most genuine, most concrete, and most realistic evidence for testing whether historical objectivity and popular subjectivity are truly unified. A genuine social movement—that is, an event that exerts a significant impact on the actual mode of life and the operational pattern of social history—is in essence “not an intellectual activity” but “a historical activity.” [1]1 A reference to Marx and Engels’s formulation in *The German Ideology* that “social life is essentially *practical*” and that “all mysteries which mislead theory into mysticism find their rational solution in human practice and in the comprehension of this practice.” From the perspective of China’s modern revolutionary history, social development history, and modern intellectual history, and grounded in the present era of great turbulence and great risks in world history, the ability to draw on theoretical depth, principled heights, and practical efficacy, to fear no threats or suppression, to identify and resolve various systemic risks with “Chinese wisdom,” and to seize the initiative amid complex and bewildering international relations, is the very foundation of the Chinese Communist Party’s enduring invincibility. It is precisely in this thematic and intellectual context that rereading “The Bankruptcy of the Idealist Conception of History” [2]2 A 1949 essay by Mao Zedong, written to refute the idealist view of history in the context of the debate over the “White Paper” published by the U.S. State Department on U.S.-China relations. holds particularly important value. As contemporary Marxism, Marxism of the twenty-first century, and the essence of fine traditional Chinese culture and the Chinese spirit, Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era inherits and develops Mao Zedong Thought, deepens historical consciousness, epochal consciousness, and civilizational consciousness, and will inevitably shape a new form of human civilization with world-historical significance.

中国共产党走向成熟的一个重要理论标志（即马克思主义中国化的第一次飞跃），是走出脱离中国实际和时代主题之外的各种“貌似高深”的唯心主义历史观，形成致力于解决中国“革命和发展”问题的毛泽东思想。“历史自觉”是解读毛泽东思想一个极其重要的角度，也是检验历史客观性和人民主体性是否真正统一的最直接、最真切、最实在、最现实证据。真正的社会运动即对现实生活方式、社会历史运行模式发生重大影响的事件，在本质上“不是思想活动”，而是“一种历史活动”。从中国现代革命史、社会发展史和现代思想史的角度看，立足于世界历史之大动荡大风险的现时代，善于从理论深度、原则高度和实践效度出发，不惧任何威胁与压制，以“中国智慧”识别并化解各种系统性风险，从复杂迷离的国际关系中掌握主动权，是中国共产党人始终立于不败之地的根本。正是在这一时代主题和思想语境下，重读《唯心历史观的破产》无疑具有特别重要的价值。作为当代马克思主义、二十一世纪的马克思主义，作为中华优秀传统文化和中国精神之时代精华，习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想继承和发展了毛泽东思想，深化了历史自觉、时代自觉、文明自觉，必将塑造出具有世界历史意义的人类文明新形态。

I. Historical Consciousness: The Essential Attribute of Mao Zedong Thought

一、历史自觉：毛泽东思想的本质属性

The Chinese nation “is a nation with a glorious revolutionary tradition and an outstanding historical heritage,” [3]3 Quotation from Mao Zedong’s “The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party” (1939). skilled in using history (i.e., compiling history) to provide a mirror for present and future development. It can be said that historical consciousness based on traditional historical concepts is an advantage of the Chinese nation and an important characteristic that has enabled it to stand tall among the nations of the world as it traverses the long river of history. However, from the moment Western warships and cannons completely shattered China’s historical inertia, the historical consciousness based on tradition began to reveal many problems. This prompted the historical consciousness of the Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their main representative, to choose genuine science (the combination of objective laws and popular subjectivity)—namely, Marxism—to confront and respond to formidable challenges.

中华民族“是一个有光荣的革命传统和优秀的历史遗产的民族”，善于通过历史（即编撰历史）为当下和未来的发展提供镜鉴。可以说，基于传统历史观念的历史自觉，是中华民族的优势，也是其穿越历史长河依然屹立世界民族之林的重要特点。但是，自西方的船舰利炮彻底打破中国的历史惯性开始，基于传统的历史自觉就凸显出诸多问题，这促进了以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人选择真正的科学（客观规律性和人民主体性相结合）即马克思主义以直面和应对强大挑战的历史自觉。

(I) Traditional Chinese Historical Consciousness

（一）中国传统历史自觉

The young Mao Zedong placed great importance on the objective normative and value function of history as “universal principle.” In a letter to a friend (September 4, 1915), Mao wrote: “History is about observing past traces to regulate present affairs; the search for universal principles and general laws is urgent.” [4]4 From Mao’s letter to Xiao Zisheng (Xiao Yu), September 4, 1915. He believed that by studying history, one could explore the “universal principles and general laws” of social development. Mao quoted the ancient saying, “If a person does not understand past and present, they are like an ox or horse wearing clothes,” and explained, “If a person does not know past and present, it is like an ox or horse wearing clothes.” [5]5 Mao’s paraphrase of a classical saying, used in his lectures and writings to stress the importance of historical knowledge. Precisely because history is the essence of human existence, “we must respect our own history and must never cut off history,” and we should “give history a certain scientific status.” [6]6 From Mao’s “On New Democracy” (1940). A famous example of this is Mao’s particular emphasis on Guo Moruo’s “The 300th Anniversary of the Fall of the Ming Dynasty,” [7]7 A historical essay by Guo Moruo (1944) analyzing the fall of the Ming dynasty as a warning against complacency in victory. in which he called on the entire Party to “take it as a warning and not repeat the mistake of arrogance at the moment of victory.” [8]8 Mao’s instruction to the Party, circulated as a document in 1944.

青年毛泽东非常重视历史之作为“公理”的客观规范和价值作用。毛泽东在致友人的信（1915年9月4日）中说：“历史者，观往迹制今宜者也，公理公例之求为急。”他认为，通过学习历史，可探究社会发展的“公理公例”。毛泽东引用古语“人不通古今，牛马而襟裾”，并解释说，“人不知道古今，等于牛马穿了衣裳一样”。正由于历史是人存在的本质，“我们必须尊重自己的历史，决不能割断历史”，并应该“给历史以一定的科学的地位”。对此，一个著名的例子就是毛泽东特别重视郭沫若《甲申三百年祭》，号召全党同志“引以为戒，不要重犯胜利时骄傲的错误”。

Furthermore, Mao repeatedly mentioned that the Chinese Communist Party should inherit the precious legacy “from Confucius to Sun Yat-sen,” [9]9 From Mao’s “The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War” (1938). for “it is of great help in guiding the great movement of the present” and “we must turn these legacies into our own things.” [10]10 Ibid. In 1954, Mao evaluated the “Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government” [11]11 A monumental historical work compiled by Sima Guang (1084 CE), covering Chinese history from 403 BCE to 959 CE. and pointed out: “This book is well written. Although its standpoint and viewpoint are those of the feudal ruling class, its narrative has method, and the rise and fall, order and chaos of successive dynasties are fully presented from beginning to end. We can read this book critically, using it to familiarize ourselves with historical events and draw lessons from them.” [12]12 Mao’s remarks on the *Zizhi Tongjian*, recorded in 1954. This shows that Mao focused on finding laws from history itself, using history as a mirror. Mao believed: “To study a problem, one should start from historical analysis,” because “laws cannot explain themselves. Laws exist in the process of historical development. They should be discovered and proven through analysis of the process of historical development. Without proceeding from the analysis of the historical development process, laws cannot be clearly explained.” [13]13 From Mao’s “Speech at the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the CPC” (1949), paraphrasing his method of historical analysis. This fully demonstrates that Mao possessed the ideological characteristics of Chinese historical consciousness.

此外，毛泽东反复提及，中国共产党要承继“从孔夫子到孙中山”这一份珍贵的遗产，“对于指导当前的伟大的运动，是有重要的帮助的”“我们必须把这些遗产变成自己的东西”。1954年，毛泽东评价《资治通鉴》，指出：“这部书写得好，尽管立场观点是封建统治阶级的，但叙事有法，历代兴衰治乱本末毕具，我们可以批判地读这部书，藉以熟悉历史事件，从中汲取经验教训”。这表明，毛泽东注重从历史本身寻找规律，以史为鉴。毛泽东认为：“研究问题应该从历史的分析开始”，因为“规律自身不能说明自身。规律存在于历史发展的过程中。应当从历史发展过程的分析中来发现和证明规律。不从历史发展过程的分析下手，规律是说不清楚的。”这充分表明毛泽东具有中国历史自觉的思想特征。

(II) Critiquing the Falsity and Deceptiveness of Western Capitalist “Historical Consciousness”

（二）批判西方资本主义“历史自觉”的虚假性和欺骗性

Since modern times, traditional Chinese historical consciousness has been challenged by the powerful material forces and ideas (concepts of freedom, nationhood, human rights, history, progress, etc.) of the Western powers. This means that a huge gap, even opposition, exists between “Chinese history” (centered on ancient Chinese history) and “world history” (modern history with Europe and the United States as the “protagonists”). It also means that, unlike the traditional historical narrative that constantly invoked “Qin Shihuang and Han Wudi,” [14]14 Qin Shihuang (first emperor of Qin) and Han Wudi (Emperor Wu of Han) are archetypal figures of imperial power in traditional Chinese historiography. the contextual premise for discussing “historical consciousness” has undergone earth-shaking changes.

近代以来，中国传统历史自觉受到西方列强的强大物质力量及观念（自由观、民族观、人权观、历史观、进步观等）的挑战。这就意味着，“中国历史”（以中国古代史为核心）和“世界历史”（以欧洲和美国等为“主角”的现代史）间存在着巨大的隔阂甚至对立。这还意味着，与传统动辄“秦皇汉武”的历史叙事不同，谈论“历史自觉”的前提语境已发生了天翻地覆的变化。

Modern capitalism initiated a new process of “world history” development, where regional and local particularities were increasingly replaced by the universality of world intercourse. The bourgeoisie raised high the banners of “freedom,” “democracy,” “equality,” and “fraternity,” reducing historical logic and historical movement to “the consciousness of human nature” and attributing them to the choice of “free thought.” In this process, the globalization of capital movement as an objective material force and the social productive forces (industry and science and technology) represented by capital were concealed.

现代资本主义开启了一种新的“世界历史”发展进程，区域性、地方性越来越被世界交往的普遍性所替代。资产阶级高举“自由”“民主”“平等”“博爱”的大旗，将历史逻辑、历史运动还原为“人性的自觉”，归结为“自由思想”的选择。在这个过程中，作为客观物质力量的资本运动的世界化以及资本所代表的社会生产力（工业和科学技术）因素被隐匿了起来。

So, what path should China choose to take? Mao believed that “if you want to see the future, you must look at history.” [15]15 Mao’s remark, often cited from his conversations in the 1960s. It was precisely through studying the harsh historical facts of the bankruptcy of the Westernization Movement, the miscarriage of the Hundred Days’ Reform, and the usurpation of the fruits of the Xinhai Revolution [16]16 The Westernization Movement (1860s–1890s) was a self-strengthening reform; the Hundred Days’ Reform (1898) was a failed constitutional reform; the Xinhai Revolution (1911) overthrew the Qing dynasty but its results were usurped by Yuan Shikai. that Mao realized, “Countless heads and countless blood, pitifully exchanged for a false republic” (as Cai Jimin [17]17 Cai Jimin (1887–1919), a revolutionary poet and participant in the Xinhai Revolution, known for his lament on the failure of the revolution. put it). After careful historical comparative analysis, Mao recognized that only Marxism-Leninism was the most scientific and most suitable for China.

那么，中国应该选择走怎样的道路呢？毛泽东认为“如果要看前途，一定要看历史”，正是通过研究中国近代洋务运动的破产、戊戌变法的流产、辛亥革命的果实被窃取等残酷历史事实，毛泽东意识到，“无量头颅无量血，可怜换得假共和”（蔡济民语）。毛泽东经过审慎地历史性比较分析，认识到只有马克思列宁主义最科学，最适合中国。

In fact, Western capitalism understood the decisive role of “material force” (ships and guns) better than any era “pre-capitalism.” The movement of capital particularly emphasized mastering powerful industrial forces and market space. However, in its mode of narration, Western capitalism described itself as the advanced thought grasping “historical movement.” Its ruling class (the bourgeoisie), as the absolute possessor and enjoyer of capitalist material and spiritual wealth, also styled itself as the “historically conscious class,” monopolizing the interpretive power of the universal logic of human history and becoming the actor acting according to that universal logic. The greatest paradox here lies in the fact that the inherent “private property attribute” of capitalism is interpreted as “human nature,” and the “historical movement of private property relations” is interpreted as “the history of the pursuit of human nature.” This narrow conception of history, based on “the constancy of private property,” “the virtue of private property,” and “the universality of private property,” is in fact determined by the class attribute of the bourgeoisie itself.

实际上，西方资本主义比“前资本主义”的任何时代都更加了解“物质力量”（船坚炮利）的决定性作用。资本运动尤其强调掌握强大工业力量和市场空间，但在叙述方式上，西方资本主义把自己描述成把握“历史运动”的先进思想，其统治阶级（资产阶级）作为资本主义物质财富和精神财富的绝对占有者和享有者，也自命为“历史自觉阶级”，垄断了人类普遍历史逻辑的解释权，成为按照人类普遍历史逻辑行动的行动者。这里最大的悖论在于，资本主义内在的“私有属性”被解释成“人性”，“私有关系的历史运动”被解释成“追求人性的历史”。这一基于“私有恒常”“私有美德”“私有普世”的狭隘历史观，实际上由资产阶级本身的阶级属性所决定。

The great powers, ignoring the brutal social reality of carving up and exploiting China, instead described themselves as “China’s friendly nations.” This “hypocritical” idealist conception of history is the most distinctive feature of Western capitalism. Having passed through the ideological development stage of “bourgeois reform,” Mao Zedong repeatedly emphasized on many occasions that the Western bourgeoisie “uses parliament as a tool for reform, but in fact parliamentary legislation always protects the propertied class.” Mao pointed out that to be a “disciple” of the Western capitalist countries always meant facing the consequence of “the teacher beating the student,” and therefore taking the capitalist road held “absolutely no hope”: “The Chinese were forced to learn from the arsenal of the Western bourgeoisie during the era of bourgeois revolution—evolutionism, the theory of natural rights, and the idea of a bourgeois republic—and they organized political parties and staged revolutions, believing that they could resist the great powers externally and build a republic internally. But these things, like the ideological weapons of feudalism, were too weak; they could not withstand the assault, were defeated, and declared bankrupt. … The aggression of the imperialists shattered the Chinese dream of learning from the West. It was very strange: why did the teacher always bully the student? The Chinese learned a great deal from the West, but it did not work; their ideals were never realized.” It was precisely under imperialist aggression and plunder that “the situation in our country deteriorated day by day, and the environment forced people to find life unbearable. Doubts arose, grew, and developed.” Especially with the outbreak of the First World War, the historical limitations and narrowness of capitalism were further revealed. In response to this, what could serve as the theoretical weapon of the Chinese nation was historical materialism: “The materialist conception of history is the philosophical foundation of our Party.” [18]18 Mao Zedong, "On the People's Democratic Dictatorship," *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 4, p. 1473.

列强无视瓜分中国、剥削中国的残酷社会事实，反而将自己描述为“中华之友邦”。这种“口是心非”的唯心史观是西方资本主义的最鲜明特点。在经历“资产阶级改良”的思想发展阶段，毛泽东在许多场合反复强调，西方资产阶级“借议会为改造工具，但事实上议会的立法总是保护有产阶级的”。毛泽东指出，做西方资本主义国家的“徒弟”，总要面对“老师打学生”的后果，因此走资本主义道路“绝无希望”：“中国人被迫从帝国主义的老家即西方资产阶级革命时代的武器库中学来了进化论、天赋人权论和资产阶级共和国等项思想武器和政治方案，组织过政党，举行过革命，以为可以外御列强，内建民国。但是这些东西也和封建主义的思想武器一样，软弱得很，又是抵不住，败下阵来，宣告破产了。……帝国主义的侵略打破了中国人学西方的迷梦。很奇怪，为什么先生老是侵略学生呢？中国人向西方学得很不少，但是行不通，理想总是不能实现。”正是在帝国主义侵略掠夺下，“我们国家的情况一天一天坏，环境迫使人们活不下去。怀疑产生了，增长了，发展了”。尤其是第一次世界大战爆发，更显示出资本主义的历史局限性和狭隘性。对此，能够成为中华民族理论武器的就是历史唯物主义，“唯物史观是吾党哲学的根据”。

(3) Mao Zedong’s Historical Consciousness in Grasping the Relationship Between “China and the World”

（三）毛泽东把握“中国和世界”关系的历史自觉

From his youth, Mao Zedong had already realized that “China’s problems are fundamentally world problems, yet if one engages in transforming China without focusing on world transformation, the transformation will necessarily be narrow and will hinder the world.” This was a vision that combined the spirit of fine traditional Chinese culture with the broad-mindedness of Marxism, representing the direction of future human historical development. In 1918, Mao Zedong frequently sought advice from Li Dazhao and participated in the “Young China Association” [19]19 Acheson: Dean Acheson (1893–1971), U.S. Secretary of State (1949–1953), who authored the 1949 U.S. White Paper on U.S.-China relations, which Mao Zedong criticized in a series of articles. founded by Li, and was deeply influenced by Li in his thinking. As one of China’s earliest Marxists, Li Dazhao was most concerned with the theory and method of historical materialism. At the end of 1919, Mao Zedong went to Beijing for the second time and read three books that left the deepest impression on him: *The Communist Manifesto*, *Class Struggle*, and *A History of Socialism*. It can be said that historical materialism constituted Mao Zedong’s most fundamental understanding of Marxism and was also his sharpest weapon for later answering the question “Where is China headed?”

青年时代毛泽东就已意识到，“中国问题本来是世界的问题，然从事中国改造不着眼及于世界改造，则所改造必为狭义，必妨碍世界”。这是一种汇合了中华优秀传统文化精神与马克思主义博大胸怀的眼界，代表着未来人类历史发展的方向。1918年，毛泽东经常请教于李大钊并参与其发起成立的“少年中国学会”，在思想上深受李大钊影响。作为中国最早的一批马克思主义者，李大钊最为关注就是唯物史观的理论和方法。1919年底，毛泽东第二次到北京，读到印象最深的三本书就是《共产党宣言》《阶级斗争》《社会主义史》。可以说，唯物史观构成毛泽东对马克思主义最根本理解，也是他后来解答“中国向何处去”这一问题的最锐利武器。

Mao Zedong pointed out: “We are all historicists” and “Only by speaking of history can one convince people.” Here, history was no longer in the traditional Chinese sense, but rather a history of “Marxism plus fine traditional Chinese culture.” It was through Marxism that Mao Zedong recognized the deep, objective contradictory movements of productive forces and relations of production, economic base and superstructure, as well as the absolute power of the people’s subjectivity, hidden behind historical movements. “In 1921, the Chinese Communist Party was born, and the five-thousand-year history of China changed direction.” Thus, the Chinese Communists rediscovered the great direction of development and found a powerful theoretical system for the Chinese nation. Ultimately, “the era when the Chinese were considered uncivilized has passed; we will appear in the world as a nation with a high level of culture.”

毛泽东指出：“我们都是历史主义者”“只有讲历史才能说服人。”这里的历史已不再是中国传统意义上的，而是“马克思主义＋中华传统优秀文化”的历史。正是通过马克思主义，毛泽东才认识到历史运动背后隐含深层的客观的生产力和生产关系、经济基础和上层建筑关系矛盾运动，以及人民主体性诉求的绝对力量。“一九二一年产生了中国共产党，五千年的中国就改变了方向。”由此，中国共产党人重新找到发展大方向，给中华民族寻找到了一个强大理论体系。最终，“中国人被人认为不文明的时代已经过去了，我们将以一个具有高度文化的民族出现于世界”。

The key to Marxism truly “not failing China” lay not only in redefining the new direction of historical development, but also in the practical transformation of adapting Marxism to the Chinese context, finding a path of Marxist development suited to China. Mao Zedong pointed out: “The reason Marxism-Leninism has had such a great effect upon coming to China is that China’s social conditions created a need for it, that it became connected with the practice of the Chinese people’s revolution, and that it was grasped by the Chinese people. Any ideology, if it is not connected with objective and actual things, if it does not meet an objective need, and if it is not grasped by the masses of the people—even if it is the best thing, even if it is Marxism-Leninism—will be of no use. We are historical materialists who oppose historical idealism.” The people are the fundamental driving force of historical development; the fundamental strength of the Chinese revolution came from the masses of the people. The masses of the people are not only the creators of material and spiritual wealth, but also the true subjects of social revolution. With the development of modern Chinese society and changes in class forces, China formed a mass of the people composed of the working class, the peasant class, the urban petty bourgeoisie, and the national bourgeoisie. A fundamental reason for the victory of the Chinese Communist Party in leading the revolution was its consistent adherence to the view that the masses of the people create history, its constant standing on the side of the people, and its having “won the support of tens of millions of the masses of the people, including the support of the majority of intellectuals, especially young students.” Under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, the masses of the people rose up to resist foreign aggressors and their agents, forming the broadest revolutionary united front and establishing the mass base that secured the victory of the revolution. In response to this, Mao Zedong pointed out the answer for the Chinese Communist Party to break out of the historical cycle of rise and fall: [20]20 theory of natural rights: A reference to the Enlightenment concept of inalienable human rights, which influenced early Chinese revolutionaries such as Sun Yat-sen. “It is democracy. Only by letting the people supervise the government can the government not slacken. Only when everyone takes responsibility will there be no end to the dynasty.”

马克思主义真正“不辜负中国”的关键，不仅限于重新确定历史发展新方向，更在于马克思主义中国化的实践转化，找到了一条适合中国的马克思主义发展道路。毛泽东指出：“马克思列宁主义来到中国之所以发生这样大的作用，是因为中国的社会条件有了这种需要，是因为同中国人民革命的实践发生了联系，是因为被中国人民所掌握了。任何思想，如果不和客观的实际的事物相联系，如果没有客观存在的需要，如果不为人民群众所掌握，即使是最好的东西，即使是马克思列宁主义，也是不起作用的。我们是反对历史唯心论的历史唯物论者。”人民是历史发展的根本动力，中国革命的根本力量来自人民群众。人民群众不仅是物质财富和精神财富的创造者，同样是社会革命的真正主体。随着近代中国社会发展和阶级力量发生变化，中国形成了由工人阶级、农民阶级、城市小资产阶级和民族资产阶级等构成的人民群众。中国共产党领导革命取得胜利的一个根本原因，就是始终坚持人民群众创造历史的观点，始终站在人民立场上，“获得了数万万人民群众的拥护，其中，也获得了大多数知识分子尤其是青年学生们的拥护”。人民群众在中国共产党领导下，奋起抵抗外来侵略者及其代理人，形成最广泛的革命统一战线，建立起奠定革命胜利的群众基础。对此，毛泽东指出了中国共产党跳出历史周期率的答案：“就是民主。只有让人民来监督政府，政府才不敢松懈。只有人人起来负责，才不会人亡政息。”

For true Marxists, the laws of human history are not at all abstract; their essence is always “the activity of people pursuing their own ends,” and they are realized through the living social practical movements of the histories of various nations and localities. Consistently dedicating itself to the practical dialectical movement of human history (abstract) and actual society (concrete) is the most distinctive feature of Marxism that transcends any other doctrine, theory, or trend of thought.

对于真正的马克思主义者而言，人类历史的运行规律一点也不抽象，其实质始终是“追求自己目的的人的活动”，并通过活生生的诸民族史、地方史的社会现实实践运动得到实现。始终致力于人类历史（抽象）与现实社会（具体）的实践辩证运动，是马克思主义超越任何其他主义、理论和思潮的最鲜明特征。

The reason why the Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their chief representative, chose historical materialism was that only historical materialism pointed out the general trend of the progress and development of human society. As the earliest theoretical form and practical mode of adapting Marxism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times and popularizing it, Mao Zedong Thought not only possesses theoretical advancedness, but also, through the core of the Chinese Communist Party, can transcend the theoretical hobbyhorses of specialized scholars and intellectuals, achieve the broadest social mobilization, and inspire and gather the spirit of the times. “The living soul of Mao Zedong Thought is the stand, viewpoint, and method that run through it, and it has three basic aspects: seeking truth from facts, the mass line, and independence and self-reliance.” The Chinese Communist Party has always marched at the forefront of history, actively adapted to the rhythm of history, and advanced forever along the broad road of the liberation of all humanity. In summary, the historical consciousness of Mao Zedong Thought is not a pure “movement of thought” or “consciousness of ideas,” but rather a gradual conscious grasp of the relationship between Chinese history and world history, and between the present and the future, awakening and inspiring the historical subjectivity of the Chinese people.

以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人之所以选择历史唯物主义，在于唯有历史唯物主义指明了人类社会前进和发展的大势。作为马克思主义中国化时代化大众化的最早理论形态和实践方式，毛泽东思想不仅有理论的先进性，更能够通过中国共产党这个核心走出专业学者和知识分子的理论癖好，实现最广泛的社会动员，激发和汇聚时代精神。“毛泽东思想活的灵魂是贯穿其中的立场、观点、方法，它们有三个基本方面，这就是实事求是、群众路线、独立自主。”中国共产党始终走在历史前列，积极适应历史节奏，朝着全人类解放的康庄大道永续前进。总而言之，毛泽东思想的历史自觉不是纯粹的“思想运动”“观念自觉”，而是逐步自觉把握中国历史与世界历史的关系、现在与未来的关系，唤起和激发了中国人民的历史主体性。

II. *The Bankruptcy of the Idealist Conception of History* and Mao Zedong’s Historical Consciousness

二、《唯心历史观的破产》与毛泽东的历史自觉

*The Bankruptcy of the Idealist Conception of History* has a special historical background for its writing. In the early period before the founding of the People’s Republic of China, in addition to major domestic issues, from August 14,

《唯心历史观的破产》有着特殊的写作历史背景。在中华人民共和国成立前期除了国内重大议题外，一九四九年八月十四日、八月十八日、八月二十八日、八月三十日、九月十六日，毛泽东连续发表《丢掉幻想，准备战斗》《别了，司徒雷登》《为什么要讨论白皮书？》《“友谊”，还是侵略？》《唯心历史观的破产》等一系列涉及“中美关系”文章。《唯心历史观的破产》是这一系列文章的“终章”，有总结和提升的意味。

The issue is: "Sino-US relations" is a purely international relations issue; what connection does it have with an idealist view of history? This is directly related to Mao Zedong's worldview and methodology for viewing Sino-US relations. Mao Zedong believed: "For a long time, there has not yet been an opportunity to thoroughly discuss the interrelations between this revolution and various domestic and foreign aspects." [18]18 Mao Zedong, "On the People's Democratic Dictatorship," *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 4, p. 1473.

问题在于，“中美关系”是一个纯粹的国际关系问题，与唯心历史观有何关联？这与毛泽东看待中美关系的世界观和方法论直接相关。毛泽东认为：“很久以来还没有获得一次机会来详尽地展开讨论这个革命和内外各方面的相互关系。”

In the article, Mao Zedong, while summarizing the basic experience of the Chinese Communist Party over the past 28 years, simultaneously critiques the White Paper *United States Relations with

在文章中，毛泽东一边总结中国共产党28年来的基本经验，一边批判美国国务院发表的《美国与中国的关系》白皮书及艾奇逊致杜鲁门的书信。毛泽东并没有采用当下国际政治和国际关系的术语和理论，而是运用唯物史观（包括社会基本矛盾理论、阶级斗争理论、历史主体理论、意识形态反作用理论等）剖析中国革命的原因、规律和经验，鲜明体现出以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人主动参与历史、把握历史、创造历史的主体性精神。

First, Mao Zedong pointed out that Acheson, in explaining the Chinese revolution, relied on an idealist conception of history, completely ignoring the objective historical conditions under which the Chinese people create history and their dauntless revolutionary spirit.

第一，毛泽东指出，艾奇逊在解释中国革命问题时根据的是具唯心主义历史观，完全忽视了中国人民创造历史的客观历史条件及大无畏的革命精神。

Acheson believed that the first reason for the outbreak of revolution in China was that China had "too many people and too little food." In Acheson's view, the late Qing government and the Nationalist government could not solve the Chinese people's food problem, nor could the Chinese Communist Party; China would soon fall into turmoil and revolution again and would still

艾奇逊认为，中国会爆发革命，第一个原因在于中国“人口太多了，饭少了”。在艾奇逊看来，晚清政府和国民政府解决不了中国人的吃饭问题，中国共产党也解决不了，中国很快还会陷入动荡和革命，还要依赖美国。毛泽东指出，这完全不符合历史和现实，中国人起来革命的确是因为没有饭吃，但绝不是因为人太多，而完全是“帝国主义、封建主义、官僚资本主义和国民党反动政府残酷无情的压迫和剥削的结果”。只有深入中国社会经济生活内部，找到矛盾的本质，才能明白中国屡次爆发革命的原因。毛泽东说，中国共产党在解放区就解决了吃饭问题，将来会解决得更好。因此，这里关键并不是纯粹的人口问题和粮食问题，而是经济社会问题。

Regarding the second cause, Acheson said: “The introduction of new ideas from the West into China gave rise to revolution.” Acheson argued: “China’s own high culture and civilization, having developed over more than three thousand years, had by and large remained uncontaminated by outside influences. Even when conquered by force, the Chinese were always able in the end to tame and assimilate the invaders. They naturally therefore came to regard themselves as the center of the world and to see themselves as the highest expression of civilized humanity. By the middle of the nineteenth century, the West breached the wall of China’s isolation, which had previously been insurmountable. These outsiders brought with them an enterprising spirit, brought Western technology developed to an unparalleled degree, and brought a high culture such as none of the earlier invaders had ever carried into China.” This ostensibly objective and dispassionate “scholarly” reflection appears reasonable on the surface but is in fact deceptive. In response, Mao Zedong pointed out: “To Chinese who do not understand the facts, Acheson’s words sound quite plausible. The introduction of new ideas from the West into China gave rise to revolution.” But Acheson has reversed the causal relationship. In reality, the reason revolution occurred in China was “not that the introduction of Western ideas caused ‘disturbance and unrest,’ but that imperialist aggression provoked resistance.” In other words, aggression led to economic decline and the sharpening of class struggle, and so the people rose up to resist imperialism and its agents.

关于第二个原因，艾奇逊说：“西方的新观念输入了中国，引起了革命”。艾奇逊认为：“中国自己的高度文化和文明， 有了三千多年的发展，大体上不曾沾染外来的影响。中国人即是被武力征服，最后总是能够驯服和融化侵入者。他们自然会因此把自己当作世界的中心，把自己看成是文明人类的最高表现。到了十九世纪中叶，西方突破了中国孤立的墙壁，那在以前是不可逾越的。这些外来者带来了进取性，带来了发展得盖世无双的西方技术，带来了为以往的侵入者所从来不曾带入中国的高度文化。”这一客观冷静的“学理性”反思表面上通情达理，实则具有欺骗性。对此，毛泽东指出，“在不明事理的中国人看来，艾奇逊说得很有点像。西方的新观念输入了中国，引起了革命”，但艾奇逊颠倒了因果关系，事实上中国之所以发生革命，“不是什么西方思想的输入引起了‘骚动和不安’，而是帝国主义的侵略引起了反抗”，换言之，侵略导致经济衰落和阶级斗争尖锐化，于是人民起来反抗帝国主义及其代理人。

In response to Acheson’s so-called “high Western culture,” Mao Zedong held that, in the face of invasion by the Western imperialist powers, “the old ideological weapon of stubborn feudalism was defeated, could not hold its ground, and went bankrupt. Helpless, the Chinese were forced to learn from the arsenal of the Western bourgeoisie in the era of bourgeois revolution—the homeland of imperialism—such ideological weapons and political schemes as the theory of evolution, the theory of natural rights, and the bourgeois republic. They organized political parties and carried out revolutions, hoping thereby to resist foreign powers abroad and build a republic at home. But these things, like the ideological weapon of feudalism, were very weak in revolution; again they could not hold their ground, were defeated, and went bankrupt.” That is to say, compared with the culture of the Manchu Qing government, Western culture did indeed possess a certain “height of civilization,” but it was still insufficient to serve as the guiding thought for China’s revolutionary struggle. Acheson characterized the features of Western civilization under the “beautiful name” of “enterprising spirit,” but its essence was aggression and plunder—the “gangster logic and gangster culture” inherent in capitalism. Mao Zedong pointed out that only Marxism is truly a “high culture” belonging to all humanity, and only it can provide a powerful theoretical weapon that transcends Western capitalist civilization; only by mastering Marxism can one truly grasp the laws of historical movement, thereby awakening the subjectivity of the broad masses of the people, promoting universal revolution at the social level, and advancing the civilization and progress of human society.

针对艾奇逊所谓“西方高度文化”，毛泽东认为，面对西方帝国列强入侵，“旧的顽固的封建主义的思想武器打了败仗了，抵不住，宣告破产了。不得已，中国人被迫从帝国主义的老家即西方资产阶级革命时代的武器库中学来了进化论、天赋人权论和资产阶级共和国等思想武器和政治方案，组织过政党，举行过革命，以为可以外御列强，内建民国。但是这些东西也和封建主义的思想武器一样，革命软弱得很，又是抵不住，败下阵来，宣告破产了”。也就是说，针对满清政府的文化而言，西方文化确实具有一定“文明高度”，但依然不足以成为指导中国革命斗争的思想。艾奇逊将西方文明的特点解释为“美丽的名称”即“进取性”，但其实质是侵略与掠夺，即资本主义与生俱来的“强盗逻辑和强盗文化”。毛泽东指出，只有马克思主义才是真正属于全人类的“高度文化”，才可能提供超越西方资本文明的强大理论武器；只有掌握马克思主义，才可能真正把握历史运动的规律，进而唤醒广大人民群众的主体性，推动社会层面的普遍革命，促进人类社会文明与进步。

Mao Zedong further concluded that Acheson’s views reflected both the essence of the bourgeoisie and “the idealist conception of history of the bourgeoisie.” Acheson attributed the cause of revolution to population—this is a typical population determinism and external cause determinism, which neither conforms to historical common sense nor to the laws of history; it is a “fabricated and boring theory of causation.” China’s choice of Marxism was not the result of any theoretical or speculative interest, but because “the social conditions in China called for it, because it became linked with the practice of the Chinese people’s revolution, and because it was grasped by the Chinese people. Any ideology, if it is not linked with objective and actual things, if it does not meet the needs of objective existence, and if it is not grasped by the masses of the people—even if it is the best thing, even if it is Marxism-Leninism—will be of no effect. We are historical materialists who oppose historical idealism.”

毛泽东进而总结，艾奇逊的观点既反映了资产阶级本质，也体现了“资产阶级的唯心的历史观”。艾奇逊把革命的原因归结为人口，这是典型的人口决定论和外因决定论，既不符合历史常识更违背历史规律，是“无聊的伪造的因果论”。中国选择马克思主义，并非出于任何理论玄思的兴趣，而是因为“中国的社会条件有了这种需要，是因为同中国人民革命的实践发生了联系，是因为被中国人民所掌握了。任何思想，如果不和客观的实际的事物相联系，如果没有客观存在的需要，如果不为人民群众所掌握，即使是最好的东西，即使是马克思列宁主义，也是不起作用的。我们是反对历史唯心论的历史唯物论者”。

Second, Mao Zedong pointed out that many people treated the United States with the characteristics of historical idealism, neglecting the nature of struggle in Sino-American relations.

第二，毛泽东指出，许多人对待美国带有历史唯心主义特征，忽视了中美关系的斗争性质。

Mao Zedong believed that the appropriate way to deal with U.S. imperialism was through struggle, not through illusions of peace. Only through struggle “can there be hope of dealing with the foreign imperialist countries on terms of equality and mutual benefit.” On this, he said: “The slogan ‘Prepare for struggle’ is addressed to those who still harbor certain illusions on the question of China’s relations with the imperialist countries, especially with the United States. On this question they are still passive, have not yet made up their minds, and do not yet have the determination to wage a long-term struggle against U.S. imperialism (and British imperialism), because they still have illusions about the United States. On this question, there is still a great or considerable distance between them and us.” However, many people “often observe the rulers of the United States incorrectly, often observe the Kuomintang incorrectly, often observe the Soviet Union incorrectly, and often observe the Chinese Communist Party incorrectly, precisely because they do not use or do not approve of using the viewpoint of historical materialism to look at problems.” Here, Mao Zedong elevated the analysis of Sino-American relations to the level of an analysis of imperialism, undoubtedly using a deepened historical materialist viewpoint to transcend the purely abstract perspective of national interest analysis.

毛泽东认为，与美国帝国主义打交道的合适方式是斗争，而不是幻想和平。只有经过斗争，“才有希望在平等和互利的条件下和外国帝国主义国家打交道”。对此，他说：“‘准备斗争’的口号，是对于在中国和帝国主义国家的关系的问题上，特别是在中国和美国的关系的问题上，还抱有某些幻想的人们说的。他们在这个问题上还是被动的，还没有下决心，还没有和美国帝国主义（以及英国帝国主义）作长期斗争的决心，因为他们对美国还有幻想。在这个问题上，他们和我们还有一个很大的或者相当大的距离”。然而，许多人“对美国统治者的观察往往不正确，对国民党的观察往往不正确，对苏联的观察往往不正确，对中国共产党的观察也往往不正确，就是因为他们没有或不赞成用历史唯物主义的观点去看问题的缘故”。这里，毛泽东把对中美关系分析提升至帝国主义分析的高度，无疑用深化了的历史唯物主义的观点超越了纯粹抽象的国家利益分析视角。

Mao Zedong’s evaluation of John Leighton Stuart can be seen as an example of the application of historical materialism. Stuart was an American born in Hangzhou, who ran church schools in China, served as president of Yenching University, and was even imprisoned by the Japanese during the War of Resistance Against Japan. He had extensive social connections in China and ordinarily displayed a dual character of “loving both America and China,” which was quite capable of deceiving some Chinese people. U.S. Secretary of State Dean Acheson used examples to show that the United States had provided China with much assistance out of friendship: “using the Boxer Indemnity to educate Chinese students, abolishing extraterritoriality during the Second World War, and large-scale aid to China during and after the war, and so on. The United States has always maintained and still maintains the basic principles of its foreign policy toward China, including the Open Door policy, respect for the administrative and territorial integrity of China, and opposition to any foreign control of China, and so on.” Mao Zedong believed that on the surface, U.S. imperialism was indeed more civilized than other imperialisms, but this was merely a tactic. On this, he said: “U.S. imperialism, compared with other imperialist countries, has for a long time placed greater emphasis on activities of spiritual aggression, extending from religious undertakings to ‘charitable’ and cultural undertakings.” The “lofty logic” habitually used by the “American lords” was indeed so lofty that it deceived many people. Through Acheson’s words, Mao Zedong very directly pointed out the consistent U.S. style and “beautiful” rhetoric toward China: “So the so-called ‘international responsibility’ of the United States and its ‘traditional policy of friendship toward China’ are nothing but interference in China. Interference is called assuming international responsibility, interference is called being friendly to China, and non-interference is out of the question.”

毛泽东对司徒雷登的评价可视为运用唯物史观的一个例证。司徒雷登是一个在杭州出生的美国人，在中国办过教会学校，出任过燕京大学校长，还在抗日战争时期坐过日本人的监狱，在中国有相当广泛的社会联系，平素表现出“既爱美国，也爱中国”的两面性，颇能迷惑一部分中国人。美国国务卿艾奇逊用例证表明，美国出于友谊对中国提供了很多帮助：“用庚子赔款来教育中国学生，在第二次世界大战期间废除治外法权，以及战时和战后对中国的大规模援助等等。美国始终维持并且现在依然维持对华外交政策的各项基本原则，包括门户开放主义，尊重中国行政和领土的完整，以及反对任何外国控制中国等等。”毛泽东认为，表面上看，美帝国主义的确比其他帝国主义更文明些，但这仅仅是一种策略。对此，他说：“美帝国主义比较其他帝国主义国家， 在很长的时期内，更加注重精神侵略方面的活动，由宗教事业而推广到‘慈善’和文化事业。”“美国老爷”惯用的“高明逻辑”确实高明，以至于蒙蔽了许多人。毛泽东通过艾奇逊的话语，非常直接指出了美国对中国一贯的作风和“美丽”说辞：“原来美国的所谓‘国际责任’和‘对华友好的传统政策’，就是干涉中国。干涉就叫做担负国际责任，干涉就叫做对华友好，不干涉是不行的。”

Third, Mao Zedong classified individualism and liberalism as belonging to the category of the old democratic revolution, regarding them as the epistemological root of historical idealism. He pointed out that Chinese Communists are different, committed to advancing the new democratic revolution and the socialist revolution.

第三，毛泽东把个人主义、自由主义归结为旧民主主义革命范畴，把其视为历史唯心主义的认识论根源。他指出，中国共产党人与此不同，致力于推进新民主主义革命和社会主义革命。

Acheson said that compared with individualism and liberalism, “this doctrine (i.e., Marxism) and this system are ‘foreign,’ have no roots in China, were imposed on the Chinese by Marx of Germany and Lenin and Stalin of Russia, and this doctrine and this system are thoroughly bad, advocating class struggle, opposing imperialism, and so on, and therefore must be overthrown.” This argument seems somewhat reasonable on the surface, but “suitability or unsuitability” is not a purely physical or geographical concept; rather, it depends on whether the objective effects and the pursuit of spiritual values have internal consistency. For Acheson, an American, to draw the conclusion and judgment that Marxism is “unsuitable” for China is in itself the most direct form of historical idealism. To this day, there are still some people in the world who firmly believe in the rationality of the idealist conception of history; “they are easily deceived by the sweet words of the U.S. imperialists,” thinking that “the imperialists will also talk about equality and mutual benefit with the people’s China.” This is extremely naive and ridiculous. In reality, so-called “equality” and “mutual benefit” are the habitual tricks used by the bourgeoisie to deceive the people of developing countries.

艾奇逊说，与个人主义和自由主义相比，“这个主义（即马克思主义）和这个制度是‘外国的’，在中国没有根的，是德国的马克思、俄国的列宁和斯大林强加于中国人的，而且这个主义和这个制度是坏透了，提倡什么阶级斗争，打倒帝国主义等等，因此，必须推翻”。这一论证表面上看有些道理，但“适合不适合”并非纯粹的物理和地理概念，而要看客观效果与精神价值追求是否具有内在一致性。艾奇逊作为一个美国人来做出马克思主义“不适合”中国的结论与判定，这本身就是最直接的历史唯心主义。时至今日，世上依然有一些人深信唯心史观的合理性，“他们容易被美国帝国主义分子的某些甜言蜜语所欺骗”，以为“帝国主义分子也会和人民的中国讲平等，讲互利”。这是极其幼稚可笑的。实际上，所谓“平等”“互利”是资产阶级用以欺骗发展中国家人民的惯用伎俩。

China’s choice of a non-Western capitalist development path is based on the “great path” of world development, conforms to the general trend of human historical development, and at the same time reflects China’s special responsibility as a civilized great power. What Mao Zedong never forgot throughout his life was to rejuvenate the Chinese nation as soon as possible and make a greater contribution to human civilization: “China ought to make a greater contribution to humanity.”

中国选择非西方资本主义的发展道路，基于世界发展的“大道”，符合人类历史发展的大势，同时反映出中国所肩负文明大国的特殊责任。毛泽东一生念念不忘的事情，就是早日复兴中华民族，为人类文明作出更大贡献：“中国应该对人类有较大的贡献。”

III. Creating a New Form of Human Civilization with a High Degree of Historical Consciousness

三、以高度的历史自觉创造人类文明新形态

Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, we have been guided by Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, drawing wisdom from Mao Zedong Thought, always standing on the “progressive side of history,” and committed to enhancing historical consciousness and promoting the realization of a new form of human civilization on the path of Chinese-path modernization.

党的十八大以来，我们以习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想为指导，从毛泽东思想中汲取智慧，始终站在“历史的进步一面”，致力于在中国式现代化道路上提升历史自觉、促进实现人类文明新形态。

Entering the New Era, we have increasingly approached the center of the world stage, becoming an important force for maintaining world peace and promoting human development. Xi Jinping has repeatedly quoted the classic saying on many occasions, “The tide of history is mighty; those who follow it prosper, those who go against it perish,” emphasizing that “deeply studying the laws and general trends of historical development” is precisely to “grasp the historical initiative in the cause of the Party and the state on the new journey of the New Era, and enhance the courage and strength to anchor the established goals and stride forward with vigor into the future.” Modern China, influenced by feudal conservative forces, resisted change and became complacent, declining from prosperity to backwardness, falling behind historical development. “The trend of the times toward peace, development, cooperation, and mutual benefit is unstoppable.” This statement is Xi Jinping’s judgment of the current situation, from which one can clearly see the positive spirit of Chinese Communists seizing the opportunity and responding to the call of the times.

进入新时代，我们日益走近世界舞台中央，成为维护世界和平、促进人类发展的重要力量。习近平在许多场合反复引用“历史潮流浩浩荡荡，顺之者昌，逆之者亡”这句经典名言，强调“深入研究历史发展规律和大势”，就是为了“掌握新时代新征程等和国家事业发展的历史主动，增强锚定既定奋斗目标、意气风发走向未来的勇气和力量”。近代中国因受封建守旧势力影响，抗拒变革、故步自封，由盛转衰，落后于历史发展。“和平、发展、合作、共赢的时代潮流不可阻挡”，这一论述是习近平对时局的判断，从中能够清晰地看到中国共产党人乘势而起、顺应时代感召的积极精神。

“Although the era we live in has undergone tremendous and profound changes compared with the era Marx lived in, from the broad perspective of 500 years of world socialism, we are still in the historical era indicated by Marxism.” The reports of the 19th and 20th National Congresses of the CPC both clearly elucidate the current historical stage China is in and the complexity of the international relations it faces. It is precisely in the face of the increasingly complex situation of the times that the Party Central Committee has called on all Party members to carry out Party history learning and education activities, emphasizing the need to clearly recognize the historical position and historical tasks of contemporary China and to enhance historical consciousness. Historical consciousness itself is not an empty slogan but a conscious action guiding reality. Xi Jinping pointed out that we must “do practical work well and better move toward the future through deep reflection on history.” Deepening historical study, regularly summing up experiences and lessons from history, and exploring and summarizing general historical laws are undoubtedly conducive to enhancing the ability to think with a historical perspective.

“尽管我们所处的时代同马克思所处的时代相比发生了巨大而深刻的变化，但从世界社会主义500年的大视野来看，我们依然处在马克思主义所指明的历史时代。”党的十九大、二十大报告皆明确阐明了当前中国所处的历史阶段和所面对的国际关系的复杂性。正是面对日益复杂的时代局势，党中央号召全体党员开展党史学习教育活动，强调要认清当代中国所处的历史方位和历史任务，增强历史自觉。历史自觉本身并不是空洞的说辞，而是指导现实的自觉行动。习近平指出，要“在对历史的深入思考中做好现实工作、更好走向未来”。深化历史学习、定期从历史中总结经验教训、摸索归纳出一般历史规律，无疑有利于提升具有历史观的思维能力。

Whether in revolution or development, the executors, implementers, and actors of historical consciousness are the broadest masses of the people. Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized that only the people of a country are qualified to evaluate whether the direction of that country’s development is correct and whether the choice of path is appropriate. In the final analysis, the people are the highest arbiters and ultimate judges of the effectiveness of national construction. “Public opinion is the greatest politics,” “The era is the examiner, we are the examinees, and the people are the graders,” “The people are the greatest source of confidence for our Party,” “Always put the people in the highest place in our hearts.” Facing various risks and challenges, we should further stimulate the great power of the broad masses of the people, fully unleash the principal spirit of the people in creating history, and promote the realization of a series of beautiful visions such as sustained national development, social stability and unity, and the people living and working in peace and contentment.

无论革命还是发展，历史自觉的执行者、实现者和行动者都是最广大的人民群众。习近平反复强调，有资格评价某个国家的发展方向是否正确、道路选择是否合适的，只有这个国家的人民。归根究底，人民才是国家建设成效的最高裁决者和最终评判者。“民心是最大的政治”“时代是出卷人，我们是答卷人，人民是阅卷人”“人民是我们党之争的最大底气”“始终把人民放在心中最高的位置”。面对各种风险和挑战，我们更应激发广大人民群众的伟大力量，充分焕发人民群众创造历史的主体精神，推动实现国家持续发展、社会安定团结、人民安居乐业等一系列美好愿景。

Through examining “The Bankruptcy of the Idealist Conception of History,” it can be fully seen that the Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their main representative, have blazed trails and continuously explored historical laws, possessing a high degree of historical consciousness. Against the backdrop of increasingly fierce international competition and increasingly turbulent world situations, the historical missions we face and undertake will inevitably be more arduous. The most prominent result of the close integration of Marxism with China’s specific realities and fine traditional culture is to stand on the broad perspective of world history and five thousand years of Chinese culture, to efficiently and steadily promote Chinese-path modernization with a profound historical materialist vision, to let the fruits of Chinese-path modernization benefit the whole world, and to enable the Chinese people, together with the people of other countries who love peace and seek development, to create a new form of civilization suitable for the common prosperity and development of humanity.

通过检视《唯心历史观的破产》可以充分看出，以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人披荆斩棘、不断摸索历史规律，具有高度的历史自觉。在国际竞争越发激烈、世界局势越发动荡不安的背景下，我们所面临和承担的必将是更加艰巨的历史使命。马克思主义与中国具体实际和中华优秀传统文化紧密结合的一个最突出结果，就是立足世界历史和五千年中华文化的大视野，以深邃的历史唯物主义眼光高效稳步推动中国式现代化，让中国式现代化的成果惠及全世界，让中国人民与热爱和平、谋求发展的世界其他国家人民一起，创造出适合人类共同繁荣发展的文明新形态。

(Author bios: Li Zhen, Director, Professor, and Doctoral Supervisor of the Center for Human Development Studies, School of Marxism, Tongji University; Researcher, Shanghai Research Center for Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. Zhou Chunlin, Doctoral Student in Marxist Theory, Tongji University.)

（作者简介：李振，同济大学马克思主义学院人的发展研究中心主任、教授、博士生导师，上海市习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想研究中心研究员；周春林，同济大学马克思主义理论专业博士生。）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心